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            <surname>Gajster</surname>
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        <pb n="1" />
        The Reconstruction of
Agriculture in the
Soviet Union

By

PROF. A. J. GAYSTER
Vice President, Lenin Academy of Agricultural Sciences

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AGRICULTURAL
ECONOMISTS

Cornell University, Ithaca, New York
August, 1930

&amp;gt;

pp"

PUBLISHED BY THE
‘~“9EMY OF AGRICULTURAL SCIENCES
MOSCOW, U. S. S. R.

' AY Qa
        <pb n="2" />
        AN
4 19
        <pb n="3" />
        a! a

Le

Pre-revolutionary Russia appeared in the world
market primarily as an exporter of agricultural products.
 This position was not the result of a high level
of development of the productive forces of the country,
—the necessary prerequisite for the export of a marketable
 surplus from a producing country. The
export of farm products from pre-war Russia was
based on the rule of the large land-owner, which compelled
 the mass of small farmers to turn over to the
market, domestic and foreign, the fruits of their labor,
even at the expense of satisfyirg their own most elementary
 needs.

Agriculture in pre-revolutionary Russia was characterized
 by a considerable concentration of farm
property in the hands of the wealthy landlords, by the
great predominance of small producers among the
masses of peasants and, together with this, by the
semi-feudal dependence on the landlords existing among
the bulk of the peasants. If we divide the land-holdings
of pre-revolutionary Russia into four groups according
 to size of holding, that is, up to 16.6 hectares,
from 16.6 to 22 hectares, from 22 to 550, and those
above 550 hectares, the relation between the various
groups will be shown in the following table, which gives
the data for 1905, when the census on which it is based
was taken:

4
        <pb n="4" />
        Number of Holdings Average Holdings,
Owners (in million (in dessiatins)*
(in millions) dessiatins)*

1. Ruined peasantry,
oppressed by semifeudal
 exploitation 10.5
2. Middle peasantry... 1.0
3, Upper strata, or
wealthy peasantry
1. Semi-feudal estates

3
n ne

Total oom iam
%1 dessiatin equals 1.1 hectares.

13.03

75.0
15.0

70.0
70.0

230.0

7.0
15.0

16.7
2883.0

} 17.6

The great bulk of peasants during this period, the
group classified as the ruined peasantry, were oppressed
 by the exploitation of the wealthy landlords
and did not even possess means sufficient for the
maintenance of the physical conditions of existence.
The chronically miserable conditions prevailing among
the mass of poor peasants in Russia is illustrated by
the progressively increasing proportion of rejections
from military service on account of physical unfitness.
For instance, according to official data for 50 provinces
of European Russia, the percentage of those rejected
or reprieved from military service for physical unfitness
showed the following growth:

IBTA=T8.corrcecnrmrmrsimmssrsmsmmenmcne L102 PEE CENE
1879-88... rrimmiminsnisssamiemssisi conn 149 «
UBBA-8B.....cmmmmmmimmssinimmnnd Bd &amp;amp;
1890-1902... oosrssseesemssssmemsossesmooen 220 1

Thus, the transition of the agriculture of pre-revolutionary
 Russia from primitive economy to capitalism
was a process accompanied by the impoverishment of
the great mass of the peasantry, by their pauperiza-1
        <pb n="5" />
        tion, and by their being forced out of agricultural
production to a great degree.

IT

The contradictions between the desolate condition of
the mass of the peasantry, the capitalist development
of agriculture, and the domination exercised by the big
landlords over the land, the basic means of agricultural
production, was the fundamental cause of the 1905
revolution, and was also one of the basic underlying
factors in the revolutionary outbreak of 1917. Having
 crushed the 1905 revolution by means of the punitive
 expeditions of the czarist troops, by executions
and death sentences, the czarist government was at the
same time compelled, by means of the so-called “Stolypin
 laws,” to stimulate the development of agriculture
along commercial and capitalistic lines at a heightened
tempo. But these attempts could not create sufficiently
favorable conditions for the liquidation of the conflict
of interests between the landlords and the peasantry,
inasmuch as the power and the profits remained in the
hands of the ruling, land-owning class. As a matter of
fact, the contradictions were actually aggravated by
the Stolypin reforms, despite the fact that the czarist
government attempted to base itself on certain groups
in the villages by affording these groups the possibility
 of expanding their holdings through the plundering
of the common land. In spite of the decisive measures
taken in this direction, the outbreak of the revolution,
hastened by the war, led to the overthrow of the czarist
regime and to the overthrow of the capitalist class,
which had attempted to seize the power after the March
revolution.
        <pb n="6" />
        ITIL

The victory of the November revolution led to the
final elimination of landlordism and of land ownership
 confined principally to the upper strata of the
village; at the same time it brought about a considerable
 parceling out of land among the poor and middle
peasantry. This may be seen from the following tables
giving the comparative distribution of land in a number
 of districts before and after the revolution:

Groups of Farms Area Per
Classified Accord- Farm Area Per
ing to Value of Before Farmin
Means of Produc- War 1924-25 Change
tion Owned + ——— (in dessiatins) —
{Steppe Sections)
+ 34
- 8.0
0.9
11
—10.8

Fe]
EE
2 ]
© 4
Q Z
tn
=

=
[3
I
Re]
«
3

i. 0-200 rubles ..
2. 201-500
8. 501-800 “ re
4. 801-1400 «“  .....
5. Above 1400 *“ ..

4.9
7.9
..8 RX]
11.9 12.8
20.0 18.2

327
176
112
93
63

UKRAINE

(Wooded Steppe Sections)
nl 2.3
'3 5.0
aU J:
i2.1 10.8
18.5 18.4

1. 0-200 rubles ....
2. 201-500 “ se
3. 501-800 “
4. 801-1400 *
5. Above 1400 “

209
179
122
‘ 89
73

TAMBOV PROVINCE
2.0 3.9
7 7.3

1. 0-200 rubles ....
2, 201-500
3, 501-800 “ ..
i. 801-1400 “ ..
5. Above 1400

4 0.9
1.6
- 2.0
— 0.8
— 98 2

130
128
129
93
C41

a 1
123 11.5
43.0 17.7

SMOLENSK PROVINCE
12 8.1
5.8
~
1.2
18.2

1. 0-200 rubles
2. 201-500
8. 501-800 “
4. 801-1400 *
5. Above 1400 ¢

+29 1560
LB 135
08 91
— 11 93
—108 63
        <pb n="7" />
        These tables give a fair indication of the results of
the process, brought about by the revolution, of taking
land from the upper groups and parceling it out among
the lower. For all the lower groups of the peasantry
there was, generally speaking, virtually a doubling of
the land at their disposal, and sometimes even more.
The expansion of land holdings also extended to the
middle peasantry, who added to their holdings in almost
 all sections of the country. Only from the upper
groups did the revolution take part of their land, this
part increasing in proportion to the size of the holding.
A summary of the results of the redistribution of
land among the various strata of the rural population
in the Ukraine is given in the table below:
~—————Farm Areg——————
After
Before Confis- Revo- Per Cent
Revolution cated tion Change Change
——(in million dessiatins)——

I. Poor and middle
peasant farms...
2. Kulak (rich peasant)
 farms ....
3. Large land-holdings
 and church

200  .. 845 414.5 72.5

8.6 68 1.8 -~ 6.8 -—179.0

In comm
§. City land ee
5. State and common
180A ee

12.1 12.1
0.6 0.8

0.8

—12.1 —100.0
~— 0.8 —50.0

4.7
Total oe 41.8 192 41.8

fi 4

Thus, post-revolutionary agriculture is characterized
 by the elimination of the large landlord economy,
by a considerable reduction in the land-holdings of the
rich peasantry, and by the rule of the so-called middle
peasant, the small producer, in agriculture.

~
        <pb n="8" />
        IV

In the very first year after the revolution the Soviet
State was confronted with the question as to the proper
path for the development of agriculture. It was quite
apparent that the system of agriculture prevailing,
with its small-scale production, was not equal to the
task of regenerating this most backward branch of
national economy and of bringing about a decided
improvement in the living conditions of the poorer
peasants. At that time Lenin, the head of the Soviet
Government and the theoretical and practical leader
and guide of the November revolution, wrote of the
“necessity of giving all possible support to the transition
 from small-scale peasant economy to large-scale
socialized production.” Lenin continually emphasized
the necessity of “organizing the reconstruction of the
entire economy, the passing from the single, individual,
small-scale, trading economy to socialized large-scale
economy.”

But such a transition required as a necessary condition
 the development of an industry which would be
able to supply agriculture with the machinery and implements
 needed for the carrying on of large-scale
socialized economy. “This transition,” wrote Lenin,
“can be speeded up only by means of such assistance
to the peasant as will afford him the possibility of
improving in a great degree his entire technique of
land cultivation, by reorganizing it from the very
bottom.”
Without first restoring industry, ruined by the war,
blockade and intervention, without considerably advancing
 the industrialization of the country on the
basis of the rehabilitated industry, it would have been
impossible to think of a transition from small- to large-8
        <pb n="9" />
        scale agricultural production, from individual to socialized
 production.

The period of the rehabilitation of industry is thus
co-existent with the prevalence of small peasant economy.
 What was small-scale production able to achieve
during this period of its domination in agriculture?
First of all, it should be noted that the system of
government of the U. S. S. R. created the necessary
prerequisites for raising the economic level of the small
peasantry, instead of its wholesale ruination. This
was demonstrated by the rather rapid restoration of
animal and plant husbandry, which had been almost
destroyed by the war, blockade and famine. Also the
sown area grew from year to year.
The rapid restoration of agriculture in the U. S.
S. R. took place not only under conditions of a growth
in savings and investments in production, but also
was accompanied by an improvement in the living conditions
 of the agricultural producer. According to
data of the Statistical Administration, the consumption
 of butter by the rural population in 1925 was
over one-third more than the pre-war consumption in
the village. In the following years the consumption
of butter showed a continuous gain, as indicated in
the following table:

Year
1924-25
1925-26
1926-27
1927-38 ..iimisimispinimsmisi
1928-20

Annual Per Capita Butter and Fat
Consumption in Villages :
Per Cent of
1924-25
100.0
108.1
114.0
116.6
189.6

-
        <pb n="10" />
        The decided betterment in the living conditions of
the agricultural population brought about a sharp
decline in the death rate of the rural population since
the revolution. Thus, the death rate in rural districts
amounted to 28.6 per 1,000 persons in 1911-13, to
21.7 in 1926, to 21.8 in 1927, and to 18.7 in 1928.
Even more clearly is this process of the improvement
 in the conditions of the great mass of the peasantry
 illustrated by the decided reduction in the infant
mortality rate. During the period 1911-13, in the
European part of the empire, the infant mortality
rate (for infants up to one year old) was 266 per
1,000; in 1926 the infant mortality rate among the
rural population was 174, in 1928—156. The foregoing
 figures bespeak a considerable betterment in the
standards of living of the village masses, resulting in
a notable decline in deaths among infants, in increased
longevity, and in a corresponding gain in the natural
growth of the population. In 1911-13 the annual
natural growth in population amounted to 16.9 per
1,000, in 1926 it reached 24 for the village population,
and in 1928—26.3.

VI

Along with the general growth of agricultural production,
 the great mass of the peasantry, the poor and
middle groups, were confronted, in all its magnitude,
with the problem of the conditions which would enable
them to progress to the higher level of socialized production.

The more rapid development of production for sale
signified the taking advantage of market conditions
by the larger producers primarily. This is clearly
brought out by a comparison of the results accomplished
 by the various groups of peasants:
10
        <pb n="11" />
        -
=
¥
tS

4
4
uv
i

=
&amp;amp;
a
28
"B
2.
im
2
-
S38
32
2%
AGL
ADT

Groups (Classified According
 to Value of
Means of Agricultural
Production at Their
Disposal

fas
Bw 5i
WINTER WHEAT (Ukraine Steppe)
1. Up to 750.0 rubles a2 i ? 26
2. 750.1-1500.0 rubles.. 55.1
8. Above 1500.0 rubles  &amp;amp;K.4

Average for region 52.9 3.1
SPRING WHF *™ ““Tkreire Stepve)
1. Up to 750.0 rubles
2. 750.1-1500.0 rubles
3. Above 1500.0 rubles

Average for region 49.2

a8

B.S

Difference Between
 Price
and Cost Per
Centner
(in rubles)

425
+38
+42
1-3.6

11.2
+26
+83
12.6

It will be seen that the larger holdings have a
lower production cost per unit and, consequently, more
favorable conditions for development and for building
ap their resources. The differences in the conditions
of production existing between the various groups of
small-scale producers created the differentiation of the
village, the stratification into separate groups. Parallel
with the development of class antagonisms among the
different groups of small producers, the period of economic
 restoration revealed in all clearness the limited
means of production which the small peasant producer
was able to command. The unprofitable character of
small-scale production, its limited field of operations,
are indicated by a number of factors relating, on the
one hand, to the means of production which the small
holding is able to apply and, on the other hand, to the
manner of their application. Thus, for instance, the
use of more or less complicated machinery is a prerogative
 enjoyed only by a limited group of farms. In the
11
        <pb n="12" />
        U. S. S. R. the number of farms possessing their own
grain cleaning machines and triers amounted to 11.6
per cent of the total, those owning seeders to only 3.7
per cent, reapers 6.2 per cent, threshers 4.3 per cent.
The foregoing data indicate, in the first place, that
the great mass of peasants were forced to limit themselves
 to the most primitive conditions of cultivation,
without such elementary necessary means of production
as seeders, reapers, grain cleaners, and threshers. On
the other hand, a considerable number of peasant farms
were compelled to resort to the hiring of means of
production, without which they would be unable to
avail themselves sufficiently of whatever equipment they
had at their disposal. The extent to which this hiring
of agricultural equipment was carried may be seen
from the following table:

Farms Grouped According
to Sown Area

Up to 2 dessiatins......co..
2- 4
4- 6
6-9
9-15
15 and over

Average

Up to 2 dessiating......c
2- 4 “
4- 6
6-9
9-15
15 and over ©

AVErage eer

Per Cent of Farms Working Land
With Hi~~d Working Livestock
192¢ 1025 1926
6a £45 70.1
384. 37.0
20.1 19.3
Ter 11.1
53
2.0

38.0

38 2

36.6

Per Cent of Farms Working Land
With Hired Implements
70.7
38.8
22.4
15.6
9.5
8.4

TT 88.8
        <pb n="13" />
        For those farms which rented out means of production,
 the income from the renting out of working livestock
 and agricultural implements reached a substantial
 figure, as may be seen from their budgets:
Per Cent Income From Renting Out
Means of Production to Total
Estimated Net Income of Farm
For Farms With For Farms With
Means of Pro- Means of Production
 Valued duction Valued
at 801-1,400 at More Than
Rubles 1,400 Rubles
i: 5.2

Province
TAMDOY coins orem
Ukraine (wooded steppe
$7 41s) 11) J ——— 5.1
Ukraine (steppe region) 16.5
NOVOSIDITSE oer 74

78
12.2
04

The inherent contradictions and the backwardness
»f small-scale production are also illustrated by the
great degree of the non-utilization of the available
labor power, a large part of which the small-scale producer
 is not able to apply due to the insufficiency of
the means of production:
Unused Working Time, in Per Cent of
Available Supply
Proletarian and Semi- Small-scale Commodproletarian
 Holdings ity Producers
43.2 40.7
41.1 41.3
61.1 46.3
89.2 39.2
a 41.7
416.5 11.7

REGION
Ukraine oso. sen
Northern Caucasus ........
Lower Volga mm
Betty mmampnosmmmmmns
Central Black Soil...
Moscow Industrial on.

The limitations of small-scale cultivation are also
quite clearly reflected in the indicators of the efficiency
of production among the various social groups of the
village. This may be seen from the following data on
the grain yield and the productivity of milch cattle:
18
        <pb n="14" />
        fat]
= Ft
Es 3 8
8 g =
El in
£2 i: %
ig, 57 3
$48 ba
cS - O
=~ g EE
on Bf

In Percentage of
Poor Peasant
Level

UKRAINE—
Yield of winter wheat (in
centners per hectare) 8.1 100 10.8
Milk yield (in kilograms
 per cow) .....1030.7 1074.9 1376.9 104.3 188.6
NORTHERN CAUCASUS—
Yield of winter wheat 7.2 8.2 9.6 1189 1833
Milk yield ............ 646.0 768.1 056.2 118.9 148.0
MIDDLE VOLGA REGION—
Yield of spring wheat... 12.8 12.9 13.1 100.8 102.3
Milk yield ..............1228.9 1249.4 1364.5 101.7 111.0

Middle
Peasant Kulak

138.8

It is clearly evident that while the middle peasant
holdings show a lower level of productivity in comparison
 with the highest group, the poorest group shows
an even lower productivity than the middle peasant
holdings.
In an especially clear-cut fashion may be seen the
limitations of petty-peasant production by comparing
its productivity and its means of production with that
of the collective and state farms. Let us examine a
comparison of expenditures per unit of labor as among
the different groups of individual peasant holdings and
collective and state farms. The expenditures per working
 day for the various types of farms are given below,
in rubles:
*The proletariat and semi-proletariat of the wvillege—peasants
selling their labor power, to whom this source of income is of
primary or secondary importance.
Small market growers—independent farmers who do not hire
any labor or who hire labor to a very small extent.
Petty-capitalist houscholds—farms on which hired labor is
used to a comparatively larger extent.
14
        <pb n="15" />
        Individual Sector Socialized Sector
Collective
Farms

I=] Pod
3
2 £
o £ 4 = 3
2d, 82 Re g 4
ipkdg ox , 2
tips BE 2 OF 3
cES3: $5 £ 8 &amp;amp;
LAM am Ml &amp;lt;  O
-(in rubles)- -
05 06. 07 36 42 112

©
8

Region and Product

Central Volga—
Spring wheat
Siberia—
Spring wheat ....... 05 0%
Central Black Soil—
Winter rye .n 0.8 0.6 0.7 1.8 26 33
Northern Caucasus—
Winter wheat ......... 08 0.8 1.1 8.5 8.7 6.6

Thus the limitations of petty production, its unprofitableness,
 is revealed with sufficient clarity as compared
 with the great possibilities of large-scale farmng
 in the form of collective and state farms.

VII

The process of industrialization of the national
.conomy of the U. S. S. R. has considerably increased
the demand for agricultural machinery and, consequently,
 the importation of the more complicated
machinery from the countries of Western Europe and
America. This has led to the quantity of agricultural
machines and tools employed in agriculture mounting
steadily from year to year. The value of agricultural
machines and tools on all farms amounted to 988 million
 rubles in 1926-27 and to 1,404 million rubles in
1929-30: The amount required to supply additional
machinery for agriculture in 1930-31 is estimated at
about one billion rubles.
There has simultaneously taken place a considerable
development of agricultural cooperation. The spread

15
        <pb n="16" />
        a0 10%
101-20 %
204-30 %
301° 50 %
501-70 %
cawmg 70 %

~
J

7

~

—.

he =. a

Per Cent of Total Number of Farms in Collectives in
Various Sections of the U. S. 8. R.
        <pb n="17" />
        of different kinds of machine associations and other
forms of cooperation in agricultural production for the
purpose of the adoption of a new technical basis is of
wide extent, especially in connection with the government
 support rendered such agricultural collectives.
The membership of these agricultural cooperatives
was:

1924 .... enn 2,869,000
1925 ooo renee 8,589,000
1026 7 818.000

Especially characteristic of the development of cooperation
 in agricultural production is the considerable
 growth of the simplest forms of producers’ associations,
 which increased their membership during the
same years from 172,000 to 882,000, i.e., more than
five-fold. This growth involved the creation of machine,
milk, cattle-raising, horse-breeding and seed-raising
associations, and constituted the first preparatory
step in the process of collectivization, which has spread
so widely during these last years.
It is necessary to lay special stress on the enormous
role played in the growth of collective agricultural
production by that financial and credit aid which the
Soviet state has rendered to all forms of cooperation
and to the collective farms. The tax payments of the
collective farms and cooperative societies have been
considerably reduced. Often they have been entirely
exempted from the payment of a certain portion of
the taxes. In addition, the collective farms receive
and have received considerable financial support in the
form of cash credits and also of special credits for
the purchase of machinery. By decisions of the Soviet
Government, the bulk of the expenses involved in land
organization within the collective farms was assumed
18
        <pb n="18" />
        by the state. These tax exemptions and this financial
support by the Soviet state have considerably stimulated
 the development of collectivization.
All these factors, together with the greater unity
and better organization brought about among the
masses of the poor and middle peasantry, have led to
a strong and energetic development of the collective
farm movement, which has spread widely since 1927.
On November 1, 1927, the number of collective farms
in the U. 8. S. R. was 14,832, embracing 195,000
peasant holdings. By June 1, 1928, the number of
collective farms had mounted to 83,258, comprising
417,000 peasant holdings. By June 1, 1929, the number
 of collectives had increased to 57,000 with 1,003,-000
 peasant holdings. By November 1, 1929, the
number of such farms had grown to 67,486 and the
number of holdings which had joined the collective
 farms, to 1,919,000. Finally, in May, 1930, there
were in the U. 8. 8. R., 82,276 collectives embracing
5,778,000 holdings.

The tempo of collectivization of peasant holdings
may also be realized by a comparison of the percentages
 of peasant holdings in the U. S. S. R. which had
joined the collective farms at various dates:

June 1, 1927. 0.8 PET CONE
October 1, 1929... cms. T6668
MAY Ly 1980. Qt Ct

This process is even more clearly evident when the
percentages are given for those individual regions
where collectivization embraces considerably larger
strata of the village. The table which follows shows
the percentage of the total number of peasant farms
10
        <pb n="19" />
        which joined the collectives in three of the chief agricultural
 regions:

Percentage of Peasant Holdings Joining Collective Farms
June 1, June 1, June 1, Oct. 1, May 1-15,
Region 1927 1928 1929 1929 1930
Northern Caucasus... 1.6 5.2 7.3 10.0 55.2
Lower Volga cw. 1.6 21 5.9 18.3 84.8
Steppe Region of
Ukraine ev. 1.6 38 8.6 16.0 45.4

The collective farm movement has made big strides
throughout the U. S. S. R., extending from the grain
regions of the south and embracing to an ever greater
extent the central and northern regions of the country.
VIII

What has led to such an enormous growth in the
collectivization of agriculture in the U. 8. 8S. R.? The
answer to this question lies in those advantages of
large-scale collective production which were disclosed
in the process of collectivization in the first years of
the formation of large-scale collective farms. First of
all the collectivization of peasant holdings eliminated
boundary strips, and, in connection therewith, increased
the utilization of the means of production in the largescale
 farms thus formed. An enormous role in this
uniting of the small peasant strips into the large tracts
of the collective farms has been played by the nationalization
 of land in the U. S. S. R. and by the abolition
of private ownership in land. This has provided the
indispensable basis for combining the many thousands
of small scattered strips of land, constituting the
peasant holdings which entered into the collective
farms, into the large land tracts of the collective farms,
organized in conformity with the topographical conditions,
 with the nature of the soil, and with the best
20
        <pb n="20" />
        technical methods. Moreover, even wherever there are
no tractors as yet on the collective farms (and there
is still a considerable shortage of tractors, despite
their ever wider distribution throughout the agricultural
 areas of the U. S. S. R.), the advantages of
large-scale production are clearly in evidence.
First of all, one must point out the increase in the
productivity of agricultural labor as a consequence of
the uniting of the small peasant holdings into large
collective farms. Thus the number of hectares sown
per farm laborer in the collective farms has increased,
in comparison with the peasant holdings prior to their
entrance into the collective farms (in 1929): in the
Ukraine—31.6 per cent; in the Middle Volga Region
—78.1 per cent; in the Central Black Soil Region—
23.0 per cent; in the Lower Volga Region—78.0 per
cent; in the Northern Caucasus—&amp;gt;50 per cent.
At the same time, there has been a considerable
increase in the utilization of draft cattle, which in the
small peasant holdings had never been fully utilized.
Thus, according to budgetary data, the percentage of
draft cattle which were not used had been as follows:
In the Ukraine—68.6 per cent.
In the Northern Caucasus—78 per cent.
In the collective farms the draft cattle have been
utilized much more productively than was the case
in the petty peasant holdings. In the Ukraine the
utilization of draft cattle has increased, in comparison
 with the peasant holdings prior to their collectivization
 (in 1929), 24.1 per cent; in the Middle Volga
Region—380 per cent; in the Central Black Soil Region
—17.4 per cent; in the Lower Volga Region—25.2 per
cent; in the Northern Caucasus—34.6 per cent.
The significant increase in the productive possibilities
21
        <pb n="21" />
        of the farms which have joined the collective farms is
evidenced both in the rate of growth of the collective
farms themselves and in a decided improvement in the
well-being of the members of the collective farms. The
improved living conditions of the members of the collective
 farms, the increase in their well-being, is based
on the increase in productivity of labor of the members
of the collective farms. These new rates of growth
in the productivity of labor in agriculture have resulted
 in the current year in new rates of growth in
grain production. Prior to last year the annual increase
 in sown area in the U. S. S. R. was from 4 to 5
per cent, while in the current year, as a result of the
increased productivity of labor in the collective and
state farms, the increase in the total sown area
amounted to 10 per cent, and in the collective farms,
to from 80 to 40 per cent. Moreover, the collective
and state farms are already manifesting great productivity
 in the field of animal husbandry. We may
thus expect that the development of animal husbandry
in the socialized sector of agriculture will in the
course of the next few years make up for the present
damage which was inflicted on animal husbandry during
 the past year due to lack of feed and to the resistance
 to collectivization on the part of the kulaks.*
In the collective farms, organized in 1928 and in
operation in 1929, the increase in value of all means
of production amounted in Uzbekistan to 110 per cent;
in Turkmenistan to 109 per cent; in Kirghizia to 133
per cent. Together with the general growth of production
 in collective farms, there has been taking place
a considerable improvement in the living conditions of
those joining the collective farms, an improvement in-*In
 1930 the number of live stock was reduced as follows:
bulls—10 per cent, cows—I12 per cent and hogs—40 per cent.
29
        <pb n="22" />
        comparably more rapid than in the small holdings.
This improvement in the standard of living of the
members of the collective farms is evident from a comparison
 of the annual per capita consumption of various
 products by different peasant groups:

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70
        <pb n="23" />
        The table here presented bespeaks most eloquently
the fact that the food standards of the bulk of the
village population which have joined the collective
farms, the poor and middle peasantry, have advanced
notably in comparison with the period when they were
individual landholders, that their standards are already
 approaching those of the petty capitalist entrepreneurs,
 which the mass of peasantry could not have
attained, of course, if they had remained petty, individual
 landholders.

IX

The most important role in large-scale socialist
production has been played by the so-called “Sovkhoz,”
or Soviet state farm. The development of these state
farms has been marked by a gradual and general transition
 from the most rational assimilation of the most
advanced technical forms found abroad to the creation
 of new models of production, such as are almost
entirely unknown in the most advanced countries of
today, or are met in isolated instances only. To
illustrate this it is sufficient to consider the activity
of one of the largest state bodies for the organization
of state farms, the Grain Trust.
The work of the Grain Trust began in 1928. It had
organized 55 farms by 1929, 181 by 1930 and, according
 to estimates, will have organized 230 by 1931.
The total area of arable land in the 181 farms of
the Grain Trust amounts to 7,620,000 hectares. The
farms are grouped according to size as follows:
Per Cent of Total
11
34
50
3

Up to 25,000 hectares CONSEIHULE.....mmmiriiri
From 25 £0 40,000... isi
Brom 40 10 BO,000...ummmmmmmmmmmmmmmiomsmmm ono:
From 80,000 to 100,000... sms:
Over 100,000... scorns vor

24
        <pb n="24" />
        An analysis of the capital structure of a state grain
farm, will show that a large mechanized enterprise of
this type is in this respect on a level with modern industrial
 enterprises.

The fixed capital of the grain farms amount to 5,-081,500
 rubles; working capital, 1,250,000 rubles, of
which wages amount to 520,000 rubles. Consequently,
the percentage of the constant part of the capital to
the total capital is as follows:

5,081.54 1,250.0—520.0
: So emm——wee—i, e., to 91.8 per cent
5,081.54+1,250

This is a proportion that may well be compared with
that found in industrial enterprises that are technically
more powerful and better equipped, as, for example,
the “Red Putilov” (Leningrad) tractor and machine
building plant, where it amounts to about 95 per cent.
As regards their power base, the grain factories likewise
 approximate industrial enterprises. The expenditure
 for fuel per 100 rubles of products in the metal
industry amounted to 529.8 calories of “standard fuel
equivalents,” in the textile industry to 103.0, in the
food industry to 64, and in the state grain farms to
26'7 calories.

The state grain farms thus constitute in agriculture
a type of industrial grain factory sharply distinct
from the old farms of the landowners and approximating
 modern industrial enterprises, both in regard to
the composition of the capital invested and to the level
of technical equipment.

This is likewise revealed with sufficient clarity by the
following table showing the items of expenditure entering
 into the cost of agricultural production in the
25
        <pb n="25" />
        state grain farms. They are as follows per 100 rubles
of products:

Wages occ
Beds mummies
AMOTtiZation ew.
nT
PRI  cmmmsinisinmmmmmmmm———————————————————
Sundry materials i

Rubles
28.40
21.00
18.60
4.96
16.50
9 BA,

Thus, a large portion of the cost of production of
the state grain farms is made up of items representing
industrial products. This causes a state grain farm
to stand out as a distinct and new type of economy in
comparison with those types which were hitherto the
rule in agriculture.
The Soviet state has boldly carried over the experience
 of large-scale industrial production into agriculture.
 When this question was up for consideration
in 1928, the majority of the big specialists in agriculture,
 having agreed to the exceptional importance of
such an approach to the problem of grain-raising,
emphasized that at the same time this would be a first
experiment and hence its success could not be guaranteed.

But the provision of ample resources for this mode
of grain-raising proved of decisive importance in securing
 a solution of the grain problem as a whole, inasmuch
 as the mass collective farm movement which
at this period took the form of small collective farms,
was thus afforded a clear demonstration of the advantages
 of real large-scale farming. The state grain
farms in a practical way answered the question as to
the possibilities and advantages of large-scale socialist
agriculture.

26
        <pb n="26" />
        Along these two lines, the collectives and the state
farms, there will be developed the complete collectivization
 of the Soviet village.
One of the most important developments in the collectivization
 movement was the creation of machinetractor
 stations which had their first trial on one of the
state farms, Shevchenko, in the Ukraine. This experiment,
 whose initiator was A. M. Markevich, an agronomist,
 spread widely and received the support of the
Soviet Government. A machine-tractor station, according
 to the definition of Markevich, is a center for
all the mechanical power and the technical equipment
 necessary for supplying to the fullest extent the
production needs of agricultural enterprises. This
makes possible an immense economy in technical means
of production, their maximum utilization through
machine-tractor stations within the limits of a radius
of more than 15 to 20 kilometers.
Collective farms, which have been organized on territory
 served by a machine-tractor station, enter into
agreements with the latter as to conditions for the
cultivation of the fields of the collective farms by the
machine-tractor station. The agronomic aid rendered
by the machine-tractor stations and the enlisting of
members of the collective farms into the working staffs
of these stations decidedly transform the aspect of the
countryside served by these stations. Machine-tractor
stations first of all lead to the growth of the sown area
and to the bettering of production. Thus, in the
Berezov district on farms served by machine-tractor
stations and organized in 1928, the planted area increased
 as much as 28.4 per cent, while in villages not
served by stations the planted area either remained
unchanged, or increased on the average about 4.5 per
cent.

ry
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 income of members of collective farms served
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as is evident from the figures presented above, recording
 the experience of the Shevchenko station. (In the
a0
        <pb n="28" />
        calculations we have taken the net yield and the sales
value of the products).

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These figures, showing the enormous growth in the
income of members of a collective farm which has en-29
        <pb n="29" />
        tered into an agreement with a machine-tractor station,
 explain the broad extent and development of the
machine-tractor stations and their significance in the
further reconstruction of agriculture.
The machine-tractor stations lead to a decided increase
 in yield due to better cultivation of the fields
and to the agronomic aid rendered the farms. They
played a big role in the sowing campaign of the current
 year, by cultivating an area of 1,999,700 hectares.
 It is necessary to direct special attention to
these indexes which are furnished by machine-tractor
stations as regards utilization of tractors. These are
shown in the table on the preceding page.
The total annual number of working hours per tractor
 will in 1930 be 2,300 hours. Under the plans
for establishing machine-tractor stations their number
is expected to increase in 1931 to 551, in 1932 to 796,
in 1933 to 798, with a horse-power of 3,987,300.
As a result of such a development of the machinetractor
 stations over a territory which in 1929 comprised
 56,700,000 hectares of sown area, it is anticipated
 that the area under cultivation may be increased
58 per cent by 1933.
The reconstruction of agriculture in the Soviet
Union is already in full swing. It is sufficient to
analyze the data as to the share of the several groups
of grain producers before the revolution, in 1927, and
in the present year, in order to see the nature of the
changes which have taken place in agriculture in the
Soviet Union during the period of revolutionary reconstruction.
 Before the war there fell to the share of the
large grain farmers, landowners and kulaks, 84 per
cent of the sown area, 40 per cent of the gross yield
of grain, and 61 per cent of -the commercial grain
crop, exclusive of local village consumption.
20
        <pb n="30" />
        By 1927 this proportion had sharply changed in
favor of the predominance of the small and middle
peasant holdings. To the share of the large kulak
holdings fell about 6 per cent of the sown area, 8 per
cent of the gross production, and 20 per cent of the
commercial grain crop. The rest of the agricultural
production was in the hands of the small and middle
producers, of the poor and middle peasantry.
The elimination of the landowners, the decided curtailment
 of kulak production, the predominance of
petty individual holdings in the production of grain—
these were the results of the first years of the revolution.
 This scattered agricultural production the Soviet
Government has now definitely turned onto the path of
socialist large-scale production, and in 1930 we have
in the sector of large-scale socialist grain farms (state
and collective farms) about 30 per cent of the sown
area, 30 per cent of the gross yield, and 62 per cent
of the commercial grain crop, exclusive of local village
consumption.
At the same time, during the first years of the revolution
 there took place an uninterrupted growth in the
number of peasant holdings. Their number showed an
annual increase of 500,000 holdings, 2 to 3 per cent,
on the average. The present year is characterized by
a definite curtailment of the number of small holdings
and by the replacing of 5,778,000 peasant holdings by
B2,276 voluntarily organized collective farms.
The collectivization of the small and middle peasant
holdings has already, in the first stages of its development,
 shown the enormous advantages of large-scale
socialist farming. Small producers who have joined
the collective farms have been able already in the first
year of the existence of these farms to lay the foundation
 for large-scale farming; they have been able to

31
        <pb n="31" />
        derive advantages from this large-scale farming in
the form of an increase in the labor productivity of
the members of the collective farms, of a better utilization
 of the means of production which the collective
farms had at their disposal, as a result of the collectivization
 of the means of production formerly belonging
 to the individual peasant, and as a result of the
acquisition of means of production in conformity with
modern technical standards.
These advantages of large-scale production are evidenced
 in an increase of yield, a lowering of the cost
of production; an increase in profits, and likewise in
the higher standard of living of the members of the
collective farms.
The collective farms have inaugurated a new pace
of development in agriculture. Whereas up to recent
years the total annual increase in the sown area had
not exceeded 4 to 5 per cent, this year, with the state
and collective farms as a basis, the sown area in the
U. S. S. R. has increased more than 10 per cent.
Thus, both from the point of view of the general
progress and increased volume of agricultural production
 and from that of the interests of the small and
very small producers themselves, collectivization signifies
 a change bearing the greatest advantages.

206308800159
        <pb n="32" />
        &amp;amp;
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:hnical methods. Moreover, even wherever there are
tractors as yet on the collective farms (and there
still a considerable shortage of tractors, despite
bir ever wider distribution throughout the agricul-1gral
 areas of the U. S. 8. R.), the advantages of
*ge-scale production are clearly in evidence.
First of all, one must point out the increase in the
, oductivity of agricultural labor as a consequence of
¢ uniting of the small peasant holdings into large
lective farms. Thus the number of hectares sown
r farm laborer in the collective farms has increased,
comparison with the peasant holdings prior to their
trance into the collective farms (in 1929): in the
iraine—31.6 per cent; in the Middle Volga Region
78.1 per cent; in the Central Black Soil Region—
-0 per cent; in the Lower Volga Region—178.0 per
at; in the Northern Caucasus—50 per cent.
At the same time, there has been a considerable
'rease in the utilization of draft cattle, which in the
all peasant holdings had never been fully utilized.
1s, according to budgetary data, the percentage of
aft cattle which were not used had been as follows:

In the Ukraine—68.6 per cent.
In the Northern Caucasus—78 per cent.
In the collective farms the draft cattle have been
lized much more productively than was the case
the petty peasant holdings. In the Ukraine the
lization of draft cattle has increased, in compariwith
 the peasant holdings prior to their collectividon
 (in 1929), 24.1 per cent; in the Middle Volga
g1on—30 per cent; in the Central Black Soil Region
7.4 per cent; in the Lower Volga Region—25.2 per
it; in the Northern Caucasus—34.6 per cent,
The significant increase in the productive possibilities

21

d
      </div>
    </body>
  </text>
</TEI>
