39 THE NATION AND THE LABOURER.

developed; and let the suppositioninclude non-recoguition
of the higher law. How, on such a supposition, would
stand the rights of the labourer ? The right would then
be the right of might ; and, since merely Physical
strength is incapable of contending with or resisting
successfully intellectual strength, the right would be
with the more highly developed intelligence. The right
of the labourer would be but little more than a right
to live. The remuneration of his labour would be barely
sufficient to provide the absolute necessities of his daily
existence and to enable him to go through his daily toil.
If he complained, more work would be put upon him
and exacted; if he resisted, increased severity and
nardship would be the result, Hag not the world ere
now exhibited a state of things not much unlike this ?
Not only of this or that particular nation, bug of every
quarter of the globe, and of every country—the historian
‘ells of a time when the condition of the labourer has heew
"hat of serfdom and slavery.
But the higher law—the law of divine Justice—the
law of Christian love and charity—intervenes and is resognized.
 The labourer is no longer the serf or slave, but
*he fellowman, less fortunate than his richer brother hecause
 less favoured with the gifts and blessings of Him
who giveth to each one as He sees good ; and requiring
the guidance and assistance of his intellectual neighbours
because without the advantages of education. What are
now his rights 2 In proposing this question, another suggests
 itself: Does he himself recognize and accept the
higher law? If he wish to have the benefits and advanages
 conferred by it, is it not reasonable that he should