APPENDIX II

183

levelopment of the Empire, both materially and in
nolitical relations.

(C.)—The Conservative party is wedded to High
Protection, I believe; and by virtue of hereditary
inclinations is disposed to welcome Imperial Prefer--ntial
 Trade without seeing how their Protectionist
platform is affected by it. The Liberal party, as at
present composed, is moderately Protectionist, and
seems pliable: it does not seem to have any principles
in this connection. I presume that the attitude of the
two parties is largely dependent upon their estimate
of the vote-winning power of any policy. Unfortunately
this is too often the case.

(C 1.)—Both parties would favour preferential trade,
that is, among the farmers.
(D.)—(1) The anti-Irish, anti-Catholic element in
Canada is a large political force. Its members love
Chamberlain because he blocked Gladstone in re
Home Rule. They would cheer for almost anything
he might conceivably propose. Mostly they are Tories
or Oppositionists, but some are of the other party,
and neither set of leading politicians wish to offend
them. That in some degree, for explanation of lack or
paucity of English-speaking Canadian opposition to
him. To be against him openly would be to run
the risk of being accused of ¢ disloyalty "—fearsome
bugaboo to many Canadian politicians. (2) The
general interest of Canada is in no sort inconsistent
with the wish to see what he can effect. Canadians
want to see what he really has got in his bag of tricks.
(3) How senseless would be any political party in
Canada that went against a British politician for
merely asking the British electorate to give a preference
 to Canada and other dependencies! (4) Time
anough to oppose him in Canada when he proposes
something to Canada that Canada does not like. The
attitude of both Canadian parties is essentially an
interested one. (5) He is very useful to Canada by