166 APPENDIX II.

(D.)—Canadians having either of these sorts of
commodities to sell would relish a preference of course.
Equally of course Canadians engaged in protected
manufacturing would cheerfully content themselves
without a British preference in their lines, in case the
Canadian tariff were fully protective of those elsewhere.
Our manufacturers would regard a British preference
to our farmers, lumbermen, fishermen, miners, &amp;c., as
benevolently as a sheepowner would regard anything
that would tend to make his sheep fatter or woollier.
Improve the condition of their flock as much as you
choose, but beware of disputing the ownership!
(D1.)—As to this and questions of the same kind I
can only say that our protected manufacturers, whatever
 may be their political sentiments, will act on
business principles when you come to the question of
the tariff.
(D2.)—Yes.
(D 3.)—There would undoubtedly be pressure in this
direction if once a beginning were made. Our agriculturists
 are not pushful. Others are.
(D 4.)—1t is quite possible that they would.
(D 5.)—If we should make any substantial sacrifice
in order to secure a British preference, we would hope
to have such preference cover as wide a range of our
products as possible, If we give no returns, we cannot
object to Britain drawing the line where she will.
(F.)—A demand would almost certainly come from
all three classes eventually.
(F1.)—Very probably; likely eventually.
(G.)—For the present we are only advocating
preferential treatment for raw materials.
(G 1).—At the present time I do not think that the
demand for a preferential treatment extends so far as
your question on (a), (b), (c), but no doubt may eventually
 be taken up if Chamberlain’s policy be carried
out as to preferential trade with the colonies.