6 OUR INDUSTRIAL JUNGLE still retain a warm and solicitous affection for him whenever they want something from him. The main principle of British Politics was simply that when one side was in office the other side tried most strenuously to get them out—not in the least because they wanted to get in themselves—but solely to secure to the British Workman the bles- sings of sound government and social and industrial progress—wisely directed, of course. They both had a patent process, and were both equally and benevolently anxious to experiment upon him. So the political equilibrium was pleasantly main- tained and nobody was a penny the worse or much more than a penny the better. The old men of to-day were the boys of fifty years ago; the old men of that day had within them the recollections of the Chartists and the late Georgian agitators. Behind those were the tradi- tions of machine breaking and bread rioting of the first two decades of the nineteenth century. Well- nigh a century of strikes and lockouts, of rattening, rioting, sabotage, and brutal suppression, found the workman industrially a slave and politically a pawn. I have been in the scramble for another half century, so I know something about it. Fifty years ago I was a ’prentice boy, fathered in the workshop by men who had known Robert Owen and fought and suffered for ‘The People’s Charter ’. Political Labour was an embryo, Trade Unionism was little more than an untried adoles- cent, as irresponsible as it was feeble. 1 &