CHAP. v] THE GOVERNOR AND THE LAW 253 laying down an arbitrary course of procedure may bring him into collision with his ministers on matters affecting local interests alone, and involve such an encroachment upon the privileges of the people and Parliament of this Colony as appears quite inconsistent with those broad and enlightened principles of self-government which have been long acknowledged in this Colony, and of late so strongly impressed upon she Colonies by the Imperial Government. The magnitude and frequency of unexpected demands upon our public funds may be estimated from the amount of supplementary appropriations made by Parliament annually during a series of years, say ten :— 1859 supplementary estimate, 1860 Jo. do. 1861 do. do. [862 do. do. 1863 do. do. 1864 10. do. [865 do. do. 1866 do. do. | 867 do. do. RAK do. do. 2 81,623 78,190 78,634 148,050 406,718 121,593 107,060 181,574 124,666 201.070 The greater part of this large supplemental expenditure has been from time to time dealt with as having originated under circumstances of emergency which were held to justify the exercise of Executive responsibility, and which was afterwards on that ground legalized by the harmonious action of both Chambers. I may here point out that the practice in England is to pay moneys upon the resolution of the House of Commons alone, a practice expressly authorised and recognised by the 29th and 30th Vict. cap. 39, sec. 14, viz, : When any sum or sums of money shall have been granted to Her Majesty by a resolution of the House of Commons or by an Act of Parliament to defray expenses for any specified public services, 4 shall be lawful for Her Majesty by Her Royal Order under the Sign Manual, countersigned by the Treasury, to authorise and require the Treasury to issue out of the credits to be granted to them on the Exchequer Accounts the sums which may be required from time to time to defray such expenses.’ In opposition to the idea of Executive responsibility entertained by Lord Granville, I have recited by way of