CONTENTS 
X] 
>eourred in the local distribution of industry can sometimes be explained on 
physical grounds, and sometimes with reference to convenience for trade. 
The concentration of trade was favourable to capitalist organisation ; and 
ihe migration of independent workmen tended to diffuse industry. Yorkshire 
proprietors found it profitable to encourage domestic weavers, and these men 
adopted labour-saving implements, to which wage-earners at the old centres 
took exception. i . . . . ‘ . . % . 500 
227. The Capitalist and Domestic Systems in the Clothing Trade. Pains 
were habitually taken to open and retain foreign markets for English cloth, 
and to give the English manufacturers a preference in purchasing wool, 
After the Restoration, the export of wool was prohibited, despite the protests 
of the landed interest; and the home supply was supplemented from 
Ireland. The domestic weaver was at a disadvantage in the purchase of 
wool. Attempts had been made, even in Tudor days, to prevent the large 
undertakers from engrossing it, and to insist that they should pay the 
regulated wages, and should continue to employ their hands in bad times. 
Wage-earners were accused, in the eighteenth century, of embezzling 
materials; they formed combinations in Devon and Somerset, in Gloucester. 
shire, and at Norwich. The masters were allowed to combine to prosecute 
frandulent workmen, and inspectors were appointed to maintain the quality 
of goods. ’ ’ 3 . . . . v . . * 503 
228. Differentiation of an Employing Class in other Trades. The 
differentiation of an employing class occurred in the spinning trade, and in 
2loth-working. Capitalist supervision proved beneficial in these callings, as 
well ag among the felt-makers. In this calling, and also in the case of the 
tailors, the rise of capitalism was followed by organisation among the wage- 
earners. Capitalism appears at its worst in connection with framework 
knitting, a8 carried on by provincial undertakers in defiance of the London 
Company; but the new system was everywhere incompatible with old 
regulations. . ' . ’ ’ # 5 . ” » 610 
229, Capital and the Planting of New Industries. The Huguenot 
incursion gave opportunities for planting new industries, which Parliament 
encouraged by legislation for promoting consumption at home, and by 
granting bounties on export. New fashioned textiles, of silk and cotton, were 
thought to supplant woollen goods; these exotic trades tended to develop on 
tapitalist lines. Domestic silk manufacture seems to have been superseded 
oy the intervention of capitalists, and introduction of machinery. Capital 
was subscribed for manufacturing sail-cloth, and the linen trade was de 
veloped on a co-operative system in Ireland, and in Scotland by means of 
public funds, and the development of credit. Scottish linen had better access 
lo foreign markets than Irish, and received more encouragement. . £18 
230. The Hardware Trade and Colonial Industries. The hardware 
jrade underwent little change in organisation, but was exposed to difficulties 
irom the scarcity of fuel, which caused a migration of industry from Sussex, 
and stimulated the experiments of the Darbys for substituting the use of 
coal for charcoal, for smelting in blast furnaces, and for puddling. The 
rade flourished in districts where coal was available, and manufacturers 
were no longer dependent on pig-iron from Sweden, from Ireland, or the 
American colonies. . 599