WESTERN HEMISPHERE IMMIGRATION 441

.he churches of the whites, nevertheless the fact remains that social prejudice
and isolation exist even in religious activities. Surely this is further evidence
that the Mexicans and Americans live socially in two different worlds. Indeed,
we have here a social problem that is spreading its tentacles like a mighty octopus
over the Southwest. The fact that many of the Mexicans are already sensitive
to the racial and social prejudice against them is evidence of what may be expected
 in the future. i
Miss Bresette points out that many persons go on the theory that “anything
is good enough for a Mexican.” A Mexican very prominent in civil affairs in
one of the southwestern border towns said: “It is very difficult for even a well
educated Mexican to get recognition among the American people. The Mexicaus,
 however, are very sensitive of these feelings against them, and they are
thinking a lot and looking to discover who are their friends in America.”
From these facts it is evident that there is little chance for the assimilation
of the Mexican. He belongs to a class whose rights are denied. He is at the
bottom of the ladder. The inevitable result is the Mexicanization of the Southwest
 unless we take drastic steps to solve the problem. Perhaps we are already
too late. Nevertheless, the least we can do is to check and minimize its danger
by the numerical limitation of future immigration from Mexico in conjunction
with a border patrol that will be effective in preventing the illegal entry of those
unable to gain admission under the quota.
A lifelong resident in a border city states the problem thus:
“They are here in such vast numbers now and still coming and coming, that
the question is: Do we want them in such numbers, or in any numbers, under
any consideration? Are they desirable at any price which they may pay in
labor or commerce, taking info consideration the type of citizen they make and
their value to us as inhabitants of this Republic? Mv answer to both questions
is no.’
In his acceptance speech Mr. Hoover linked the policy of restriction of immigration
 with the protective tariff, as essential components of the Republican
Party program to protect our peonle {rom competition with the lowest standards
of living abroad.” .
The ever-swelling tide of protest that is sweeping up from the southwestern
section of our country against the hordes of Mexicans, who have been and still
are swarming into this country, is based not upon theoretical consideration
but upon the actual conditions under which those American people have to live
whenever and wherever they are thrown in competition with Mexican immigrants.
 Everywhere throughout the Southwest one is able to find able-bodied
Americans who are out of employment, although willing to work, because they
can not subsist and decently rear two or three children upon the wages on which
Mexican laborers can live contentedly and bring up seven or eight youngsters.
The entire Southwest is one huge picture of the need of a drastic and effective
program of restriction of Mexican immigration if we are to measure up to the
test set by the President when he referred to the restriction of immigration as a
phase of the tariff designed to protect the American standard of living.
Those who seek relief are plain, every-day, small-town Americans who lack
organization and influence; who do not know how to take their own part in this
particular sort of fight; and whose efforts are, therefore, rendered ineffective by
the organized opposition. Indeed, it is a struggle between the unorganized
masses of the people of all walks of life against a few powerful industries and
commercial organizations. The latter are composed of employers of cheap labor,
both private and corporate, who claim that their prosperity and welfare depend
upon an unlimited flow of unskilled peon labor from Mexico. In substance,
however, what they really desire is the presence of cheap labor of the most docile
type, which is willing to submit to living and labor conditions that are not only
un-American but inhumane.
A prominent mining official of Arizona admits: “We are naturally selfish enough
to want to employ peon labor because it not only increases our profits, but you
can treat them in any manner and not be bothered with lawsuits, reformers,
social uplifters, ete. We handle them about the same as we do our other work
stock.
“What we want,” said another such employer, “is labor in sackcloth and ashes,
pleading for a job with supplicating hands.”
That these are not isolated illustrations but are statements which seem to reflect
the views of this organized opposition to the restriction of Mexican immigration
is evident from the fact that it has proved itself at times at least to be unseruoulously
 willing to stoop to conauer.