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        <title>Ulster's opportunity</title>
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      <div>[ 3 ] 
“ Civilisation,” he concludes, “itself seems to be in the 
balance, but right is more precious than peace, and we shall 
fight for the thing which we have always carried nearest our 
hearts— } 
“For Democracy. 
“For the right of those who submit to authority to have 
a voice in their own Government. 
“For the rights and liberties of Small Nations.” 
The English Government was slow to realise the 
international importance of the Irish question or the 
necessity for putting its own professions into practice. 
When the question was raised some little time ago in 
Parliament the Premier replied by a non possumus. 
He suggested dismemberment of the country as the 
only practical solution. Home Rule for all Ireland, 
he declared, was impossible so long as any section 
of Ulster objected. 
Mr. Lloyd George resented indignantly the sug- 
gestion of Mr. Dillon that he was “going back on 
Home Rule; was abandoning his own principles and 
professions ;” but Mr. Dillon was abundantly justified 
by the record of the Premier. It was Home Rule for 
all Ireland that Mr. Lloyd George, as a distinguished 
member of the Liberal Government, helped to pass 
into law. It was for that he spoke and voted. He 
was a member of the Cabinet which successfully 
opposed two motions in the House of Commons for 
the exclusion of any portion in Ulster. 
“Evil communications,” says the copy book, “cor- 
rupt good manners.” When the Premier, sitting 
between Sir Edward Carson and Mr. Bonar Law, 
emphasised his refusal to put the people of Ulster 
“under the heel ” of the Nationalists, he was echoing 
an Orange shibboleth which he must have known to 
be absurd. It is probable he regretted the phrase 
the moment he uttered it. He has over and over 
again voted for the inclusion of the whole of Ulster 
in the Home Rule Act, and he has constantly main-</div>
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