Bibliothek des Instituts für Weltwirtschaft an der Universität Kiel Signatur D 3371 % ^r !*ß- ff* Û # i?.— \ 420. REPORT FROM THE ^LECÏ COMMITTEE ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA); TOGETHER MMTH THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE, MINUTES OE EVIDENCE, APPENDIX AND INDEX. ^\nsc/) cP /ID?: K\e\ Ordered, hy The House of Commons, to he Printed, 4 August 1871. [ ii ] Thursday, 6th July 1871. Ordered, That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the whole question of the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa, into the increased and increasing amount of that traffic, the particulars of existing Treaties and Agreements with the Sultan of Zanzibar upon the subject, and the possibility of putting an end entirely to the traffic in slaves^ by sea. Committee nominated :— Mr. Russell Gurney. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Sir Frederick Williams. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. O’Conor. Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for Persons, Papers, and Records. Ordered, That Five be the Quorum of the Committee. Mr. Percy Wyndham. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Robert Fowler. Sir Robert Anstruther. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Gilpin. Thursday, \^th July 1871. Ordered, That the Report addressed to the Earl of Clarendon by the Committee on the East African Slaye Trade, dated the 24th day of January 1870, presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty, and the Correspondence respecting the Slave Trade and other matters, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December 1870, and the recent Correspondence respecting the Slave Trade, presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty, 1871, be referred to the Select Committee. Friday, A.th August 1871. Ordered, That the Committee have power to report their Observations, together with the Minutes of Evidence taken before them, to the House. REPORT - P- PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE p. xi MINUTES OF EVIDENCE P-1 APPENDIX - - P- 89 INDEX - - P-211 [ ¡ii ] REPORT. THE SELECT COMMITTEE appointed to inquire into the whole question of the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa, into the increased and increasing amount of that Traffic, the Particulars of existing Treaties and Agreements with the Sultan of Ztanzibar upon the subject, and the possibility of putting an end entirely to the Traffic in Slaves by Sea;- Have con sidered the matters to them referred, and have agreed to the following REPORT; That the slave trade in negroes on the East Coast of Africa is now almost entirely confined to a trade between the dominions of Zanzibar on the one hand, and the coast of Arabia and Persia and the Island of Madagascar on the other hand, the principal and by far the largest portion of the traffic being in the former direction. The dominions of Zanzibar extend along the Eastern Coast of Africa for about 350 miles, and lie between the Equator and 10 degrees south latitude, and include the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and Momfia, the head quarter of govern ment being the island of Zanzibar, which lies opposite the centre of the coast line, and about 25 miles from the mainland. The town of Zanzibar is rapidly growing in importance, as is evidenced by the progressive increase of imports at the custom house there, from 245,981 /. in 1861-62, to 433,693 /. in 1867-68, of which trade about one-half is in the hands of British Indian subjects. It was reported in 1867 by General Rigby to be the chief market of the world for the supply of ivory, gum, and copal, and to have a rapidly increasing trade in hides, oils, seeds, and dyes, while sugar and cotton promise to figure largely amongst its future exports. The country in the interior of that part of Africa, and of which Zanzibar is the outlet, is said, according to the recent accounts of Livingstone and others, to be equal in resources to any part of India, and to be, as a rule, more healthy. Iron abounds in all directions, coal is to be found, and cotton can be grown to any extent. The negro slave in general passes through three stages ere he reaches his final destination. These are, (1) the land journey from his home to the coast, (2) a short sea voyage to the island of Zanzibar, where is the open slave market, and (3) the final sea passage from Zanzibar to Arabia, Persia, or Madagascar. From the evidence laid before the Committee it appears that the large majority of the slaves are now brought from the western side of the Lake Nyassa (a distance of nearly 500 miles from the coast) to Kilwa, which is the principal port of shipment for Zanzibar, and is near the southern limit of the Zanzibar dominions. a 2 420. Your IV REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE Your Committee had before them extracts from Despatches of Dr. Livingstone, addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, when Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and his testimony as to the methods resorted to by the slave hunters, and the cruelties and horrors of the trade is fully supported by the evidence of witnesses who had travelled in the interior. This evidence is well summed up in the Report of the Committee on the East African Slave Trade addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, a quotation from which is as follows : ^ The persons by whom this traffic is carried on are for the most part Arabs, subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar. 1 hese slave dealers start for the interior, '' well armed, and provided with articles for the barter of slaves, such as beads and “ cotton cloth. On arriving at the scene of their operations they incite and some- “ times help the natives of one tribe to make war upon another. Their assistance almost invariably secures victory to the side which they support, and the captives become their property, either by right or by purchase, the price in the latter case being only a few yards of cotton cloth. In the course of these operations, thousands are killed, or die subsequently of their wounds or of starvation, villages are burnt, and the women and children carried away as slaves. The complete '' depopulation of the country between the coast and the present field of the slave '' dealers’ operations attest the fearful character of these raids. '' Having by these and other means obtained a sufficient number of slaves to allow for the heavy losses on the road, the slave dealers start with them for the “coast The horrors attending this long journey have been fully described by Dr. Livingstone and others. The slaves are marched in gangs, the males with theii necks yoked in heavy forked sticks, which at night are fastened to the ground, or lashed together so as to make escape impossible The women and child 1 en are bound with thongs. Any attempt at escape or to untie their bonds, “ or any wavering or lagging on the journey, has but one punishment—immediate death. The sick arc left behind, and the route of a slave caravan can be tracked by the dying and the dead. The Arabs only value these poor creatures at the pi ice which they will fetch in the market, and if they are not likely to pay the “ cost of their conveyance they are got rid of. The result is, that a large number of the slaves die or are murdered on the journey, and the survivors arrive at their “ destination in a state of the greatest misery and emaciation.” From^ Kilwa the main body of the slaves are shipped to Zanzibar, but some are carried direct from Kilwua to the northern ports. At Zanzibar the slaves are sold either in open market or direct to the dealer, and they aie then shipped in Arab dhows for Arabia and Persia; the numbers of each cargo vary from one or two slaves to between three and four hundred. The whole slave trade by sea, whether for the supply of the Sultan’s African dominions or the markets in Arabia and Persia, is carried on by Arabs from Muscat and other ports on the Arabian coast. They are not subjects of Zanzibar but chiefly belong to tribes of roving and predatory habits. The sea passage exposes the slave to much suffering; and, in addition to the danger from overcrowding and insufficient food and water, the loss of life connected with the attempt to escape Her Majesty’s cruisers is very considerable, it beino* the practice to use any means to get rid of the slaves in order to escape com demnalion, should the dhow be captured. Between Kilwa and Zanzibar a dhow lately lost a third of the slaves ; there were 90 thrown overboard, dead or dyino- many of them in a terribly emaciated state. J he ready market found for the slave in Arabia and Persia, and the large profit upon the sale, are quite sufficient inducements for the continuance of the traffic. It seems impossible to arrive at an exact conclusion as to the actual number of slaves who leave the African coast in one year, but from the returns laid before the Committee an estimate may be formed. At the port of Kilwa is the Custom-house of the Sultan of Zanzibar, through which pass all slaves that are not smuggled, and there a tax is levied on all that pass the Custom house. V ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). The following is a Return of the number of slaves exported through the Custom-house at Kilvva between 1862 and 1867, distinguishing those sent to Zanzibar from those shipped to other places :— Year. 1862- 63 1863- 64 1864- 65 1865- 66 1866- 67 Zanzibar. 13,000 14,000 13,821 18,344 17,538 Elsewhere. 5.500 3.500 3,000 4,000 4.500 76,703 20,500 20,500 Total Exports from KUwa*!^ in Five years - -j - 97,203 From a despatch of Dr. Kirk, dated 1st February 1870, it appears that 14,944 were exported from Kilwa in the year ending 23rd August 1869. But besides those passed through the Custom-house at Kilwa, numfcrs are exported from other places on the coast. Such IS the extent to which the exportation of slaves takes place from the .^uizibar territory on the East Coast of Africa. It has also been shown that Inhere the slave trade still exists from the Portuguese territory to the Island of Madagascar, and that slaves are still imported into Turkish ports in the Red Sea, General Rigby having recently seen fresh importations even in the civilised port of Suez. It must not, however, be thought that those who are taken captive, great as the numbers are, represent in any degree the total number of the sufferers from this iniquitous traffic. Such is the fearful loss of life resulting from this traffic, such the miseries which attend it, that, according to Dr. Livingstone and others, not one in five, in some cases not one in ten, of the victims of the slave hunters ever reach the coast alive. The slaves when liberated from the dhows have been sent of late years to Aden and Bombay, being maintained there at a heavy cost to the Imperial Exchequer. In time past some have been landed at the Seychelles, a dependency of the Mauritius, Ihe climate in these islands is said to suit them exactly, and the inhabitants to be anxious for emancipated slave labour. Every variety of tropical product grows there in the greatest abundance. Measures have at various times been adopted by the Government of this coimtr\^ to control and check the trade, but hitherto with but partial success- lo control tne trade, treaties have been made with the Sultan of Muscat with Bie iriendiy Arab chiefs on the Arabian coast, and with the Shah of Persia. The treaties with the feultan of Muscat are acknowledged to bo binding upon the Sultan of Zanzibar who has issued orders accordingly, and they prohibit the export of ^aves from Atrica, as well as their import from Africa into Asia, Arabia the Red Sea, or Persian Gulf, but permit the transport of slaves to and fro between Kilwa, Zanzibar, and any coast port up to Larnoo, which is the northern limit of the Sultan ot Zanzibar’s dominions. See Appendix for list of Treaties. lesult of the treaties, as far as the Sultan of Zanzibar is concerned is that not only are the slave traders enabled to rendezvous in great numbers Zanzibar, but the dhows, often so laden that the deck is entirely covered with fn 2' Side by side, and so closely packed that it is impossible for them nrovirW ^ilwa to Zanzibar, and then starting afresh, and ür tEo i ^ proper clearances for Lamoo, are enabled to make the first half ot the journey north unmolested by British cruisers. 420. a g . VI REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE “ of domestic slavery in Zanzibar, nor with the bonâ fide transport of slaves from “ one part of the Sultan’s territory lo another. So long as this traffic shall not be made a cloak to cover the foreign slave trade, which his Highness is bound “ by treaty to prevent, and which Her Majesty’s Government are also deter- “ mined to suppress.” It appears fiom the evidence that the transport of slaves between the island and coast dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar has afforded a cover for the foreign slave trade, as the traders procure at Zanzibar or Kilwa the requisite port clear ances and passes for Lamoo, and thence run northwards, taking their chance of escaping the British cruisers. There are no means of ascertaining tlie exact numbers intended for the foreign market, but different witnesses have estimated the numbers annually needed to maintain the supply of slave labour in the dominion of Zanzibar, at from 1,700 to 4,000, which would leave at least 16,000 as the number destined for the foreign slave market. The treaty stipulations and agreements with the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar have been carried into effect by various Acts of Parlia ment and Orders in Council, which contain provision for the establishment of courts of adjudication for the trial of vessels captured as slavers at Zanzibar. The carrying out of these measures has been committed to the Political Agent of the Government of India, who also holds the appointment of British Consul at Zanzibar, and, in addition to the ordinary duties of a Political Agent and Consul, is Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court. The expenses of this Esta blishment are borne by the Indian Government. The Government have proposed to enter into a new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar to the following eflect “ 1. To limit the shipment of slaves from the mainland to one point only on “ the African coast, namely. Dar Selam, and to prohibit entirely their export from “ any other places. “ 2. To make Zanzibar the only port for the l eception of slaves shipped from “ Dar Selam, but with liberty to transport from thence to Pemba and Mombaza “ only ; imports of slaves to any other place, or which have not come through “ Zanzibar, should be declared illegal, and liable to seizure. “ 3. That the number of slaves exported from Dar Selam to Zanzibar, and thence to Pemba and Mombaza, shall be strictly limited to the actual require- “ ments of the inhabitants of those places, to be annually settled by mutual consent “ between the Sultan and the British Agent, such number to be gradually de- “ creased so as to cease altogether within a certain time. “ 4. That every vessel engaged in the transport of slaves shall be liable to capture, unless she is provided with a proper pass from the Sultan, which shall be valid only for one voyage, and with distinctive marks on her hull and sails ; “ a heavy penalty being attached to any piracy of these passes or marks. “ 5. That the public slave markets at Zanzibar shall be closed. 6. That the Sultan shall engage from the date of the treaty to punish severely “ any of his subjects who may be proved to be concerned, directly or indirectly, in “ the slave trade, and especially any attempt to molest or interfere with a liberated “ slave. 7. That the Kutchees, and other natives of Indian states under British pro- “ tection, shall be forbidden, after a date to be fixed by the Government of India (( to possess slaves, and that in the meantime they shall be prevented from acquir- “ ing any fresh slaves. Lastly, “ The treaty shall contain a stipulation providing for the eventual entire prohibition of the export of slaves from the mainland.” The Government have sent out instructions to press this proposed treaty upon the present Sultan ; but pending the inquiry of this Committee nothing more has been done. It ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). vii It has been stated to the Committee that for the performance of the addi tional duties which would devolve upon the Consul, should the proposed treaty be carried into effect, some increase in the present small staff would be required, and it was recommended by witnesses that an officer be appointed at Zanzibar to assist the Consul and Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court in all matters connected with the slave trade, with the title of Assistant Political Agent and Vice Consul at Zanzibar, and to act for him in his absence ; that a Consular Officer should aim be appointed at Oar Selam, under the superintendence of Her Majesty’s Consul, to whom he should report upon all matters connected with the slave trade, the number of slaves exported, and whether the Sultan’s engagements with Her Majesty’s Government are strictly observed. This officer would be required to visit, from time to time, the various points on the coast, and to report whether any irregularities exist, or any illegal exports are carried on ; and as it is probable that for some time the slave traders would attempt to continue the exportation of slaves from Kilwa, the distance of which from Zanzibar and Dar Selam would prevent the British authorities at those places from watching and checking such practices, it might be necessary, at first, to station a consular officer at that port also. It was also stated to the Committee that this proposal was concurred in by the Secretary ot State for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for India in Council, who recommended that, as the duties of the agency and consulate at Zanzibar were of a twofold character—one part concerning the Indian, and the other the Imperial Government—that the cost of maintenance should be equally divided between the Imperial and Indian Governments. , This proposal was negatived by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, and it was stated in evidence that, in consequence of this refusal and of the representation of the Indian Government, Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council had informed the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Foreign Office would no longer be privileged to send any instructions to the Zanzibar agent ; and the whole matter, therefore, w as brought to a dead lock. The principal means used to check the trade have been the employment of some vessels of Her Majesty’s Navy upon the East Indian station as cruisers to watch the East African Coast during the slaving season, which, depending upon the monsoon, is from April to the end of June, and from September to the beginning of November. It was stated in evidence that during the years 1867, 1868, and 1869, there were captured by the squadron 116 dhows, con taining 2,645 slaves ; while, according to the returns uf slaves exported from Zanzibar and Kilwa during those years, dhows carrying 37,000 slaves must have evaded capture, making the captures about 6 6 per cent. only. Ihese figures are sufficient to show the insufficiency of the present squadron to check, much less to stop, the trade; and the reasons assigned are that the existing treaties and the instructions as to domestic slaves render it impossible to seize a dhow south of La moo, and during the south-west monsoon it is very difficult to keep the cruisers sufficiently near the coast to intercept the dhows as they run northward before the wind, while there appears a general concurrence of testimony that the present number of the squadron is insufficient for the work to be performed, and that the efficiency of the squadron would be mate rially increased by an additional supply of steam launches for the arduous boat service on that coast. The traffic in slaves was, on the 31st of May 1871, as reported by the Admiral Commanding in Chief on the station to be, “without doubt, as busy and profitable as ever.” In connection with the failure of the measures hitherto adopted it was given in evidence that much was owing to the want of recorded information, and the necessarily frequent change of commanders, who, moreover, are not supplied with the oflScial reports of those who have preceded them, as well as to the inefficiency and untrustworthiness of the interpreters employed, who not un fre quently are in league with the traders, and mislead the commanders of the squadron. Evidence given before your Committee shows the very great inconveni ence and loss resulting to British residents, and a frequent diversion of trade 420. a 4 into VIH REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE into foreign bottoms from the want of any regular postal communication with Zanzibar ; the mails lying sometimes at Seychelles for months together waiting for a chance vessel. It has been stated to them that a very small subsidy would suffice to start monthly steam communication, either with the Seychelles, distant about 800 miles, in correspondence with French steamers running from Aden, or from the latter port direct. Your Committee having heard the evidence, are strongly of opinion that all legitimate means should be used to put an end altogether to the East African slave trade. They believe that any attempt to supply slaves for domestic use in Zanzibar, will always be a pretext and cloak for a foreign trade, while the loss of life and the injuiy caused to maintain even the limited supply of slaves re quired for this purpose, must of necessity be so great as to forbid this country continuing to recognise any such traffic in slaves. It has been stated by some of the witnesses, that should the Sultan con sent to relinquish the slave trade a revolution would follow, and that a sudden stoppage of the importation of slaves into Zanzibar would seriously affect the industrial position of the island ; but on the other hand, a witness of great experience has given it in evidence, that the Zanzibar Arabs are fully aware that the trade will be stopped, and are beginning to understand that more profit can be made by retaining the labourers to cultivate their own country, than by selling them away as slaves, while the abolition of the trade would encourage free labourers from all parts to reside at Zanzibar, so ensuring a larger and. better supply of labourers than exists at present. It appears from the evidence, that the parties from whom serious opposi tion may be expected are the northern Arabs, but the presence of an English naval force at Zanzibar would afford sufficient protection. Your Committee therefore recommend that it be notified to the Sultan of Zanzibar, that the existing treaty provisions having been systematicallyevaded, and having been found not only insufficient to protect the negro tribes in the interior of Africa from destruction, but rather to foster and encourage the foreign trade in slaves. Her Majesty’s Government, unless further securities can be obtained for the entire prohibition of the foreign slave trade, will feel itself compelled to abrogate the treaty, and to take such further legitimate measures as it may find necessary to put an end to all slave trade whatever, whether foreign or coasting. Further, that should the Sultan he willing to enter into a new treaty, having for its object the entire abolition of the slave trade, Her Majesty’s Govern ment would agree to settle at Zanzibar a propoi’tion of adult negroes, who might thereafter be captured by Her Majesty's cruisers, provided the Sultan aoreed to such measures for their protection and freedom as might be deemed necessary.. It has l)een represented to the Committee by some of the witnesses, that as the Sultan derives a considerable part of his leveuues from the slave trade, it would be necessary to make him some compensation for the loss he would sustain by the abolition of the trade. It appears from the evidence, that the Sultan of Zanzibar levies a tax of two dollars upon all slaves shipped from Kilwa for Zanzibar, and four dollars upon those shipped for Lamoo, and a further tax of two dollars upon all slaves shipped from Zanzibar. The witnesses have estimated the proceeds of this tax at various amounts, some putting it as high as 15,000 1. oi- 20,000 1. ; others as low as 5,000/. ; but whatever the amount may be, the prospect of compensation has been suggested in the négociations for a new treaty with the Sultan, already alluded to in this Report. It has been suggested that, as an equivalent for the supposed loss to his revenue, the Sultan should be released from the payment of an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns to the Sultan of Muscat, which was arranged upon the partition of the dominion of the Imaum of Muscat, between his two sons, by the Indian Government as arbitrators ; but it now appears that the circumstances under which it was supposed this release might be effected have altered. It has been given in evidence that from 1,700 to about 4,000 slaves is probably sufficient to supply the requirements of the island and dominions of Zanzibar ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). IX Zanzibar, and this, therefore, i? the extent of the legalised trade, and the value to the Sultan of Zanzibar at the present rate of tax would not exceed 4,000 /. annually Your Committee, however, do not believe that the Sultan of Zanzibar would be ultimately a loser by the abolition of the trade ; on the contrary, it was given in evidence that already the revenues of the Sultan, derived from the rapidly increasing trade of Zanzibar, and from his private estates in India are ample to maintain the Government of his State, independently of the sum received from the slave trade ; while the witnesses generally concur in stating that were the slave trade abolished, and a more ready means of communication afforded between Bombay, Aden, and Zanzibar, the already flourishing trade of that State would be rapidly developed. Material assistance to this development might be afforded by a line of mail steamers to Zanzibar. Should the Sultan be willing to enter into a new treaty, the Committee recommend that it contain provisions for the entire abandonment of the slave trade, the closing of the Zanzibar and Kilwa slave markets, the punishment of any of the subjects of Zanzibar in any w ay engaged in the slave trade, permission to the British Govern ment to station Vice Consuls at Kilwa, Dar Selam, and Lamoo ; and on the part of the British Government an agreement to settle, under full and stringent measures for their protection, a certain number of negroes released from slavery by Her Majesty’s cruisers. The Committee concur in the opinion expressed by the witnesses as to the necessity of an increase in the consular establishment ; and inasmuch as the staff of that establishment would he largely employed in the suppression of the slave trade, they think that the expense should be equally shared by the Indian and Imperial Government. The Committee are of opinion that there should be for a time an increase, as recommended in the Report of the Committee on the Slave Trade, addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, as well as by the evidence of the naval officers, in the strength of the naval squadron ; and that it should be well supplied with steam launches to perform the inshore duties, which necessarily must be conducted in boats. The Committee feel that the disposal of the squadron must be left to the discretion of the commanding officers, and they would recommend that advantage should be taken of their experience as to the class of vessels to be employed ; and that they should be provided, as far as possible, with all recorded information on the subject. The Committee also recommend that some effort be made to provide the squadron with efficient and trustworthy interpreters. It has been stated in evidence, that some time must elapse after the measures above referred to have been put in force before the slave trade could be stopped ; and assuming that an efficient squadron is maintained, the Committee see that the disposal of the liberated slaves becomes a matter of large importance. They have recommended the liberation at Zanzibar of adult slaves on the assump tion that the Sidtan would enter into a new treaty ; should he, however, oppose the formation of a depot there, it will be necessary to seek some other locality for that purpose, and no other place combines the advantages possessed by the Seychelles Islands. It was given in evidence that the Church Missionary Society are willing to enter into an arrangement for the superintendence and education of the children at the Seychelles, similar to that entered into with the Government with respect to liberated children at Sierra Leone, the Mauritius, and at Nassuck in Bombay. In urging the necessity of retaining in this service trained and experienced men,^ the Committee consider that this principle most strongly applies to the Political Agency at Zanzibar. So complicated are our political relations at pre sent with the Sultan, and so difficult will be the task of dealing with him, that they do not hesitate to advise that the services should be retained of the present acting Political Agent, bearing in mind his long and tried experience of Africa, its climate, its slave-trade difficulties, his knowledge of the Sultan, and his acti- 420. b vity X REPORT: SLAVE TRADE EAST COAST OF AFRICA vity in conducting the greater part of the work of the department for some years, they would recommend that no technical rules of the service be allowed to interfere with his appointment as Political Agent at Zanzibar. In view of the considerable commercial interests which Germany, France, America, and Portugal possess in commerce with Zanzibar and the surroundings, your Committee suggest that Her Majesty’s Government invite the co-operation of these several Governments in the suppression of a traffic so subversive of these interests. There is reason to believe that such an overture would be responded to, especially by the Government at Berlin in virtue of the preponderance of German trade at the port of Zanzibar. It would be also desirable to enter into negotiations with the Government of Persia, to secure, if possible, for Her Majesty’s officers greater facilities of search in vessels suspected of carrying slaves. 4 August 1871. [ xi ] PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE. Friday, 7th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT : Mr. Russell Gurney. Mr. Gilpin. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Russell Gurney was called to the Chair. Mr. O’Conor. Sir Frederick Williams. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Cruin-Ewing. The Committee deliberated. [Adjourned till Monday next, at One o’clock. Monday, \0th July 1871. MEMBERS Mr. Gilpin. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kinnaird. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Kennaway. PRESENT : Sir Frederick Williams. Mr. O’Conor. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Sir Robert Anstruther. In the absence of Mr. Russell Gurney, Mr. Gilpin was called to the Chair. The Honourable Crespigny Vivian was examined. [Adjourned till Thursday next, at One o’clock. Thursday, i^th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Mr. Gilpin. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Sir Frederick Williams. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. Robert Fowler. In the absence of Mr. 'Russell Gurney, Mr. Gilpin was called to the Chair. The Honourable Crespigny Vivian was further examined. Sir JoAw William Faye and Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, c.B., were severally examined. [Adjourned till Monday next, at One o’clock. XU PROCEEDINGS OE THE SELECT COMMITTEE Monday, \7th July 18/1. MEMBERS PRESENT : Mr. Gilpin. Sir Robert Anstrutlier. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kenn aw ay. Mr. Kinnaird. Lord F. Cavendish. Sir Frederick Williams. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot Mr. Crum-Ewing. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Kobert Fowler. In the absence of Mr. Russell Gurney, Mr. Gilpin was called to the Chair. Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, C.B., was further examined. Sir Bnrtle Frere, k.c.b., was examined. [Adjourned till Thursday next, at One o’clock. Thursday, 20th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Mr. Russell Gurney in the Chair. Mr. Gilpin. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Lord F. Cavendish. Sir John Hay. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir Robert Anstruther. Major General Christopher Palmer Righy and Leopold G. Heath, K.C.B., were severally examined. [Adjourned till Monday next, at One o’clock. Monday, 2Hh April 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Mr. Russell Gurney in the Chair. Mr. Gilpin. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. O’Conor. Sir Robert Anstruther. Mr. Percy Wyndham. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. Robert Fowler. Sir Leopold Heath, k.c.b., was further examined. Mr. H. C. Rothery, Sir William Coghlan, and the Rev. Horace Waller, were severally examined. [Adjourned till To-morrow, at One o’clock. ox SLAVE TKADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Xlll Tuesday, '2bth July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT : Mr. Russell Gturney in the Chair. Sir John Hay. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. O’Conor. Sir Robert Anstruther. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Lord F. Cavendish. The Rev. Edward Steere, LL.D., and severally examined. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Robert Fowler. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. GiljDin. r Admiral Charles F. Hillyar, C.B., were Major General Christopher Palmer Righy further examined. Captain Philip Columb, E.N., Mr. Charles Allington, and Mr. Edioard Hutchinson, were severally examined. The Rev. Horace Waller was further examined. [Adjourned till Monday next, at Twelve o’clock. Monday, 31 si July 1871. MEMBERS present : Mr. Russell Gurney in the Chair. Mr. Gilpin. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Percy Wyndham. The Committee deliberated. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir Robert Anstruther. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. R. Fowler. [Adjourned till Thursday next, at Two o’clock. Thursday, 3rd August 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Mr. Russell Gurney in the Chair. Sir John Hay. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. Gilpin. Mr. R. Fowler. DRAFT REPORT proposed by the Chairman, read a first time, as follows: slave trade in negroes, on the East Coast of Africa, is now almost pan of A to a trade between the dominions of Zanzibar on the one hand, and the and hv Persia and the Island of Madagascar on the other hand, the principal 420. b3 «2. The XIV PROCEEDINGS OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE ^‘ 2. The negro slave in general passes through three stages ere he reaches his final destination. “ 3. These are, (1) the land journey from his home to the coast, (2) a short sea voyage to the Ish.nd of Zanzibar, where is the open slave market, and (3) the final sea passage from Zanzibar to Arabia, Persia, or Madagascar. ‘‘ 4. From the evidence laid before the Committee it appears that the large majority of the slaves are now brought from the western side of the Lake Nyassa (a distance of nearly 500 miles from the coast) to Kilwa, which is the principal port of shipment for Zan zibar, and is near the southern limit of the Zanzibar dominions. 5. Your Committee had before them extracts from Despatches of Dr. Livingstone, addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, when Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and his testimony as to the methods resorted to by ihe slave hunters, and the cruel ties and horrors of the trade is fully supported by the evidence of witness who had travelled in the interior. This evidence is well summed up in the Report of the Committee on the East African Slave Trade addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, a quotation from v/hich is as follows:— The persons by whom this traffic is carried on are for the most part Arabs, subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar. These slave dealers start for the interior, well armed, and ‘ provided with articles for the harter of slaves, such as beads and cotton cloth. On arriving at the scene of their operations they incite and sometimes help the natives of one tribe to ‘ make war upon another. Their assistance almost invariably secures victory to the side ' which they support, and the captives become their property, either by right or by pur- ^ chase, the price in the latter case being only a few yards of cotton cloth. In the course ' of these operations, thousands are killed, or die subsequently of their wounds or of star vation, villages are burnt, and the women and children carried away as slaves. The ' complete depopulation of the country between the coast and the present field of slave ‘ dealers’ operations attest the fearful character of these raids. Having by these and other means obtained a sufficient number of slaves to allow for ‘ the heavy losses on the road, the slave dealers start with them for the coast. The horrors ‘ attending this long journey have been full) described by Dr. Livingstone and others. ‘ The slaves are marched in gangs, the males with their necks yoked in heavy forked ‘ sticks, which at night are fastened to the ground, or lashed together so as to make escape ‘ impossible. The women and children are bound with thongs. Any attempt at escape ' or to untie their bonds, or any wavering or lagging on the journey, has but one punish ment immediate death. Ihe sick are left behind, and the route of a slave caravan can ‘ be tracked by the dying and the dead. The Arabs only value these poor creatures at the price which they fetch in the market, and if they are not likely to pay the cost of their conveyance they are got rid of. The result is, that a large number of the slaves ' die or are murdered on their journey, and the survivors arrive at their destination in a ^ state of the greatest misery and emaciation.’ “ 6. From Kilwa the main body of the slaves are shipped to Zanzibar, but some are carried direct to the northern ports. “7. At Zanzibar the slaves are sold either in open market or direct to the dealer, and they are then shipped in Arab dhows for Arabia and Persia ; the numbers of each cargo vary from one or two slaves to between three and four hundred. “ whole slave trade by sea, whether for the supply of the Sultan’s African dominions or the markets in Arabia and Persia, is carried on by Arabs from Muscat and other ports on the Arabian coast. They are not subjects of Zanzibar, but chiefly belong to tribes of roving and predatory habits, who come down to Zanzibar during the first four months of the year, carrying merchandise; they then make their purchases either at Kilwa or Zanzibar, and start on their return journey north in August and September. 9. The sea passage exposes the slave to much suffering ; and, in addition to the danger from overcrowding and insufficient food, the loss of life connected with the attempt to escape Her Majesty’s cruisers is very considerable, it being the practice to use any means to get rid of the slaves in order to escape condemnation, should the dhow be captured. Between Kilwa and Zanzibar a dhow lately lost a third of the slaves ; there were 90 thrown overboard, dead or dying, many of them horribly emaciated and in a terrible state. “ 10. The ready market founá for the slave'in Arabia and Persia, and the large profit upon the sale, are quite sufficient inducements for the continuance of the traffic. ^ 11. It seems impossible to arrive at an exact conclusion as to the actual number of slaves who leave the African coast in one year, but from the Returns laid before the Com mittee an estimate may be formed. At the port of Kilwa is the Custom-house of the Sultan of Zanzibar, through which pass all slaves that are not smuggled, and there a tax is levied on all that pass the Custom-house. 12. The following is a Return of the number of slaves exported through the Custom house ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). XV house at Kilwa between 1862 and 1867, distinguishing those sent to Zanzibar from those shipped to other places :— Elsewhere. 5.500 3.500 3,000 4,000 4.500 20,500 “ 13. From a despatch of Dr. Kirk, dated 1st February 1870, it appears that 14,944. were exported from Kilwa in the year ending 23rd August 1869. But besides those passed through the Custom-house at Kilwa, numbers are exported from other places on the coast. “ 14. Snch is the extent to which the exportation of slaves takes place from the Zanzibar territory on the Fast Coast of Africa. It has also been shown that there the slave trade still exists from the Portuguese territory to the Island of Madagascar, and that slaves are still imported into Turkish ports in the Bed Sea, General Bigby having recently seen fresh importations even in the civilised port of Suez. It must not, however, be thought that those who are taken captive, great as the numbers are, represent in- any degree the total number of the sufferers from this iniquitous traffic. Such is the fearful loss of life resulting from this traffic, such the miseries which attend it, that, according to Dr. Livingstone and others, notone in five, in some cases not one in ten, of the victims of the slave hunters ever reach the coast alive. “ 15. Measures have at various times been adopted by the Government of this country to control and check the trade, but hitherto with but partial success; these measures have been two-fold. y To control the trade, treaties have been made with the Sultan of Muscat, with the friendly Arab chiefs on the Arabian coast, and with the Shah of Persia. The treaties with the Sultan of Muscat are acknowledged to be binding upon the Sultan of Zanzibar, who has issued orders accordingly, and they prohibit the export of slaves from Africa, as well as their import from Africa into Asia, Arabia, the Bed Sea, or Persian Gulf, but permit the transport of slaves to and fro between Kilwa, Zanzibar, and any coast port up to Lamoo, which is the northern limit of the Sultan of Zanzibar’s dominions. ‘‘ 16. The result of the treaties, as far as the Sultan of Zanzibar is concerned, is, that not only are the slave traders enabled to rendezvous in great numbers at Zanzibar, but the slaver, laden with slaves, starting from Zanzibar, and provided with proper clearances for Lamoo, is enabled to make the first half of the journey north unmolested by British cruisers. “ 17. The object of the British Government in assenting to these treaty provisions was to ^'Oid interference with the status of domestic slavery in the dominions of the Sultan . f\”/^oar, as appears by a Despatch from the Bight Honourable Earl Bussell dated 14th March 1864, in which it is stated that Her Majesty’s Government do not claim the right to interfere in the status of domestic slavery in Zanzibar, nor with the bona fide transport of slaves from one part of the Sultan’s teritory to another. “ 18. It appears from the evidence that the admission of the Sultan of Zanzibar’s right to transport slaves between his island and coast dominions has afforded a cover for the foreign slave trade, as the traders procure at Zanzibar or Kilwa the requisite port clear ances and passes for Lamoo, and thence run northwards, taking their chance of escapin«- the British cruisers. ^ ^ Year. 1862- 63 1863- 64 1864- 65 1865- 66 1866- 67 Zanzibar. 1 3,000 14,000 13,821 18,344 17.538 Total Exports from Kilwa 1 in Five vears - - I 76,703 20,500 97,203 ‘"19. There are no means of ascertaining the exact numbers intended for the foreign market, but different witnesses have estimated the numbers annually needed to maintain ® of slave labour in the dominion of Zanzibar, at from 1,700 to 3,000, which wou d leave at least 17,000 as the number destined for the foreign slave market. The rea y stipulations and agreements with the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar have been cariie mto effect by various Acts of Parliament and Orders in Council, which contain pioxnsion tor the establishment of courts of adjudication for the trial of vessels captured as slavers at Zanzibar. r ,1 carrying out of these measures has been committed to the Political Agent o the Governor General of India, who also holds the appointment of British Consul at ^anzibar, and, in addition to the ordinary duties of a Political Agent and Consul, is ®Admiralty Court. The expenses of this establishment are borne by the Indian Government, ^ 420. b 4 21. The XVI PEOCEEDINGS or TUE SELECT COMMITTEE ‘^^21. The Government have proposed to enter into a new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar to the following effect :— ‘‘ ^ 1. To limit the shipment of slaves from the mainland to one point only on the ‘ African coast, namely, Dar Selam, and to prohibit entirely their export from any other ‘ places. ‘‘ ^ 2. To make Zanzibar the only port for the reception of slaves shipped from Dar ‘ Selam, but with liberty to transport from thence to Pemba and Mombaza only : imports ‘of slaves to any other place, or which have not come through Zanzibar, should be ‘ declared illegal, and liable to seizure. “ ‘ 3. That the number of slaves exported from Dar Selam to Zanzibar, and thence to ‘ Pemba and Mombaza, shall be strictly limited to the actual requirements of the inha- ‘ bit ants of those places, to be annually settled by mutual consent between the Sultan ‘ and the British agent, such number to be gradually decreased so as to cease altogether ‘ within a certain time. ° “ ‘ 4. That every vessel engaged in the transport of slaves shall be liable to eapture, unless ‘ she is provided with a proper pass from the Sultan, which shall be valid only for one ‘ voyage, and with distinctive marks on her hull and sails; a heavy penalty being attached ‘ to any piracy of these passes or marks. “ ‘ 5. That the public slave markets at Zanzibar shall be closed. “ ‘ 6. That the Sultan shall engage from the date of the treaty to punish severely any ‘ of his subjects who may be proved to be concerned, directly or indirectly, in the slave ‘ trade, and especially any attempt to molest or interfere with a liberated slave. “‘7. That the Kutchees, and other natives of Indian states under British protection, ‘ shall be forbidden, after a date to be fixed by the Government of India, to possess ‘ slaves, and that in the meantime they shall be prevented from acquiring any fresh ‘ slaves. . ‘‘ ‘ Lastly. The treaty shall contain a stipulation providing for the eventual entire pro- ‘ hibition of the export of slaves from the mainland. ’ “ The Government have sent out instructions to press this proposed treaty upon the present Sultan ; but pending the inquiry of this Committee nothing more has been done. “ 22. It has been stated to the Committee that for the performance of the additional duties which would devovle upon the Consul, should the proposed treaty be carried into effect, some increase in the present small staff would be required, and it was recom mended by witnesses that an officer be appointed at Zanzibar to assist the Consul and Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court in all matters connected with the slave trade, with the title of Assistant Political Agent and Vice Consul at Zanzibar, and to act for him in his absence ; that a Consular Officer should also be appointed at Dar Selam, under the superintendence of Her Majesty's Consul, to whom he should report upon all matters connected with the slave trade, the number of slaves exported, and whether the Sultan’s engagements with Her Majesty’s Government are strictly observed. This officer would be required to visit, from time to time, the various points on the coast, and to report whether any irregularities exist, or any illegal exports are carried on ; and as it is probable that for some time the slave traders would attempt to continue the exportation of slaves from Kilwa, the distance of which from Zanzibar and Dar Selam would prevent the British authorities at those places from watching and checking such practices, it might be necessary, at first, to station a Consular Officer at that port also. “ 23. It was also stated to the Committee that this proposal was concurred in by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for India in Council, who recommended that, as the duties of the agency and consulate at Zanzibar were of a twofold character—one part concerning the Indian, and the other the Imperial Govern ment—that the cost of maintenance should be equally divided between the Imperial and Indian Governments. “ 24. This proposal was negatived by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, and it was stated in evidence that, in consequence of this refusal and of the representation of the Indian Government, Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council had in formed the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Foreign Office would no longer be privileged to send any instructions to the Zanzibar agent ; and the whole matter, therefore, was brought to a dead-lock, and the traffic in slaves was on the 31st of May 1871, as reported by the Admiral commanding in chief on the station to be, “without doubt, as busy and profitable as ever.” “ 25. The principal means used to check the trade have been the employment of some vessels of Her Majesty’s Navy upon the East Indian station as cruisers to watch the East African coast during the slaving season, which, depending upon the monsoon, is from April to the end of June, and from September to the beginning of November. It was stated in evidence that during the years 1867, 1868, 1869, there were captured by the squadron 116 dhows, containing 2,645 slaves; while, according to the returns of slaves xvu ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). slaves exported irom Zanzibar and Kilwa during those years, dhows carrying 37,000 slaves must have evaded capture, making the captures about 6 6 per cent. only. ° “ 26. These figures are sufficient to show the insufficiency of the present squadron to check, much less to stop, the trade ; and the reasons assigned are that the existing treaties and the instructions as to domestic slaves render it impossible to take a dhow south of -Lainoo, and during the south-west monsoon it is very difficult to keep the cruisers suffi ciently near the coast to intercept the dhows as they run northward before the wind, while there appears a general concurrence of testimony that the present number of the squadron is insufficient for the work to be performed, and that the efficiency of the squadron would be materially increased by an additional supply of steam launches for the arduous boat service on that coast. r 27. In connection with the failure of the measures hitherto adopted it was given in evidence that much was owing to the want of recorded information, and the necessarily frequent change of commanders, who, moreover, are not supplied with the official reports of those who have preceded them, as well as to the inefficiency and untrustworthiness of the interpreters employed, who not unfrequently are in league with the traders, and mis lead the commanders of the squadron. ‘‘28. Tour Committee having heard the evidence, are strongly of opinion that all legitimate means should be used to put an end altogether to the East African slave trade. “ 29. They believe that any attempt to supply slaves for domestic use in Zanzibar will always be a pretext and cloak for a foreign trade, while the loss of life and the injury caused to maintain even the liniited supply of slaves required for this purpose must of necessity, be so great as to forbid this country continuing to recognise any such traffic in witnesses, that should the Sultan consent to . slave trade a revolution would follow, and that a sudden stoppage of the importation of slaves into Zanzibar would seriously affect the industrial position of the island ; but, on the other hand, a witness of great experience has given it in evidence that the Zanzibar Arabs are fully aware that the trade will be stopped, and are beginning to understand that more profit can be made by retaining the labourers to cultivate their own country, than by selling them away as slaves, while the abolition of the trade would encourage free labourers from all parts to reside at Zanzibar, so ensuring a laro-er and better supply of labourers than exists at present. “31. It appears from the evidence, that the parties from whom turbulent opposition may be expected are the northern Arabs, the presence of an English force at Zanzibar would afford sufficient protection. 1 Your Committee therefore recommend that it be notified to the Sultan of Zanzibar, that the existmg treaty provisions have been systematically evaded, and have been found not only msuftcient to protect the negro tribes in the interior of Africa from destruction but rather to foster and encourage the foreign trade in slaves. Her Majesty’s Govern- longer recognise those provisions as binding upon this country, but will take ucn legitimate measures to abolish the slave trade as may be deemed necessary represented to the Committee by some of the witnesses, that as the ^ erives a considerable part of his revenues from the slave trade, it would be of the* trad^^ make him some compensation for the loss he would sustain by the abolition treaty with tífé“? U «he negotiations for a new J tne oultan, already alluded to in this Report. the Sultan shoiil^i^n equivalent for the supposed loss to his revenue, to the Sultan of =>? “““I «"bsidy of 40,000 crowns su^entitpjiT r:qfor:itT:ft:iic I'JZiw::: therefore. c xvm PROCEEDINGS OE THE SELECT COMMITTEE therefore, is the extent of the legalised trade, and the value to the Sultan of Zanzibar at the present rate of tax would not exceed 3,000 /. annually ; any compensation, therefore, could only be based upon this small amount. “38. Your Committee, however, do not believe that the Sultan of Zanzibar would be ultimately a loser by the abolition of the trade ; on the contrary, it was given in evidence that already the revenues of the Sultan, derived from the rapidly increasing trade of Zanzibar, and from his private estates in India, are ample to maintain the Government of his State, independently of the sum received from the slave trade; while the witnesses generally concur in stating that were the slave trade abolished, and a more ready means of communication afforded between Bombay, Aden, and Zanzibar, the already flourishing trade of that State would be rapidly developed. Material assistance to this development might be afforded by a line of mail steamers to Zanzibar. Should the Sultan be willing to enter into a new treaty, the Committee recommend that it contain provisions for the entire abandonment of the slave trade, the closing of the Zanzibar and Kilwa slave markets, the punishment of any of the subjects of Zanzibar in any way engaged in the slave trade, permission to the British Government to station Vice Consuls at Kilwa, Dar Selam, and Lam00 ; and on the part of the British Government an agreement to settle, under full and stringent measures for their protection, a certain number of negroes released from slavery by Her Majesty’s cruisers. “ 39. Your Committee recommend, that as an inducement to the Sultan to agree to such a treaty, this country should express its readiness to take upon itself, in combina tion with India, the payment of the subsidy to the Sultan of Muscat. The continuance of this payment to the Sultan of Muscat should be made to depend upon the due fulfil ment, by that ruler, of the obligations of his treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. The payment of this sum would entail a charge upon this country, small in comparison with that of the squadron now maintained, and, your Committee believes, would lead to the early extinction of the slave trade. “ 40. The Committee concur in the opinion expressed by the witnesses as to the neces sity of an increase in the consular establishment; and inasmuch as the staff of that establishment would be largely employed in the suppression of the slave trade, they think that the expense should be equally shared by^ the Indian and Imperial Government. “41. The Committee are of opinion that there should be for a time an increase, as recommended by the Foreign Office Committee, as well as by the evidence of the naval officers, in the strength of the naval squadron; and that it should be well supplied with steam launches to perform the inshore duties, which necessarily must be conducted in boats. I “ 42. The Committee feel that the disposal of the squadron must be left to the discre tion of the commanding officers, and they would recommend that advantage should be taken of their experience as to the class of vessels to be employed; and that they should be provided, as far as possible, with all recorded information on the subject. “ 43. The Committee also recommend that some effort be made to provide the squadron with efficient and trustworthy interpreters. “ 44. It has been stated in evidence, that some time must elapse after the measures above referred to have been put in force before the slave trade could be stopped; and assuming that an efficient squadron is maintained, the Committee see that the disposal of the libe rated slaves becomes a matter of large importance. They have recommended the libera tion at Zanzibar of adult slaves on the assumption that the Sultan would enter into a new treaty. Should he, however, oppose the formation of a depot there, it will be necessary to seek some other locality for that purpose, and no other place combines the advantages possessed by the Seychelles Islands, which are stated to afford abundant scope for a settle ment, the climate and the food being well suited to the Negro races. “ 45. It was given in evidence that the Church Missionary Society are willing to undertake the superintendence and education of the children at the Seychelles, as has been done at Sierra Leone, the Mauritius, and at Nassuck, in Bombay. Should the Sultan, however, oppose the formation of a depot at Zanzibar, it would become necessary to seek some other locality for that purpose, and no other place combines the advantages possessed by the Seychelles Islands. “46. In urging the necessity of retaining in this service trained and experienced men, the Committee consider that this principle most strongly applies to the Political Agency at Zanzibar. So complicated are our political relations at present with the Sultan, and so difficult will be the task of dealing with him, that they do not hesitate to advise that the services should be retained of the present acting Political Agency, bearing in mind his long and tried experience of Africa, its climate, its slave-trade difficulties, his knowledge of the Sultan, and his activity in conducting the greater part of the work of the depart ment for some years, they would recommend that no technical rules of the service be allowed to interfere with his appointment as Political Agent at Zanzibar. “ 47. In view of the considerable commercial interests which Germany, France, America, and Portugal possess in commerce with Zanzibar and the surroundings, your Committee XlX ON SLAVE TRADE (eAST COAST OF AFRICA). Committee suggest that Her Majesty’s Government invite the co-operation of these several Governments in the suppression of a traffic so subversive of these interests. There is reason to believe that such an overture would be responded to, especially by the Government at Berlin, in virtue of the preponderance of German trade at the port of Zanzibar.” DRAFT REPORT proposed by the Chairman, read a second time, paragraph by paragraph. Paragraph 1.—An Amendment made.—Another Amendment proposed at the end of the paragraph, as amended, to add the words : “ It was reported in 1867, by General Rigby, to be the chief market of the world for the supply of ivory, gum, and copal, and to have a rapidly increasing trade in hides, oils, seeds, and dyes, while sugar and cotton promise to figure largely amongst its future exports. The conn,try in the interior of that part of Africa, and of which Zanzibar is the outlet, is said, according 1o the recent accounts of Livingstone and others, to be equal in resources to any part of India, and to be, as a rule, more healthy. Iron abounds in all directions, coal is to be found, and cotton can be grown to any extent”—(Mr. Kennaioay).—Question put. That those words be added to the paragraph.—The Committee divided : Ayes, I. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Noes, 3. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Paragraph, as amended, agreed to. Paragraphs 2—7, agreed to. Paragraphs 8 and 9, amended, and agreed to. Paragraphs 10—14, agreed to. Q.696. Q.970. Amendment proposed, after paragraph 14, to insert the following new paragraph :— The slaves when liberated from the dhows have been sent of late years to Aden and Bombay, being maintained there at a heavy cost to the Imperial Exchequer. In time past some have been landed at the Seychelles, a dependency of the Mauritius. The climate in these islands is said to suit them exactly, and the inhabitants to be anxious for emancipated slave labour. Every variety of tropical product grows there in the greatest abundance”—(Mr. Kennaway).—Question, That this paragraph be inserted in the proposed Report,— put, and agreed to. Paragraphs lò—20, amended, and agreed to. Paragraphs 21—23, agreed to. Paragraph 24.—Amendment proposed, in line 6, to leave out from the word ‘‘dead lock” to the end of the paragraph—(Mr. Shaw Lefevre).—Question put. That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the paragraph.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 4. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Gilpin. Noes, 4. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Whereupon the Chairman declared himself with the Noes. Paragraph 24, as amended, agreed to. Paragraph 25, agreed to. Paragraph 26, amended, and agreed to. Paragraph 27, agreed to. Anaendment proposed, after paragraph 27, to insert the following new paragraph ‘‘ Evidence given before your Committee shows the very great inconvenience and loss result ing to British residents, and a frequent diversion of trade into foreign bottoms from the want of any regular postal communication with Zanzibar ; the mails lying sometimes at Seychelles for months together waiting for a chance vessel. It has been stated to them that a very small subsidy would suffice to start monthly steam communication, either with the Seychelles, distant about 800 miles, in correspondence with French steamers running from Aden, or from the latter port direct ”—(Mr. Kennaway).—Question put. That this paragraph be inserted in the proposed Report,—put, and agreed to. Paragraph 28, agreed to. Paragraph 29. Amendment proposed, in line 2, to leave out from the words “ Foreign 420. Q 2 Trade” Q, 596, 604. XX PROCEEDINGS OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE Trade” to the end of the paragraph—(Mr. Shaiv Lefevre).—Question put. That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the paragraph.—The Committee divided : Ayes 5. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kenn aw ay. Mr. Gilpin. Paragraph agreed to. Paragraph 30, agreed to. Paragraph 31, amended, and agreed to. Paragraph 32.—Amendment proposed, in line 1, after the word “ therefore,” to insert the words :—“ In view of the impotent efforts hitherto made to stop these horrible abominations, and of the duty which they believe to be incumbent on this country to attempt to put a stop to this terrible waste of human life, and regarding the benefit to be derived from the increase of trade confidently looked for on the cessation of the traffic in slaves, recommend”—(Mr. Kennawag).—Question put, “ That those words be there inserted.”—The Committee divided : Noes, 3. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Ayes, 4. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Gilpin. Noes, 4. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Whereupon the Chairman declared himself with the Noes. An Amendment made.—Paragraph, as amended, agreed to. Paragraphs 33—36, agreed to. Paragraph 37, amended and agreed to. Paragraph 38, agreed to. Paragraph 39.—Amendment proposed, to omit paragraph 39—(Mr. Shavj Lefevre). — Question put. That the words “ Your Committee recommend” stand part of the para graph.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 3. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Koes, 5. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Gilpin. Remainder of the paragraph disagreed to. Paragraph 40, agreed to. ParagTaph41.—An Amendment made.—Another Amendment proposed, in lines 2 and 3, to leave out the words As well as by the evidence of the naval officers”—(Lord F. Cavendish).—Question put, That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the paragraph.”—The Committee divided: Ayes, 6. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. R. Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. Koes, 3. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Another Amendment proposed, in line 3, after the word ' Squadron,” to insert the following words : “ The vessels forming the Flying Squadron are manned in a great measure by the reduction of force on the West Coast of Africa, consequent on the extinction of the slave trade there, and if the sum expended on maintaining this force were devoted for a short time to manning a proper class of vessels for service on the East Coast of Africa, the Committee believe it would be attended by the most fortunate results ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). xxi results in extinguishing the slave trade, without any addition to the Navy Estimates”— (Sir John Hay),—Question put, That those words be there inserted.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 3. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Robert Fowler. Noes, 6. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Grilpin. Question, That the paragraph, as amended, stand part of the Report.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 6. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. R. Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. Noes, 3. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Paragrajih 42.—Amendment proj)osed in line 3, after the word “employed,” to insert the words : “ but they cannot help observing that the opinions of Admiral Hillyar and Sir Leopold Heath, the two officers who have commanded in these seas since 1867, have given evidence that an additional force must be maintained on this service; and it is further in evidence that at least three vessels are required to watch the Portuguese territory on the shores of the Mozambique”—(Sir John Hay).—Question put. That those words be there inserted.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 4. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway Mr. R. Fowler. Noes, 5. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Gilpin. Another Amendment proposed, in line 3, to leave out the word “ and,” in order to insert the words : “ The Committee recognising how desirable it is that men and officers engaged on this monotonous and harassing service should not be detained for too long a period, recommend that more care should be taken in communicating to all naval com manding officers every information which may assist them in performing their duty, by providing them not only with accurate records of the proceedings of their naval prede • cessors, but with Parliamentary, Foreign Office, and India Office documents bearing on the question, which will assist them in forming a correct judgment as to the best mode of parrying the devices of the slave traders”—(Sir John Hay),—instead thereof.—Question put. That the word “and” stand part of the paragraph.—The Committee divided : Ayes, 5. Viscount Enfield. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. Gilpin. Noes, 4. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. R. Fowler. Paragraph agreed io. Paragraph 43, agreed to. Paragraphs 44—45, amended, and agreed to. Paragraph i6, agreed to. Paragraph 47.—Question put. That this paragraph stand part of the proj)Osed Report. I he Committee divided: Ayes, 7. Mr. Kinnaird. Sir John Hay. Lord F. Cavendish. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. R. Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. 420. Noes, 2. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. c 3 Amendment Q. C95, 696.11 1157.1310. xxii proceedings:—slave trade (east coast OF AFRICA). Amendment proposed, after paragraph 47, to add the following new paragraph : It would be also desirable to enter into negotiations with the Government of Persia, to secure, if possible, for Her Majesty’s officers greater facilities of search in vessels suspected of carrying slaves ’’—(Mr. KennawayX—Qneñúon, That this paragraph be added to the proposed Report,—put, and agreed to. Question, That this Report, as amended, be the Report of the Committee to the House, —put, and agreed to. Ordered, To Report, together with the Minutes of Evidence, and an Appendix. EXPENSE OF WITNESS. N A M E OF WITNESS. Profession Condition. From whence Summoned. Number of Days absent from Home, under Orders of Committee. Expenses of Journey to London and back. Allowance during Absence from Home. TOTAL Expenses allowed to Witness. Sir Leopold Heath - K.C.B.) R.N* ■ — Southsea (twice) - - 3 2 - £. 8. d. £. 8. of. 3 2 - [ XXlii { 42'). C 4 MIÍÍUTES OF EVIDENCE, [ xxiv ] 1 11 13 21 26 32 42 52 57 59 63 65 71 77 80 81 85 86 87 LIST OF WITNESSES. Monday, \0th July 1871. Hon. Crespigny Vivian Thursday, 13í/¿ July 18/1. Hon. Crespigny Vivian - _ _ _ _ Sir John William Kaye Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, C.B. - Monday, \7thJuly 1871. Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, c.b. _ Sir Bar tie Erere, g.c.s.i,, k.c.b. - - _ _ Thursday, 20th July 1871. Major General Christopher Palmer Bigby - - - Sir Leopold G. Heath, k.c.b. - _ _ _ _ Monday, 2Mh July 1871. Sir Leopold G. Heath, k.c.b. Mr. H, C. Rothery Sir William Coghlan Rev. Horace Waller Tuesday, 2bth July 1871. Rev. Edward Steere, ll.d. - - - _ _ Rear Admiral Charles F. Hillyar, c.b. - - _ . Major General Christopher Palmer Rigby - - _ . Captain Philip Colomb, k.n. Mr. Charles Allington Mr. Edward Hutchinson Rev. Horace Walker [ 1 MmUTES OF EVIDENCE- Monday, \Oth July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT : Sir Robert Anstruther. Lord Frederick Cavendish. Vicount Enfield. Mr. Cruin-Ewin^. Mr. Gilj)in. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kenn away. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. O’Conor. Sir Frederick Williams. CHARLES GILPIN, Esq., in the Chair. The Honourable Crespigny Vivian, called in; and Examined. C/¿atrma?h] I believe you have been for a considerable time connected with the Foreign Office ?—For 19 years. fb connected with that department ol ^ ^ oreign Office which takes cognisance oi atters in connection with the slave trade?— cSj I am senior clerk in charge of the slave Hade department. have seen the terms of reference to ^ Committee ?—1 have. nil 4*1 state of affairs at Zanzibar and +1. m ^ Coast of Africa, with respect to the a C m slaves at the present time as far as you know ?—SWery in the first place is legal in Zanzibar. The sovereign of Zanzibar is an Arab, and his subjects are Arabs, and as such they consider there is no harm in slavery at all. By however, the export of slaves n Zanzibar to foreign countries, and also from anzibar to the dominions of the Imaum of Muscat tn t 4^^' prohibited, but slaves are still allowed J)lbe tramg)ort(xl ifom the coast to the islands f . certain limits, for domestic puiioses ; in ^ ’ w/ consider that as slave trade, re^npct m ^ existing laws of Zanzibar with ThLe nro* the transport of slaves ?— memm 3i's:sE.?s Zanzibar affecting the slave trade ?—There have been several treaties; the first was in 1820 with the friendly Arab tribes on the Persian Gulf. By that treaty 'Gt is provided that the carryino- off of slaves, men, women, and children, from *^the coasts of Africa, or elsewhere, and the transport ing them in vessels, is plunder and piracy, and the friendly Arabs shall do nothing of this nature.” That was the first treaty. There was then a treaty with the Imaum of Muscat (Muscat and Zanzibar being then under one sovereign) in 1822, and a further one in 1839, but it is hardly worth while referring to them, because they were niuchstronger treaty in October 1845, which IS the treaty to which we now appeal, lhat was signed by Captain Hamerton, who was our agent at Muscat, and Syud Saeed, who was Sultan^ of Muscat and Zanzibar. By that treaty the Sultan engaged to prohibit for himself. Ins heirs, and successors under the severest penaL ties, the export of slaves from his African domi- nions, and for the first time renounced for ever the right of importing slaves from any part of Aiiica into his possessions in Asia, into Arabia, the Red Sea, and Persian Gulf, and engaged to i^e his influence with the chiefs there to prevent t e introduction of slaves into their respective teiiitories. Up to that time, he had always main tained the right to carry on the traffic between his dominions in Arabia and his dominions in Africa but for the firat time in this treaty he renounced that light. He gave permission to his Maiesty’s CTuisers, as well as to those of the East India Company, to seize and confiscate his vessels car rying on the slave trade wherever found, except ing those engaged in transporting slaves from one poit to another of his African dominions, between the limits of Lanioo to the north and Kilwa to ^ the Hon. C* Vivian. 10 July 1871. 2 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. C, Vivian^ 10 July 187». the south, including the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and Momfia, so that he thus restricted the traffic entirely to his African possessions, and did not allow it to goon any further b et we en Africa and Asia. This treaty was carried into execution by the Act 11 & 12 Viet. c. 78, which contained regulations for the trial of vessels and the boun ties to be paid. The treaty was then communi cated to the Arab chiefs in the Persian Gulf, and they severally engaged in April and May 1847, to prohibit the export of slaves from the coast of Africa and elsewhere on board their vessels, and those of their subjects or dependents, and per mitted the cruisers of the British Government to detain and search their vessels, and to seize and confiscate any found violating this engagement by the exportation of slaves from the coast of Africa and elsewhere, upon any pretext what ever. This treaty also was carried into effect by the Act 12 & 13 Viet. c. 84. The traffic in slaves was thus entirely prohibited between Africa and Asia, and localised to the African coast within the limits of Kihvay and Lamoo, in cluding the islands of Zanzibar, Pembia, and Momfia. On the 6th of May 1850, a declaration was signed by the Imaum of Muscat, granting permission to Her Majesty’s ships of war to enter his creeks, rivers, and harbours, and territorial waters, to seize vessels engaged in the slave trade, and to destroy slave barracoons. This permission was, I believe, confirmed by a letter of the late Sul tan, Seyud Majid (the man who has just died). In October 1863 Synd Majid (the late Sultan) issued orders forbidding the export of slaves from the portofKilwa; and on the 1st of January 1864 he issued two notifications, one entirely pro hibiting any transport of slaves during the season of exportation, viz., from 1st January to 1st May, and the second, prohibiting householders from renting houses to the northern Arabs, who visit Zanzibar for the purpose of kidnapping slaves. Those are all the treaties we have with the Imaum of Muscat. 8. What are the treaties we have with Persia, with respect to the slave trade ?—A firman was issued by the late Shah (and confirmed by the present Shah) to his governors in June 1848, containing positive and strict injunctions to all the slave dealers trading by sea, that the impor tation and exportation of negroes by sea into the Persian Dominions is entirely forbidden, but not by land. “ Not a single individual ” (says the firman) “ will be permitted to bring negroes by sea without being subjected to severe punish ment.” By the Convention of 1851 the Persian Government agreed that the ships oí war of the British Government and of the East India Com pany shall, in order to prevent the chance of negro slaves being imported by sea, be permitted to search Persian merchant vessels, but not government vessels, provided a Persian officer is on board the British cruiser. If slaves are found they may be taken possession of by the British authorities, without causing further damage or undue detention to the captain or crew of the vessel, which must be delivered up to the authorities of the Persian Government, who undertake to punish and fine the owner in a suitable manner. The treaty was to run for 11 years, and it was renewed in 1857. 9. Was it renewed for any definite time in 1857?—For 10 years more; the treaty did not expire till 1862, then it was to expire in 1872, and then only by notice on one side or the other. and no notice has passed. We consulted our minister in Persia whether it was likely that we should gain any good end by denouncing the treaty and proposing a new one ; whether we could get rid of the stipulation that a Persian officer is to be on board our vessels, which has been found to be rather an inconvenient stipulation, but he advised us not to endeavour to procure a modification of the treaty, as we might probably lose it altogether. 10. Has the Sultan of Zanzibar fairly and faithfully carried out those treaties ?—I believe that the Sultan of Zanzibar lias to the best of his ability carried out the treaties, but I do not believe that the Imaum of Muscat has, or that the Arab chiefs in the Persian Gulf have. You will find from the information you will get, that all the damage is done by the Arabs coming down from the north ; they come down with the north-east monsoon to Zanzibar, and whilst they are there, they are a terror to everybody there ; no black man can show his head outside his house, and it is they who do all the damage. They are, for the most part, subjects of the Imaum of Muscat and of the chiefs of the Arab tribes in the Persian Gulf. 11. Muscat and Zanzibar, which formerly constituted one sovereignty, is now divided ; when did the division take place ?—The kingdom was divided in 1856 ; Seyed Saeed left Zanzibar to one son, named Seyed Mejid, and he left Muscat to his other son, named Thowaynee, who did not at all assent to the arrangement, and a quarrel was imminent, but in in 1861 they referred it to the arbitration of the Government of India, and Lord Canning decided, by awarding Muscat to Thowaynee, and Zanzibar to Seyed Mejid, and Seyed Mejid was to pay the Sultan of Muscat 40,000 crowns (or about 8,500 L a year) as a subsidy. 12. Lord F. Covendish.~\ In perpetuity?— I believe so : but Sir John Kaye will give better information upon that than I can ; there has been a question about the terms of the arrangement, buti fancy it is in perpetuity. 13. Chainyian.'] Is there any considerable number of British subjects in Zanzibar?—I think there are 22 English subjects, but there are a great many British Indian subjects; I think there are altogether 3,710 British Indians and British protected subjects. 14. Mr. Km7iaird.'\ Is there a trade springing up in Zanzibar ?—I believe so. 15. Which is capable of almost infinite exten sion ?—Yes, I understood so; I have not been there myself. 16. You understand so from your iuformation ? —Yes ; I think there is a trade springing up which is capable of considerable expansion. 17. Chairma7ï.~\ What is the system pursued by the slave traders on the coast to obtain slaves from the interior ?—The Northern Arabs come down with the monsoon from Muscat on the Persian Gulf in January, February, and March, to Zanzibar, at which point, or on various parts of the coast, slaves have been collected in the meantime by the slave-hunters, and the slave dhows then carry off the slaves (at great risk to themselves, but one or two successful voyages make up for a good many failures), picking them up as they run along the coast. If they see one of our cruisers, they generally run on shore, turn all the slaves out, and escape as best they can. 3 OX SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 18. You are acquainted, I presume, with the statements of Dr. Livingstone with respect to the slave traffic ?—Yes ; and we considered his book very much in connection with our Report. Have his statements been confirmed by the information you have collected at the office ? Yes, certainly, we have found them generally very trustworthy. 20. You have stated that the limits within which the export of slaves is recognised from one port to another on the coast, are Lamoo on the iiorth, and Kihva on the south ?—Yes, that in cludes a coast line of about 350 miles. 21. Have those limits been pretty much kept . to, or have they been overstepped ?—They are, Û0 doubt, constantly overstepped. 22. The line on each side is, of course, only ‘Oiaginary line?—Yes. 23. What is the approximate annual export of ^aves from the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar ?—We estimated it in our Report at -0,000 a year, but it may be more. I was looking at Dr. Kirk’s returns, in which he says, as I understand him, that between 1867 and 1868 the Sultan got 270,000 dollars for his tax upon slaves ; if that is the case, that amounts to about 56,000/.; we only calculated it at 20,000 /. a year on 20,000 slaves. 24. You suspect that the number would be double/ — T es, upon that calculation; but I am îlot quite sure whether Dr. Kirk included in that the sale of slaves as well as the tax ; you can safely take it at 20,000, it certainly is not less. 25. Have you any reason to doubt the state- ^leut made by Dr. Kirk, and confirmed by Dr. Livingstone and the Rev. Mr. Waller, that four or five lives are lost for every slave delivered safe at Zanzibar ?—I have no reason to doubt it, and fhe hardships the slaves encounter become greater every year. As the country near the coast oecoines depopulated, and the slave hunters have o go further into the interior for slaves, so does he march become more horrible and deadly to the slaves. f ' Hr. lù'nnaird.] From the last accounts, how ai does it appear that the slaves are now brought ^ jy-Accor ding to the last accounts they are brought from Lake Kyassa. 27. Have you any idea what the distance would he . —No ; several days’journey. , 28. C/imrman.^ The plea on which the recog nised slave traffic is carried on is, that there is°a certain amount of labour required in Zanzibar and the adjoining islands, and that slaves are ■wanted for that purpose?—That is the case. *" 11 1 your idea of the number that ^ actually required for that purpose ?— 1. Kirk estimates the requirements of Zanzibar at about 1,7m per year. . Ai/i?iaird.] Nominally for domestic ser- vice. — ies, there is nothing but slave labour in anzi ai all the menial offices connected with the household are performed by slaves ; free labour can hardly be obtained. 31 Theie is no peculiar qualification required or that service ?--No; they aie employed in ynous ivorhs and drawing water, and in all the Usual labour in a household. CAa/rwmii.] How do you account for the aitterence between the 1,7()0 and the 20,000?— -Most of the others go to the foreign slave trade, cp. ’r us far as female slaves are con- erned they are, to a great extent, taken to the U.116. harems of the Imaum of Muscat and the Arabian chiefs ?—I believe that most of the slaves are taken to Muscat itself and Soor, and from thence they are exported to various ports on the Persian Gulf, and to Persia itself, wherever the market is the highest ; they go even up to Bussorah and Mohamrah, and from thence I have no doubt some find their way into Turkish harems. 34, In point of fact, I suppose, at Muscat there is a recognised slave market ?—Yes. 35. I need hardly ask you whether the system of obtaining slaves and exporting them involves great hardships and misery ?—In answer to that question, I cannot do better than read the begin ning of our Report. “ The slaves required, as well for the legal as for the illegal traffic, are obtained from the interior of Africa. Formerly they could be procured from the countries border ing on the coast, but constant slave raids have so depojmlated those districts, that the slave dealers are now forced to go far inland for their supplies. Year by year further tracts of country are de populated and laid waste, an l at the present time it is chiefly from the neighbourhood of Lake Nyassa and beyond it that slaves are obtained. The persons by whom this traffic is carried on are, for the most part, Arabs, subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar. These slave dealers start for the interior well armed, and provided with articles for the barter of slaves, such as beads and cotton cloth. On arriving at the scene of their opera tions, they incite and sometimes help the natives of one tribe to make war upon another. Their assistance almost invariably secures victory to the side which they support, and the captives become their property, either by right or by purchase, the price in the latter case being only a few yards of cotton cloth. In the course of these operations thousands are killed, or die subsequently of their wounds or of starvation ; villages are burnt, and the women and children carried away as slaves. The complete depopulation of the country be tween the coast and the present field of the slave dealers’ operations attest the fearful character of these raids. Having, by these and other means, obtained a sufficient number of slaves to allow for the heavy losses on the road, the slave dealers start with them for the coast. The horrors attend ing this long journey have been fully described by Dr. Livingstone and others. The slaves are inarched in gangs, the males with their necks yoked in heavy forked sticks, which at night are fastened to the ground, or lashed together so as to make escape impossible. The women and children are bound with thongs. Any attempt at escape, or to untie their bonds, or any waver ing or lagging on the journey, has but one punishment, immediate death. The sick are left behind, and the route of a slave caravan can be tracked by the dying and the dead. The Arabs only value these poor creatures at the price which they will fetch in the market, and if they are not likely to pay the cost of their conveyance, they are got rid of. The result is that a large number of the slaves die or are murdered on the journey, and the survivors arrive at their destination in a state of the greatest misery and emaciation.” 36. Mr. Kinnaird.'] You do not believe that there is the slightest exaggeration in that Report? —No ; but of course evidence upon the state of things in the locality would be better given by peojile acquainted with the country. 37. Chairman.^} What revenue does the Sultan of Zanzibar derive from the tax upon slaves ?—We A 2 have Hon. C. Vivian, 10 J uly 1871. 4 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. C. Vivian. lO July 1871. have calculated it at 20,000 L a year, but I make out, unless Dr. Kirk has included also the sale of slaves, that in 1867-8 he must have got about 56,000 1. by the tax upon slaves, that is to say, 270,000 dollars ; whether that included the sale of slaves as well as the tax, I do not know. 38. According to that Report the value of a slave in the interior appears to be only a few yards of cloth?—Yes; at Zanzibar he is worth from 17 to 25 dollars. 39. What is his value on the coast of Arabia ? —I believe about 60 dollars ; but it must vary. 40. At what season of the year is the trade most active in Zanzibar?—From January to March is the time when the northern Arabs generally come down ; then I think they go up again in March and April, and again in August and September. 41. Mr. K.mnaird.~\ Is the trade carried on generally, by the same set of people ?—Yes ; it is a regular trade ; where they come from and who they are you will hear better from Mr. Churchill, but they are evidently old hands at the trade. 42. Chairman^ You told us that the slaves were principally exported to Muscat in the first instance?—Yes, and to ports in the Persian Gulf, and they go from there in small craft to the highest market. 43. Do the slave dealers come principally from the northern parts of Arabia ?■—Yes. 44. What measures have Her Majesty’s Go vernment taken to deal with these evils, and to suppress the slave traffic?—They obtained first of all the limitation I have already described to you ; they found out when these Arabs principally came down from the north, and they obtained from the Sultan of Zanzibar his declaration that no export of slaves should take place between the prohibited periods. 45. Was not that at the cost of recognising a legal traffic in slaves during a certain time of the year?—No doubt we have always recognised the fact of slavery being a legal institution at Zanzi bar. Zanzibar consists partly of the mainland and partly of the Islands, and the sovereign has always claimed the right of transporting domestic slaves from his possession on the continent to his pos sessions on the islands. 46. Waiving for a moment the question of the propriety of that local slave trade, that is a very small proportion of the slave trade, which we are here inquiring into ?—Yes, it is under the cloak of that that these northern Arabs have managed to carry their slaves to the north ; they are pro tected as long as they are within those limits, whether they are there for legal or illegal pur poses. 47. Have our Government proposed to enter into a new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar, and if so, to what effect, and with what result ?— They proposed on the 16th of June last year to enter into a treaty to the following effect : To limit the shipment of slaves from the mainland to one point only on the African coast ” (it now extends over 350 miles of coast), “ namely. Dar Selam, and to prohibit entirely their ex port from any other places.” To make Zan zibar the only port for the reception of slaves shipped from Dar Selam, but with liberty to transport them thence to Pemba and Mombaza only” ; (those two being the other islands which want slaves also, we did not wish to prohibit them from transporting them to those other islands ; we only wished that all slaves should be taken to Zanzibar, and from there shipped to the other islands, so as to have a double check upon them.) “ Imports of slaves to any other place, or which have not come through Zanzibar, should be declared illegal, and liable to seizure. That the number of slaves exported from Dar Selam to Zanzibar, and thence to Pemba and Mombaza, shall be strictly limited to the actual require ments of the inhabitants of those places, to be annually settled by mutual consent between the Sultan and the British agent ; such number to be gradually decreased, so as to cease altogether within a certain time. That every vessel engaged in the transport of slaves shall be liable to cap ture, unless she is provided with a proper pass from the Sultan, which shall be valid only for one voyage, and with distinctive marks on her hull and sails, a heavy penalty being attached to any piracy of these passes or marks. That the public slave markets at Zanzibar shall be closed. That the Sultan shall engage from the date of the treaty to punish severely any of his subjects who may be proved to be concerned, directly or indirectly, in the slave trade, and especially any attempt to molest or interfere with a liberated slave. That the Kutchees and other natives of Indian States under British protection, shall be forbidden, alter a date to be fixed by the Government of India, to possess slaves ; and that in the meantime they shall be prevented from acquiring any ffieslf slaves. Lastly, the treaty should contain a stipulation, providing for the eventual entire prohibition of the export of slaves from the mainland. 48. That is not yet a treaty ?—No ; Mr. Churchill was engaged in pressing it upon the late Sultan when he died. 49. Has it been pressed upon the present Sul tan ?—We have sent out instructions to press it upon the present one, but pending this Committee nothing more has been done. 50. Mr. Kinnaird.'\ The Foreign Office is waiting the result of this Committee to take fur ther action?—That I do not know : I say we have not done anything more pending the in quiry of this Committee. There is a new Sultan now, and our proposals have been pressed upon him. 51. Mr. Crum-EicmgMr. Churchill has not been stopped in negotiating this treaty in a friendly way with the Sultan?—It is Dr. Kirk now who is acting in place of Mr. Churchill ; on the contrary. Dr. Kirk has received instructions to press the same terms upon the Sultan, but the time and the mode of his doing it are left to his discretion. 52. Chairman.^ Have Her Majesty’s Govern ment invited the co-operation of foreign powers in checking the slave trade ?—They have ; they have invited the co-operation of France, of Persia, and of Turkey. 53. Not Portugal?—No; I think it appears by a report amongst the last slave trade papers, that there is no slave trade at all on the Portuguese shore, or hardly any ; it stops at Cape Delgado, I think. Slavery is abolished now in Portugal en tirely. 54. Would you say there was any slave trade carried on from Zanzibar, under any flag except the Arab flag?—Yes; we had a representation that there was a slave trade carried on under the French flag; we have not got a right to search French vessels ; if we have strong suspicions that a vessel sailing under the French flag is engaged in the slave trade, we can examine her papers, and 5 ON SLATE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Rnd in a flagrant case take her to the nearest French authority, but we cannot seize her, or take her off; we had representations made to us, that a <^nsiderable slave trade was carried on under the French flag, and we wrote to the French Govern ment and protested. I hardly think that such is ^he case. There was a differential duty of about per cent, between goods carried under our flag and goods carried under the French flag, in favour of the French, and I think that had a great deal to do with so many dhows adopting the French ; that is all at an end now. . ^5. It ig the fact, is it not, that under the Em pire ^ the strongest regulations were in force for putting down slavery ?—No doubt. 56. Sir John Hay.'] Have the French any ''^essels on that coast?—Yes, and they have an “Admiral on the station, who I believe is on the hest terms with the English Admiral. 57. Have they captured any slaves ?—I never heard of their capturing any. 58. Chairman.] What naval force is employed on the East coast of Africa in suppressing the slave trade ?—It is difficult to tell exactly ; I sent to the Admiralty for a return of the number of ships on the coast, and I could not get it in time ; you would be able to get that information from the Admiralty. 59. What is the system pursued by the squa dron, and do they act under special instructions ? 1 They act under special instructions ; their duty IS, no doubt, a very difficult one. It fell to us to com ment, as the Commodore thought rather harshly, upon the conduct of some of the officers of the fleet. There is no doubt that very great injustice hp been done in a great many cases ; that many dhows have been taken which ought not to have been taken, and I daresay a great deal of ill- meling and ill-will has been caused thereby. ■Recently' the Admiralty have issued instructions Yarning officers to be very' careful how they destroy dhows, and directing them never to do so if by any' chance they' could bring them into a port of adjudication. In former times there were uuly two ports of adjudication at long distances ^ai'Y one at Aden, and the other at the Cape of jjood Hope (there was another at Madagascar, ut that was on the wrong side, and the dhows seldom taken there). Now there is an Admiralty^ Court at Zanzibar, and that has Worked extremely' well, and our Commanders have uot the same reason that they formerly had for destroying vessels. 60. Are the officers interested in obtaining the condemnation of slavers ?—Yes ; they receive on their condemnation. .6 ' • In the event of their destroying the dhows Without bringing them before the Prize Court, do ey get the bounty' in the same way ?—They establish that the dhow was a slaver, in le Prize Court ; they have to bring in such papéis as they- flnd on board, and such witnesses as aie necessary to prove the character of the in which the dhow was engaged, and e 10T IS coiidenuied, but on an ex narte state ment, in some cases. 62, So that the officers of our cruisers are pe- niarily inteiested in obtaining the condemnation N (^hows as possible ?—No doubt that is linue^*^ long as the system of bounties con- - Wiiat means have the officers of ascertain ing whether the dhow is a slaver or not ? They nd out that she is engaged in the slave " ' d"IIG. e trade by the slave fittings on board the vessel, and also from the absence of the proper papers; then there are alway^s indications of the dhow having had slaves on board from the filthy state in wliicii she is ; but upon that point Sir Leopold Heath could give better information than I can, 64. How do the officers deal with their prizes after capturing them ?—If they can, they take them into a court of adjudication \ and if they cannot, they take their dimensions for the purpose of claiming bounty, and then destroy them. 65. Why do they ever burn their prizes, in stead of taking them into a port ?—Very often there is a very' strong monsoon, and those vessels would be unseaworthy in other hands than those of their owners. It is very often the case that they could not take them to a port of adjudica tion. 66. V hat becomes of the captured slaves and the master and crew of the slave dhow ?—Such witnesses as are necessary to secure the condem nation of the slaver are taken to the court of ad judication, and the rest of the crew are either landed on the coast or transferred to another dhow that may' be passing, as they may wish. The slaves are generally taken to the port of adjudi cation. 67. How are the liberated slaves finally dis posed of ?—They go in most cases to Aden, where there is very bad accommodation for them ; they are imprisoned on a small island there till they can be sent on to Bombay ; some of them are taken to the Mauritius ; some of them are taken to Seychelles, another of our colonies. In those places the same regulations which apply to free labourers apply to them, and they are appren ticed for a certain number of years, and after that time if they can get employment, or show that they are capable of taking care of them selves, they are let go. 68. Is it considered to be out of the question their being sent to their own homes?—Yes, quite. You could not send them back hundreds of miles into the interior ; even if you could, they would be certain to be recaptured by some of the Arabs. 69. Sir 11. Anstruther.] The hardships they would encounter in going back that great dis tance into the interior would be as great as the hardships they had encountered in going down ? —Tes; it would be out of the question their going to the country from which they had been taken. I think, however, it is very doubtful whether we are justified in taking those slaves into our colonies ourselves. I think it justly lays us open to the charge of making use of our crusade against the slave trade for our own pur pose. 70c Mr. Hinncàrd.] They are perfectly free in our colonies ?—At the end of their period of ap prenticeship they are free to do what they like ; on their apprenticeship, I think a premium is paid by the planters who take them. 71. Sir A. Anstruther.] You must do something with them ; you cannot send them home, and you cannot leave them where they are ?—No. 72. Chairman.] What provision is made for their maintenance before they are transferred to our colonies, and at what cost? —In the case of those who are sent to Bombay they remain at Aden till a notification comes from Bombay that they can be employed there, and they are then sent to Bombay as they are wanted. The chil dren go to the Nassick school there. We got A 3 from Hon, C. Vivian. 10 July 1871. 6 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. C. Vivian. 10 July 1871. from ihc. Bombay Government the other clay a bill for nearly 16,000 which exteiidecl over five years, for the maintenance of slaves at Aden, so that, taking’ the average, it costs us about 3,000 /. a year. In the case of those who are sent to the Mauritius, I believe, they cost us nothing ; the planters give a premium which covers the whole expense of maintaining them. 73. Mr. Kinnair(V\ You have heard no com plaint of their treatment in the Mauritius ?—No ; on the contrary, I believe the negroes arc happy there. 74. The Mauritius is a very excellent outlet for these liberated slaves ?—I have no doubt they are happy there, but I still think that our taking them to our own colonies lays us open to the charge that we are putting down the slave trade for our own purposes. 75. What did the Committee of which you were a member recommend should be done with the liberated slaves ?—That they should be landed at Zanzibar itself, under due precautions, where a depot of liberated slaves should be established, so as to substitute gradually free labour for slave labour : that we should form a colony there of free labour to compete with slave labour. 76. 3ir. AcrtTíôíívn/.] Would not they be liable to be carried olf if they were taken to Zanzibar ? ■—Of course they wmuld, unless under very strong precautions. 77. Mr. J\\nnairdP\ The great objection to it would be, that unless the Sultan of Zanzibar be haved better than we could expect him to behave, in all probability they would be re-captured?— Yes, the Sultan could not do it himself; we should be obliged to help him. 78. Mr. Cruni-Ewbnj.''\ The northern Arabs would be too strong for him ?—Yes : it was only the other day that the northern Arabs w-ere found engaged in a plot to kidnap his own slaves, and take them away to the north. 79. John Hay.\ Do you think if the export was practically stopped, those men would still find their way down to Zanzibar?—My opinion is that you ought to seal up both ends ; you ought to seal up the coast, and you ought to prevent those men coming down ; they have no right to come down; they are clearly breaking the treaty. We^ have treaties with every Power up in the north, and we ought to insist that those Arab slave traders should not be allowed to come down. 80. Mr. Kennuii:ay.'\ If the risk of capture were very much increased, so that the trade became no longer profitable, they would not come down, would they ?—As long as there is the demand for slaves that there is in the north, you will always find that they will run the risk. 81. Mr. Crum-Ewing.'] How would you pre vent the Arabs coming down ?—The only way to do it would be to appeal to the chiefs, and say, “You have broken your treaty ; these northern Arabs arc coming do’wn in great quantities every year, and we must insist upon no person coming in future who is not furnished with a pass from you, the chief, to show’ that he is an honest and legal trader.” Some arrangement of that kind might be made. 82. Mr. Kinnaird.] What is done with the children who are liberated ?—There are schools at Seychelles, and there is the Nassick school at Bombay ; the children, I fancy, are very well cared for. Bishop Tozer has a school at Zanzibar. 83. Is that doing w ell ?—Yes^ and there is a French mission school. 84. Have the Church Missionary Society made an offer to take care of the children ?— Yes ; I think they wanted to establish a school for their reception at Seychelles ; they seem to me to be unwilling to go to Zanzibar. @5. You say there is considerable insecurity at Zanzibar?—Yes; there would not be with proper precaution ; it is all a question of expense. 86. Mr. Crum-Ewing.] A very small British force at Zanzibar would be sufficient to prevent the liberated slaves being carried away, would it not ?—Yes, I think one vessel and a steam launch kept there would be sufficient. 87. Mr. Kinnaird.] Have you had an offer to receive children at schools in ‘ the Mauritius ?—I am not awTire of it. I fancy w e must have landed a good many children there, 88. By whom is the cost of the transmission of the liberated negroes to our colonies paid ? A premium is paid by the planters w ho take them, and I believe that covers all the expenses. 89. If the I rench offered to take them into their colonies, do you not think we ought to faci litate their taking them ?—I think that might be done ; in fact, we proposed it in our report as a tentative measure. 90. If w e offered them to other countries who undertook to take of them, it could not with the same justice be said that we w ere onlv servinof our own purposes in putting down the slave trade ? No ; we consider that a negro once taken by our cruisers is a free man, and that he has the right to dispose of himself as he chooses. I do not sup pose, however, that their tastes are always con sidered. 91. Chairman.] IVhat is the administrative staff at Zanzibar, and what is its cost?—There is a political agent and consul at Zanzibar, and a vice consul and a clerk. The political agent is an officer of the Government of India, who re ceives ex officio a commission as consul, the salary of both offices being paid by the Govern ment of India ; he is also Judge of the Admiraltv Court there, and has an enormous amount of duty to perform. 92. _ MTiat office does Dr. Kirk hold?—He is the vice consul, and he is now acting as consul in Ml. Churchill s absence. The total expenses are about 2,/ 66 /. ; our share, if we paid half of it, which we do not, would be about 1,400 1. ; we do not pay a shilling. 93. Are the duties of the agent purely Indian or Imperial ?—I should think by far the greater part of his duties were in connection with the slave trade, which is a matter of Imperial interest. 94. The Indian interests which he is there to protect are the interests of British Indian sub jects, residents there ?—There are a great many difficult political questions in reference to Muscat and the Persian Gulf ; the connection which existed in former days between Muscat, the Per sian Gulf, and Zanzibar is still kept up, and our policy in relation to all that region in connection with India is a very difficult one. 95. Is the Indian Government interested in suppressing the slave trade ?—If they did not think that it was a matter of Imperial interest to suppress it, I do not think they would set them selves to work to suppress it. 96. Mr. Kinnaird.] They are carrying out faithfully and energetically the policy of England? They propose to ’work with us as energetically as possible. 97. And they have done so?—Yes; but natu rally ON SLAVE trade (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). rally they object to pay the whole expense them selves. 98. Chairman.'] Are British Indians in Zanzi bar allowed to hold or deal in slaves?—There have been different orders about that; most of British Indians in Zanzibar are not natives ^ British India, but natives of protected States. Many of the important men in Zanzibar are Datives of Kutch, which is an Indian State under British protection, and the Rao of Kutch has by proclamation made over to us the protection of his subjects abroad, for us to deal with them in |he same way as if they were British subjects ; but I believe in Kutch itself domestic slavery IS recognised. However, when our Committee Diet last year, we determined that on no conside- lation would we allow any Indians under British protection to hold slaves in Zanzibar, and it is Dne of the provisions of the proposed treaty that, niter a certain date to be fixed by the Government oi India, all slaves held by Kutchees are to be leleased, and, in the meantime, they are to be lorbidden to acquire any fresh ones ; they have been allowed to hold slaves. 99. Do you think the Sultan of Zanzibar could be compelled or induced to prohibit the transport of slaves by sea altogether ?—I think he might gradually ; I do not think he could do it at once ; I do not see how he could do without some sort of labour in Zanzibar. 100. Lord F, CavendisliC\ What is the size of ■^nzibar ?—It is about 25 miles in length, I thi^ ; the number of slaves required in Zanzibar, in Dr. Kirk’s opinion, is about 1,700. 101. How would you suggest that the Sultan iDight be induced to put an end to the export of slaves ?—I think you would have to give him a jDOney compensation, to make up for the loss of his revenue. 102. Sir R. Anstruther.^\ He derives about a ourth of his whole revenue from the slave tax, ^ oes he not ?—Yes ; we calculated that he derived ^bout 20,000 A a year from his tax upon slaves, ®c that we could not expect him to give that up 'vithout getting some compensation for it. 03. Mr. Kinnaird.'] Those are not all slaves ^^DÍfic in which is recognised by the treaty ? •iNo; and though, in answer to a previous ques- put to me by the Chairman, whether the ultan ot Zanzibar had ever violated the treaty, answered that he had carried out the treaty, I bave always thought that indirectly he must have violated it, because he must know that this large of slaves cannot be required for Zanzibar; and he accepts a tax for a larger number of slaves 1 be required for the legal traffic. 04. Was not there an idea entertained by the ommittee, or by some Members of it, that if we ^fbeved him from what he was obliged to pay to c imaum of Muscat he might be induced to n ^"3^ tfcaty to discontinue the slave trade ^^^Dinions ?—Yes; that would be about ^ that is what we suggested. ®Dggested that, anticipating that if nf T if the slave tiade was sup- nrvf trade would spring up which would Y Dny outlay of that sort?— es, but I think, to inaugurate that new trade, 7 i would have to go to other expenses. For anee, you would have to establish steam com- ramiication with Zanzibar; at present the com- 1 with Zanzibar is extremely irregular. U)b. J here have been very liberal offers from ^^^^Dipanies to run to Zanzibar, have there not ?—There have been offers, but they all wanted a subsidy, and to that proposal the Government has turned a deaf ear. 107. Your opinion is, that one of the most useful ways of putting down the slave traffic would be by encouraging and subsidising for a time steam communication?—No doubt; nothing did so much good on the west coast, in the way of checking the slave trade, as the establishment of steam communication and opening up trade. Lagos, which is now a place of considerable trade, was formerly the very hotbed of the slave trade. 108. It now returns a very considerable re venue ?—Yes. 109. Chairman.'] What effect in your opinion would the abolition of the slave trade ha^ e upon the prosperity of Zanzibar ?—If you did it sud denly, I think it would very likely provoke a revolution ; if you managed it gradually, as the Committee proposed, by establishing a depot of slaves, either at Zanzibar, or on the coast, under proper precaution, and hiring them out to differ ent employers under proper precautions for their safety and good treatment, I do not think any harm would result, on the contrary I think the resources of Zanzibar would be opened up, and that there might soon be a flourishing trade. 110. ^Tho would be the people who would join in a revolution ?—The Arabs. 111. Would they be strong enough to bring about a revolution?—The Sultan is a weak sovereign, and the Arabs do almost anythino- they please. We had some despatches to-day from Zanzibar, in which it was stated that the Arabs had sent a message to the captain of the “ Wolverine ” to say that one of Her Majesty’s vessels had gone on shore and that 20 men had been drowned, and that she steamed off to the rescue : it turned out that it was a mere trick of the slave traders to get her out of the way. 112. MTiat precautions would you suggest for the protection of the freed slaves ?—In the first place every slave ought to be registered at the British Consulate, and should be under his pro tection. You must have a ship and steam launch there constantly till the scheme began to work, and the Sultan should publicly notify his inten tion of punishing most severely any attempt to molest or kidnap a freed man. Then if you managed to shut out the northern Arabs as well, I do not think there would be much danger of the liberated slaves being kidnapped. 113. T ou said that the liberated slaves were badly treated at Aden ?—I hardly meant badly treated, but there is no emifloyment for them there ; they are virtually kept in prison there till they are sent off to Bombay. 1)4. Mr. Crum-Eivmg.] When they go the colonies they are apprenticed for a certain num ber of years with a planter ?—Yes; who has to give security for his treatment of the slaves. 115. Their position is the same as that of the coolie labourers ?—Yes. 116. Mr. Kinnaird.] M by are they sent to Aden ?—Those taken in the north are obliged to be taken to Aden ; it would be difficult to bring them to Seychelles or Mauritius ; they are kept at Aden till notification is received from Bombay that labour is required. 117. What is done with them at Bombay?— I do not know what happens to them when they get to Bombay ; they are not slaves. 118. Chairman.] What steps have been taken to carry out the proposals in the Report of the A4 SHve Hon. C. Vivian. 10 July 1871.' 8 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFOKE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. Slave Trade Committee of 1870?—This despatch C, Vivian, dated the 16th of July 1870, embodying the pro- ' posed treaty, which I have read, was written to 10 July Mr. Churchill, in which he is requested to 1^71* urge the views of Her Majesty’s Government on the Sultan. 119. Mr. Crum-Eu'hiff'j Supposing you stopped the foreign slave trade, there would be no induce ment for the northern Arabs to come down ?— The foreign slave trade is prohibited entirely. 120. But it goes on underhand ?—Yes. 121. If it was entirely stopped there would be no inducement for them to come down ?—That is exactly the question, how we can stop it ; the foreign slave trade is forbidden as much as it can be forbidden, by treaty now. 122. Supposing the plan which you have sug gested were carried out, that would stop the seizure of slaves altogether, and there would be no inducement for the Arabs to come down from the north and carry on the trade?—Ho, they would probably try and carry it on for some time after we stopped it. 123. Mr. Kmyiaird.^ In recommending one central jiort for the shipment of slaves, you con sider that that could be so effectively guarded that you would stop the trade altogether ?—Yes; on the Other hand you would have to keep vessels on the look out at the old ports of shipment ; they would still try and export them from the places they had been used to ; particularly from Kilwa. 124. Ton-would have to continue watching those ports?—Ho doubt. 125. Sir JTf/y.] Has the proposal to obtain the cession of Zanzibar to this country ever been considered ?—Hot the cession of it, because they have never offered to cede it, but the seizure of it has been proposed ; I do not see that we should have the slightest right to take possession of it. 126. Mr. Kinnaird.~\ Was the proposition to purchase the island ever entertained?—Ho, never to my knowledge. 127. Chairman.^ Have you never heard that the Sultan would be ready to sell Zanzibar ?— Ho; the Sultan has said, you may as well take all I have if you go on in this way, but that was mere pettishness ; there was a proposal to take possession of it. 128. Have there been difficulties standing in the way of your doing more than you have done with reference to carrying out the proposals of the Committee of 1870 ?—Yes. 129. What have been the special difficulties ? —The Government appear to have thought that those proposals did not go far enough. They said, that whatever their views might be, if the absolute extinction of the East Coast of Africa slave trade were in question, they were not dis posed to spend a greater amount of public money than at present on measures which had the appearance of lending, at least, a j)artlal countenance to the slave trade. 130. ^\v R. Anstruther.~\ When was that opinion expressed?—This year. I cannot tell you ex actly when ; it was after the proposals of the Committee had been considered as to increasing the number of ships, appointing vice consuls and sharing the expenses of the Zanzibar Agency. 133. lAw Kinnaird.'] Which was strongly re commended by the Foreign Office ?—Yes. 132. It is that determination of the Govern ment on the proposals of the Committee which has hung up the question for the present?—Yes, we have desired Dr. Kirk to make our proposals to the new Sultan, but without an increase of torce and without consuls on the coast, I do not thinly our ^n oposals will have very much effect. 13o. Lnless we follow them up with some active measures we cannot give effect to them ? —It is of no use adopting them in part unless you adopt them in the whole. 13T The Committee, in making that report, anticipated that the Government \reuld carry it out?—Yes. ^ 135. Chairman.'] You attach very consider able importance to placing an additional number OÍ vice consuls on several parts of the coast?— Ao doubt; I think it would be necessary. Sir hoivell Buxton objected to that particularly; he said he did not consider it a proper duty for a British consular officer to look after the slave trade. He wrote a strong letter to the Foreion Office, pointing out that it was not the duty'of British consuls to superintend the traffic in slaves. 136. I he Sultan, as I understand, has not yet leiused m declined to entertain those proposi tions. The late Sultan had promised to enter tain them, and he and Mr. Churchill were to talk the matter over. Then he became very ill and died, and the present Sultan absolutely refused to entertain them. When Mr. Churchill pro posed them to him, he said he had had quite enough of treaties as they were, without ooin«" into any further ones, and Mr. Churchill and he separated not very good friends. However, since Mr. Churchill left, he has shown a disposition to come to terms, and he has made, indirectly, overtures to Dr, Kirk, to the effect that he is prepared to do something, but Dr. Kirk said the oveituies fell so far short, even of what we, the Committee proposed, that he would not entertain them for a moment, but he is, no doubt, rather frightened at our attitude. 137. Mr. Crum-Eicing.] At what ¡lart of the coast would you think of placing the vice consuls ? -—At the old place of export Kilwa and Dar Selam (which we propose to be the sole port of export from the coast, it beinoj opposite Zanzibar, and therefore easily controlled). 138. Sil R. Ánstruther.] You would propose to have a consul also at Lamoo?—Yes, one at Kilwa and perhaps one at Lamoo to watch the two extremities of the coast, and one at Dar Selam, which we mean to make the only port of export. We recommended that ‘‘ A consular officer should also be appointed at Dar Selam, under the super intendence of Her Majesty’s consul, to whom he should report upon all matters connected with the slave trade, the number of slaves exported, and whether the Sultan’s engagements with Her Majesty’s Government are strictly observed. This officer would probably be required to visit, from time to time, the various points on the coast, and to report whether any irregularities exist, or any illegal exports are carried on. It is probable that for some time the slave traders will attempt to continue the exportation of slaves from Kilwa, while its distance from Zanzibar and Dar Selam will not enable the British authorities at those places to watch and check such practices ; and it may be necessary at first to station a consular officer at that port also.” 139. Chairman.] Are the latest accounts re garding the prevalence of the slave trade on the Zanzibar coast worse or better than heretofore ? \\ orse ; Dr. Kirk says the trade has never been so vigorously carried on as it has been latterly. 140. Sir 9 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 140. Sir J. Hay.'\ As the distance increases Irom which the slaves have to be fetched, so do the suflPerings of the slaves and the loss of life among them increase ?—No doubt. 141. Chairman^] What is your opinion as to ^^®^Gst course to pursue in order to suppress the ti'affic in slaves on the east coast ?—I cannot say iRore than that I adhere entirely to the opinions ^hich the Committee enunciate in this report ; I dp not think it has been sufficiently understood ß^her by the Government or by such Members this House as have taken an interest in the •luestion, that we proposed to attach to the treaty absolute stipulation that within a certain time the traffic should cease altogether, that there should be no transport by sea of slaves. We do not Pî^opose to do it suddenly, but gradually, and with an independent sovereign whose independence we h^^’e guaranteed ; I do not think it right that we slumld take him by the throat and say, at the risk of losing your kingdom put a stop altogether 0 traffic in slaves by sea. 142. Have any communications taken place between our Government and the French Go- 'Vernment respecting their policy with regard to Ihe slave trade on the east coast of Africa ?— Yes ; as I have already stated we have drawn their attention strongly to cases in which there Was a suspicion that the French flag was abused for slave trade jiurposes, and they have promised return to make inquiries, at the same time they deny the accuracy of our information ; I be- love they are honestly anxious to put down the trade. I4d. Under whose direct orders does the political agent at Zanzibar act ? — He acts orders of the Bombay Goverment, subject to the control of the Secretary of State tor India over here. But, after the Report of Committee, in which we recommended strongly that the expenses of the agency should e shared between ourselves and the India Office, e agreed with the India Office that in all slave matters he should be under the control of .®oretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and ^ in all Indian matters he should be under the on rol of the Secretary of State for India, atterly the India Office have said, in conse quence of the refusal of the Government to pay ^nything towards the expenses of the agency, lat they would put the office on an entirely new ooting, having reference solely to Indian inte rests. . Mr. Kennaway7\ Do you know whether Ellice the issuing of this Report, any decision has eenconie-to by the Indian Government as to e leving the Sultan from the payment of the sidy to the Imaum of Muscat ?—Sir J ohn ay will be better able to give information upon 5. Has any effort been made to get the ^?-eperate with us ?—No, I do not +1 ^ ® Americans have a consulate there even ; there is a North German consul, a French con- Sill, and our consul. Have you any other sug- ^ make to the Committee with a view to slave trade on the east mnii 9 than those you have already thaf^* very glad to see the interest beginning to be taken in the matter ; I affairs out there are in as unsatisfactory a ate as they possibly could be, and I think it ii that something should be done is In my opinion the best plan of doing it is that which the Committee have suggested, viz., gra dually to seal up the ports on the coast, and forbid the transport of slaves altogether. In addition to that, I think that the Northern Arabs ought to be prevented coming down at all ; they do a great deal of mischief ; they are not legal traders, and there is no doubt they are breaking the treaty. 147. Probably the delay that has taken place in carrying out the recommendations of the Re port of that Committee, may have induced this revival of the trade of which we hear?—It may have had something to do with it ; it is also to be borne in mind that there was cholera on the coast last year, and the operatic as of the slave trade squadron were suspended for some time ; and also, there having been a diminution in the number of slaves supplied, probably there was a greater demand for them this year. 148. The action of the squadron, though not perfect, has, I suppose, been of immense service in checking the trade ?—No doubt, but still our attempts to suppress the slave trade cause great loss of life, because whenever a cruiser is seen they run the vessel on shore,caring nothing what becomes of the slaves. I should like to see the action of the squadron supplemented by the other means of suppression to which I have referred. 149. Chairman.'] You agree probably with what was stated the other evening, that one con sular agent is worth a vessel ?—No doubt. 150. Mr. Kinnaird.] This Report has been in the hands of Members of Parliament for some months ?—Yes. 151. And it has been in the hands of the Government since January 1870 ?—Yes. 152. Do you attribute the delay which has arisen in carrying out the recommendations of the Report to the want of the means of carrying it out?—The provisions of the proposed treaty have not yet been accepted, but probably if the Govern ment were determined to push their policy on that coast, they would go to work in a more energetic manner than they have done hitherto. It was of no use proposing to carry out one-half of a measure, if the other half was not to be carried out. 153. The sooner you can get this question brought to an issue the better ?—Yes, if this Session, so much the better ; you will not do it without expense; you must expect to spend money. 154. But with regard to expense, you think that a fair and legitimate trade would spring up, which would soon compensate any expense that would be temporarily incurred inputting down the slave trade ?—I think so. You will have better information upon that point from local men, but that is the opinion I should form from the in formation that we receive. 155. Is Persia in any way mixed up in this question?—Yes; and as I have already stated, we have a treaty with Persia. 156. Does Persia carry out the treaty fairly ? —I have no doubt they bring in slaves landed in the Persian Gulf ; they import slaves by land ; they have refused to bind themselves not to im port slaves by land. 157. You think the argument that the Sultan would most understand, as an inducement to put down the slave traffic, would be a pecuniary consideration ?—I think it would have a very great effect ; naturally, a man does not like to lose 120,000/. of his revenue, and moreover an Arab B does Hon. C. Vivian. 10 July 1871. 10 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. C. Vivian. 10 July 1871. does not look upon slavery in the light that we do. 158. You do not think there is any insuperable obstacle in putting down the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa?—Not if we were really in earnest ; of course it is difficult, but by no means insuperable, 159. Mr. Crum-Ewing.'] Have you any in formation as to the manner in which the slaves are treated after they are sold by the Arabs ?— I fancy it depends on whose hands they fall into ; in many cases they fall into good hands ; gene rally, in Mahomedan countries, the masters treat their slaves kindly ; all the cruelty is in bringing them from the interior. 160. Lord F. Cavendish.] If the treaty you recommended was pressed on the Sultan of Zan zibar, do you imagine that he would be likely to accept it?—Yes, if properly and justly pressed upon him ; you would have to take into conside ration the serious loss of revenue which the abolition of the trade would cause to him ; in fact, it would require money. 161. He would not consent to put an end to the slave trade within a fixed date without the payment of a sum of money down?—He would not consent to give up his right to transport slaves within the prescribed limits without the payment of compensation. 162. You stated that there is a great loss of life when the slave vessels run ashore, in order to escape our cruisers ; do you imagine that there are many such cases every year ?—I should think, taking the whole slave season through, there is considerable loss of life, 163. Are many more ships run ashore than captured ?—That 1 cannot tell you. 164. Are the great bulk of these slaves men or women ?—Men, I believe, but you will get valuable information upon those points from Mr. Rothery. 165. Have there been any recent negotiations with Persia and Turkey on the subject of the slave trade ?—When we wrote this Despatch to Mr. Churchill on the 16th of June last, desiring him to press this treaty upon the Sultan, we at the same time wrote to Persia and to Turkey, begging them to act up to their engagements with us. We have not proposed any new treaty with them. 166. Have you had any answer from Persia and Turkey to those communications?—Yes; we have had a very satisfactory answer from Persia. 167. What has been the answer from Turkey? —Turkey is always ready to do what we ask her when we show her the particular point. If we point out a particular case, she is always ready to take means to punish the offender in the particu lar case ; but generally, in Turkey, no doubt they wink at the introduction of slaves. 168. The Imaum of Muscat would have a greater power of putting down this trade than anybody else, I presume?—Yes. 169. Has he any pecuniary interest in the trade?—Yes; I believe there is a tax levied in Muscat on the import of slaves, just as there is a tax in Zanzibar on the export of slaves. 170. Would not negotiations with the Imaum of Muscat seem to promise at least as good a chance of success as negotiations with the Sultan of Zanzibar ?—We have the strongest treaty in the world with him, but it is so much waste paper. The treaty of 1845 is with the Imaum of Muscat, because in those days Muscat and Zanzibar were one. 171. In spite of his evading the treaty, we compel the Sultan of Zanzibar to continue to pay over 8,000 Z. a year to the Imaum of Muscat? —Yes. 172. Chairman.] Have you heard that a num ber of slaves, and not an insignificant number, find their way from Zanzibar to Cuba ?—I have heard it, but I do not think there is any founda tion for such a statement. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 11 Thursday, ISM July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Sir Robert Anstruther. Lord Frederick Cavendish. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Gilpin. Sir Jolin Hay. Mr. Kennavay. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot, Sir Frederick Williams. CHARLES GILPIN, Esq., in the Chair. The Hon. Crespigny Vivian, called in; and further Examined. 173. Chairman.^ You wish to make some ad ditions to your former evidence ?—In describ ing the slave trade that is carried on on the African coast, I said nothing about the slave trade with Madagascar. There is a constant slave trade with that island from the southern ports of Zanzibar, and though it goes on in drib lets it is still permanent. That slave trade is nlso forbidden by our treaty with Madagascar of ^ 27th of June 1865, which is to the following . ect : «« Her Britannic Majesty and her Ma jesty the Queen of Madagascar, being greatly desirous of effecting the total abolition of the trade in slaves, her Majesty the Queen of Mada gascar engages to do all in her power to prevent ^11 such traffic on the part of her subjects, and to prohibit all persons residing -within her dominions <^r subject to her from countenancing or taking share in such trade. No persons from be yond sea shall be landed, purchased or sold as ? ^’res, in any part of Madagascar ; and her Ma- jesty the Queen of Madagascar consents that ritish cruisers shall have the right of searching ^^y Malagash or Arab vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade, whether under sail ^ anchor in the waters of Madagascar. Her "I^jesty the Queen of Madagascar further con- sents that if any such vessels shall prove to be engaged in the slave trade, such vessels and their erews shall be dealt with by the cruisers of Her Lritannic Majesty as if such persons and their vessels had been engaged in a piratical under taking.” that there is a complete paper blockade of the whole of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa, and if the treaties were pro perly observed, the seas of Africa would be just as free from the foreign slave trade as the seas of England. 174. Mr. Kinnairdr\ What do you consider to be the waters of Madagascar ; how far do they extend beyond the island ?—To a limit of three nailes, I should suppose. 175. Have we made any remonstrance to the Madagascar Government ?—Constantly. 176. V hat answer have you received?—They have always said that they mean to act up to their t^aty, and lately they handed over to a naval officer a large cargo of slaves, which they had Seized themselves. 177. You believe that there is every wish, on their part, to observe the treaty ?—Yes; on'the 0.116, part of the Hova Government, but it is so close to Kilwa and the southern ports, that the trade is easily carried on. I think, if you sealed up Kilwa and the southern ports of Zanzibar, you would probably at once put a stop to that slave trade. 178. By blocking those ¡Dorts ?—Yes. 179. C/iau-maa.] What does Madagascar want with slaves?—For labour, the same "as at Zan zibar. 180. Mr. Kinnaird^ Is not slavery abolished in Madagascar ?—No, it is legal there. 181. The imported slaves are not covered by the treaty ? — It is the foreign slave trade that the Queen of Madagascar is compelled to suppress. With respect to slavery in Mada gascar, a strong memorial was drawn up by the Anti-Slavery Society, urging its abolition, which memorial was forwarded, through the Foreign Office, to the Government of Madagascar, and the Prime Minister wrote to the society to say he was sure that it was their ignorance made them propose such a thing, because it would in evitably bring about a revolution in the country. I was also asked on Monday whether the offi cers on the coast acted under special instruc tions. I said they did, and I now put in the instructions under which they are acting. Those special instructions were issued in November 1869, in consequence of the serious irregu larities and mistakes committed by officers com manding Her Majesty’s ships employed in the suppression of the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa.” (Z7¿e same were handed in, vide A})pendix.) 182. Is there any other addition which you wish to make to your former evidence ?—I said on Monday, that chiefly owing to the circum stance of the duties under the French flag being lighter than those levied upon British vessels a great many dhows had adopted the French flag. I think this fact may be attributed also, in a great measure, to the immunity from seizure which the French flag gave them, that is to say, that dhows carrying on an honest traffic, would adopt the French flag, in order not to run the chance of seizure by the English cruisers. Then I wish to correct my evidence, as to the non existence of an American Consulate at Zanzibar ; there is one, but I have never heard that the B 2 Americans Hon. C. Vivian. 13 July 1871. 12 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Hon. C. Vivian. 13 July . 1871. Americans have taken any active part in the suppression of the slave trade in East Africa. 183-4. Do you know whether the consul is an American born subject ?—I cannot tell you that ; Mr. Churchill will probably be able to tell you. Then, 1 want to refer to a very Important point, about which, I think, you can get better evidence from Mr. Churchill. I said on Monday that I thought one of the chief levers to be made use of was the payment of a money compensation to the Sultan to induce him to give up his right to transport slaves by sea. Dr. Kirk, in a letter, dated December 24, 1870, (in the papers laid be fore Parliament in the early part of this year) advises us that there is another way of bring ing pressure to bear upon the Sultan. He says “ I think that we stand in a better position to bring his Highness to reason on the more weighty matter that will be pressed upon him, the suppression of the slave trade, on which I have as yet no reason to think that his Highness has altered his views. In re-opening the friendly relations between the Arab Government and British agency, I have allowed all advances to come from his side, and avoided compromising the advantage we hold in pressing important con cessions upon a prince who has once, in insulting terms, declined to discuss questions submitted to, and entered into, by his predecessor ; and who will be entirely in our hands the moment we choose to press the matter. My former intimate acquaintance with Seyed Burgash gives me little hope that he will give in without pressure, but this is easily applied through the commercial treaty, one half of the provisions of which have never been enforced. Should a favourable oc casion offer I shall sound his Highness on the slave question ; and the way has been prepared for further action by publishing in Arabic and Gujeratee an abstract of our treaty rights, which I had before submitted to Seyed Majid, at the time he hesitated to reduce the coast tax, then unequally levied on our subjects and the French. This abstract has been accepted by his Highness Seyed Burgash, as a fair embodiment of our treaty rights ; but so ignorant is he of the financial arrangements of his government, that he does not see that there are clauses which, when enforced, will deprive him of two-thirds of his revenue.” That means to say, if we insist upon the stipulations, which we have a right to insist upon, in this commercial treaty of 1639, we can deprive him of a great part of his revenue. That appears to me an important point to consider. 185. He considers himself bound by that Treaty of 1839 ?- Yes ; abstracts of it have been printed in Arabic and Gujeratee, which he has accepted as correct versions. Then I wish to read to the Committee two or three extracts from important despatches received since I last gave my evidence, which may be of use to the Com mittee. The first is dated from Zanzibar, the 20th of March this year. Dr. Kirk says, “ The whole subject (this is about the dis])Osition of liberated slaves), of the disposal of slaves on shore here, is one requiring much consideration and careful organisation before being practised to any extent. In the absence of some official thoroughly conversant with both the Zanzibar people and the tribes of the mainland, I consider that it would be most dangerous to allow so helpless beings, as a cargo of freed slaves, to go into the hands of any proprietor here. Properly directed, I believe, that a greater influence can be obtained for the abolition of slavery through those freed slaves than in any other way ; and nothing can be more disgraceful than the present mode of dealing with them at Aden and Bombay. I am certain however that it will be found ex pedient, if not necessary, so long as Zanzibar remains a free Arab government, for us to have a free settlement somewhere on the coast, possibly not an English possession, but certainly under our administration. On such a station only could a mass of freed slaves be properly and advan tageously dealt with for the first five years of their freedom, and a settlement of this nature on the coast, would be a break in the land route that will at once be opened when the sea trans port is prohibited and blockaded.” Next, as to the position of the slave trade. Dr. Kirk writes on the 4th of April this year, “ It is notorious how active are the preparations for the slave trade this season, and how utterly powerless the Sultan is to prevent the system of kidnapping, and secret slave dealing, that is carried on by and for the northern Arabs. Ko one more readily acknow ledges this than his Highness, who has of late seized in town 50 kidnapped slaves from the houses occupied by these Muscat people, but he knows that his officers are all open to bribes, and that although he can in a measure throw diffi culties in the way of their leaving the harbour, he has no power to stop the transport of slaves in 'small lots, to other places on the coast at which the slave dhows call. Unfortunately no suspicion attaches to native vessels leaving the harbour in ballast, as so many cargoes of wooden rafters and corn are collected for Arabia from creeks and harbours along the coast, but the ab sence of the usual bounties so foolishly given to the Arabs of Oman, by the late Seyed Majid, will prove some discouragement to their return next year.” Then Dr. Kirk writes on the 14th of April, "" Seyed Burgash said, that from the English he had no fear, so long as he adhered to the word of the old treaties ; these he said had been granted and could not be revoked, but that he well knew the English could not, and would not, force him beyond the text of what they had already got. He added that he fully expected they would write, talk, and threaten, possibly even send ships ; but he was perfectly at his ease, knowing that they would not use force, unless he gave them the excuse by de parting from what had been signed. Anti cipating, through the English, trouble from Muscat, he said he had made a compact with Toorkee, and that both of them understood each other and the English also, that the one would not be made the means of ruining the other. Seemingly in connection with the last subject, his Highness sent me the original of a letter he had received from Seyed Toorkee, and I am aware that he had sent to Muscat 20,000 dollars a few days ago. I have also been informed that the subject of the renewal of the Muscat subsidy was discussed in Durbar, on receipt of letters from the agent of Jairam in Bombay, informing Ludda Damji that Toorkee has, or will receive permission from Bombay to claim the subsidy with two years arrears, and if not paid, enforce it in his own way. But I think for the payment ol the subsidy Seyed Burgash is prepared. In all my former reports I have given Seyed Burgash the credit that is his due, for having cleared out a mass of iniquity and corruption in the course of laW ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). law and justice, that disgraced the latter part of Seyed Mujid’s reign, and to this agency he has been ever since I assumed the duties, most respectful ; but I have invariably stated distinctly that I hael no reason whatever to think that on the subject of the slave trade, he had in any way cnanged, or was prepared to grant what was asked through Mr. Churchill, although he had since tben strictly fulfilled the letter of former contracts, ^ow it seems plain that he will not listen to any proposals, and to make such to him, without being ^eady at once with the means of enforcing them, ^prild be injudicious. Remonstrance and inti midation are alike useless ; to gain our object we must be prepared to act, and either to cripple his income or take the place from his hands. IVhat- Gver we do, ought, I think, to be done without previous notice, as Seyed Burgash, if I read him nright, is a man, once danger is plain to him, to save himself from us by any means, although these might compromise his independence. One thing is perfectly obvious to all who have had an opportunity of judging, namely, that as yet our endeavours have been thrown away, and that the slave trade will flourish as before so long as the old treaties alone are in force.” 186. Lastly, I wish to read a report from Admiral Cockburn, which is dated from Zan zibar, the 31st of x\lay,M871 : I take an early opportunity after my arrival here, to write about the slave trade ; I am sorry to be obliged to give ^ bad report. It is without doubt a fact, that the trade is as busy and profitable as ever it was ; in spite of all our exertions, every new plan adopted by us is quickly met by a cunning device of the Arabs encouraged by the Sultan, if not actively, certainly negatively. It is painful to any naval officer to be obliged to acknowledge this. Under existing treaties, and the recent instructions respecting domestic slaves, the Sultan having the power to give passports to any number of vessels ffiden with poor living creatures to be transported fo different parts of his dominions, it is rendered mmost impossible for a cruiser to take a dhow ^Dywhere south of Lamoo, and during the S. W. ^lonsoon it is very difficult to keep cruisers suffi ciently near the coast to intercept them running with a fresh breeze. I assure thew lordships, it is a matter of sneer and jeer by the Arabs, our im potent efforts to stop that horrible abomination ; yes, my lords, even the Sultan says the English will talk and bully, but can’t or won’t stop the trade. It is positively evident that a new system must be adopted. I propose that the money we annually expend in this course be employed in a more profitable and useful manner ; I suggest that a stationary ship to act as a depot and guard- ship, with a steam launch, be sent here under a captain who has had some experience in this duty ; that a certain sum per annum be paid to the Sultan, on condition that he gives up the slave trade, importing only a few to fill up vacan cies in his dominions. Your Lordships are aware that the Sultan receives about 10,0001. per annum, by a tax upon the entry as well as the exit of slaves. The sum given to the Sultan would be recovered by the saving in bounties for captured nogroes ; and the stationary guardship would be cheaper than a cruiser ; a large frigate without steam would be the best vessel, jury- rigged, and kept like a man of war, with a com mander’s complement of officers and men. This ship would be a military support to the Sultan, if he agreed to our own terms. I would add the advantage of a stationary officer at this port is greatly increased by the known fact that the East India Government do not encourage their ao-ent in his efforts for the destruction of the in human traffic, which of course hampers him, if it does not damp his zeal. I visited the slave market here yesterday, and a more painful and disgusting sight I never saw. Hundreds of poor negroes of both sexes, ranged about in all sorts of conditions, some living skeletons, others fat and well dressed, pulled about with a crook stick and examined just like sheep or other animals in a market. I will take another oppor tunity to give further information, but I would not delay the request for the stationary depot and guardship.” That nearly endorses the proposal of the Foreign Office Committee. Sir John William Kaye, called in; and Examined. 187. Mr. KinnairdP] What office do you hold ? —I am Secretary in the Political and Secret pepartment of the Secretary of State for India ffi Council. 188. How long have you held that office ?— I have held it ever since the Secretary of State for India’s office has been established in 1858, and previously to that time I held a similar appointment in the East India Company; alto gether I have held the office for 15 years. 189. Has the India Office correspondence re lating to the affairs of Zanzibar passed through your hands ?—Entirely ; in a ministerial position of course, under the Secretary of State. ^ 190. Will you state in what manner British relations with the Sultan of Zanzibar are con ducted ?—They are conducted through an officer ■who is conjointly agent and consul ; during the bme of the East India Company he was the East India Company’s agent, and he was also the consul appointed by the British Government ; since the management of Indian affairs has passed under the hands of the Secretary of State for India in Council, he has been British agent 0.116. and consul ; as agent appointed by the Government of Bombay, and as consul appointed by Her Majesty’s Government ; formerly, of course, the consular commissions were issued by the Foreign Office, but since the establishment of the office of Secretary of State for India, it was, after correspondence between Lord Stanley and Lord Malmesbury, agreed that the consular commis sion should be issued by the India Office, so that both as agent and consul he is under the India Office. 191. By whom is he, in fact, appointed? — He is absolutely and practically appointed as agent, by the Government of Bombay, and then, ex officio, he becomes consul on the part of the British Government. 192. He holds in fact the two diplomas, one from the Home Government and the other from the Bombay Government? — Yes, as political agent from the Indian Government, having his consular commission from the Queen; the only difference between lire state of things iormerly and since the establishment of the Secretary of State’s office is this, that the Secretary of State B 3 for Hon. /. Vivian, 13 July 1B71. Sir . IV. Kaye. 14 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE 13 July J871. Sir for India signs the consular commission instead J. W. Kaye, of the Secretary of State for Foreign Aifairs. 193. He has always been an officer of the Indian Government ?—He has always been, till Mr. Churchill was appointed. Mr. Churchill previously to his ajipointment had not been in the Indian service. In 1867, Colonel Playfair, an officer of the Indian Artillery, v/as British agent and consul at Zanzibar, and, finding that the climate did not agree with him (Mr. Churchill will jirobably tell you presently how it liappened), he and Mr. Churchill managed to change ap pointments, Mr. Churchill being then consul general in Algeria. Colonel Playfair accord- ingly went to Algeria to be consul-general there, and Mr. Churchill was appointed to be agent and consul at Zanzibar. I believe it was approved by the Bombay Government ; but Mr, Churchill was the first officer representing British interests at Zanzibar who was not an officer of the Indian Government ; he became, by being so appointed, an officer of the uncovenanted service of the Indian Government, but he was not an Indian officer, trained up in the school of Indian diplo macy. 194. ^ That was done independently of the mithority of the Indian Government here ?— Yes, V e knew nothing about it here, but it must liciYG been approved by the Bombay Grovernment or it could not have taken place. I should state that the agent and consul at Zanzibar receives his insti notions jiartly from the Foreign Office and partly from the Governments of India or Bombay. 195. Has any inconvenience arisen from the duplex action of the Foreign Office and the India Office?—A good deal, I think, at dif ferent times ; but in order to avoid discordant instructions to the political agent and consul proceeding from two different authorities at the same time, we came to the arrangement that on all matters connected with the slave trade the entile instructions should come from the Foreign Office, and that the India Office should super intend the political and general business of the agency. It was contended, too, at the India Office, that as a very great proportion, indeed the larger proportion, of the business of the agent and consul at Zanzibar was the business of the slave trade, we considered it was extremely unjust to the India Government that the whole of the expenses of the Zanzibar agency should be defrayed, as they now are, by the Indian Govern ment. ^ Indeed, in Sir Charles 'Wood’s time, it was said, that, considering that almost the entire business was business connected with the slave ^ade, he thought it might be advisable that the x! oreign Office should take over the whole management of it, and pay the whole expense. This was demurred to, and, I believe, after some coirespondence, the Foreign Office offered to pay 200/. a year towards the expenses of it, which was not accepted. 196. What is the total expense of the British establishment at Zanzibar, ivhich is paid out of the Indian revenues ?- I had the account made out when recently we were in correspondence with the Foreign Office on the subject; it was calculated that if we had carried out the idea of IVi( mg it, the share of each department would lia-s ejieen 1,509/. the gross amount being 3,019 /. n B hat are the treaty obligations, politi- ol J, of the Sultan of Zanzibar to the British Go’v einment ? Independent of all tlie slave trade relations, the principal obligations arise out of tha arbitrament that was carried out in 1860 with regard to the division of the states of the old Imaum of Muscat, Syed Saeed, between two ot Ins sons. Before his death he divided his kino-- doni or principality, or whatever it might be called, between two of his sons, leaving Muscat to his son named Syed Thowaynee, and leavin<r Zanzibar to his son named Syed Mejid; and the kingdom was accordingly divided between the two sons. It was afterwards arranged between them that, considering that the Zanzibar state yielded a larger amount of revenue than the other, it would be equalised by Zanzibar pajino- to J\^scat the sum of 40,000 dollars annWly. Atter a certain time, as generally happens amonpt eastern people, the Zanzibar man did not pay the subsidy and he was two years in arrear. Upon this, Syed Ihowanee appealed to our Go vernment, and at the same time he prepared to tit out a maritime expedition to compel the Sultan ot Zanzibar to pay this subsidy. His ffeets were getting ready when the Government of India (who thought it would be extremely inconvenient that this expedition should take place, and so, perhaps, throw all the maritime chiefs along the Persian Gulf into confusion), recommended him to stop the expedition, and said that they would send a special commission to inquire into the cir- ^m^ance^ Accordingly the Government of Bombay (bir George Clerk beinir Governor q. \ vjuvernor at the time), supported by Lord Canning, sent a special commission, at the head of which was brigadier-general, now Sir William Coffiilan, which inquired into all the circumstances and managed to conciliate the parties, and ’their conc usión was, that the Sultan of Zanzibar should pay the arrears of the subsidy, i.e. the 80,000 crowns that were due, and that he should go on paying the 40,000 crowns annually. Ihe two chiefs agreed to this most cordially and the award was guaranteed by Lord Canning, so that It became, in point of fact, a substantive en gagement, though it does not take the form of a treaty. That, in a political point of view, is the most important ma#er in the relations between the Gov^nment of India and Zanzibar, and the ^pent Gi^ernment of India say, it is the only thing that binds us to Zanzibar at all. 198. Are the relations between the two states noAv on an amicable footing ?—There has been a ffing history of revolution since that time. Syed Thoweynee, with whom the arrangement was made, and to whom the subsidy was jiaid, was killed by bis own son, Syed Salim, who usurped the government; upon which Syed Mejid said m effect, »it was all very well to pay this to my brother, but this man is a parricide and an uprper and I demur to paying the money to him. Then that, of course, brought up a new embarrassment, and after a considerable amount of discussion on the ^bject it was arranged that ffieamoimtofthe subsidy should be paid Into the Bombay Government, as the Sultan of Zanzibar thought he could not properly pay the money to ^an who had killed his (Syed Mejid’s)brother. He said he did not wish to shirk his obligations, but he would pay the 40,000 crownsayeiS toth¿ Go\ einment, and they might do what they liked wi ^ it. I think he paid in two years’ subsidy ;. 11 ill t le meantime another man rose up, called Syec Azan-aben G bias, and he turned out Syed Salim ; he was not one of the brothers, but he was a distant connexion of the family, and it was 15 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). tvas then supposed, lie not being one of the brothers, with whom this family compact was made, he was no longer entitled to receive the subsidy. Since that time, ¡however, another brother, one of the genuine family of Syed Saeed, has come and driven Azan-ben Ghias away, so I'bat the present state of affairs is, that we have brother representing Muscat, and another brother representing Zanzibar, both of those being the sons of old Syed Saeed, who made this original division. 199-200. Do you consider that the award was a perpetual character, and that it ought to be Maintained, without reference to the individuality <^fthe defacto ruler, as an arrangement between Gitate and state ?—That is one of the most difficult Questions which I ever had before me, and one I’Sgarding which Indian authorities are greatly tbvided. My own opinion is, that as long as any Member of the original family of Syed Saeed is the sovereign at Muscat, he has a fair claim on the subsidy from Zanzibar, but a man of a dif ferent family, an usurper, wmuld not have the same claim ; but others entertain a different {»pinion ; they think it is an agreement as between State and state, and that the de facto ruler of Muscat is entitled to that subsidy, whatever his antecedents. I do not go so far as that ; but Sir William Coghlan, who arbitrated the ques tion, and to whom I wrote some time ago, when the matter of the subsidy was under discussion. Said that in making that award, that was his view 201. Do you consider if the Sultan of Zanzibar Were relieved from the payment of the subsidy he would be more willing to put an end to the traffic in slaves ?—I have not the slightest doubt that he would. He has several times hinted that he would do so. As to the action of the British Government ; if any suggestion of that character Was made, it was at a time when a man, who might be considered altogether an outside usurper, was M possession of Muscat ; but the position of affairs IS very much altered by a member of the reigning mmily being restored to power. The Slave Trade Committee, of which I was a member, Whieh sat at the Foreign Office some time ago, Recommended that the remission of the subsidy should be considered ; but that was at a time when ^he family of Syed Saeed were entirely exj)elled from Muscat ; so that the question of subsidy Was then a more open question than it is now. The Government of India, however, have an ex tremely strong feeling on the projrriety of main taining, in every case, the payment of the subsidy. . 202. As a matter of right?—As a matter of a matter in which the good faith of ^be British Government in India is pledged ; and 1 ^bMk we should be obliged to maintain it now that Syed Tourkee, who is one of the brothers, has come to the throne. It would have been comparatively easy if Azan-ben Ghias had con- mued to reign at Muscat, to have said. You are not a member of the family of Syed Saeed, and you are not entitled to the subsidy. |bink that the arrangement recom- Mendecl by the Committee might then have been Gained out .-—At the time we made this recom- Mendation this usurper was in power ; it would hot be so easy to carry it out now. 204. You think the circumstances are rather altered?-The circumstances are altered since Mis Slave Trade Report was sent in. 205. What is the annual amount of revenue b*116. derived by the Sultan from this traffic in slaves ? —Ill our Report it was stated to be about 20,000 1. a year. I think that must be rather in excess of the real amount, because the subsidy is only about 8,000 /. 206. W ould the general financial condition of the State admit of a diminution of re venue to the extent of the amount derived from the slave trade, ivithout causing serious embarrassment if the payment of the subsidy should still be en forced ?—I should say it certainly would not ; it would be a very large slice out of his revenue. I think if it was taken away from him it would cause such embarrassment that it would be ex tremely injurious to his people and to himself, and I do not think he could carry on his govern ment if he lost revenue, unless it were made up to him from some other source. 207. The Indian Government are strongly in favour of the subsidy being continued ?—Yes. 208. Does the Government of India attach much importance to its connection with Zanzi bar ?—There has been a good deal of conflict of opinion with regard to that. The present Govern ment say that, except as having arbritrated with regard to the subsidy, there is no reason whatever why the Indian Govermeiit should have any connection with it. If the Home Government were to decide, as regards this question of subsidy, that Zanzibar should no longer pay the money to Muscat, the Government of India would re commend that we should entirely withdraw from all connection with Zanzibar, because they say, that except in supporting this award they have no interest in the country at all. This is the view of the present Government of India ; but I wish to say, that Lord Lawrence’s Government expressed a totally different opinion on the matter. The India Office have for years been in communication with the Government at Bom bay and the Supreme Government of India re specting their views; and till the time of Lord Mayo, the answer invariably was, that it was of very great importance to keep up a connection between Zanzibar and India, because there was a very large trade between Zanzibar and India, and because our subjects went to Zanzibar. 209. What is your own opinion on the matter ? —My own opinion is in favour of not severing the connection between the Indian Government and Zanzibar. 210. What is the extent of the trade between India and Zanzibar ?—T have a statement here showing the progressive increase of imports at the Zanzibar Custom House; in 1861-62, they were 245,981 ?.; in 1862 -63, 332,092/. ; in 1863-64, 294,613 /. ; in 1866-67, 380,051 /. ; and in 1867- 68, they were 433,693 /., of which about one-half is in the hands of Great Britain. That was taken from the last Zanzibar Administration Report for 1869-70. 211. Is it on account of this commercial con nection, that the Indian Government has con sented to burden its revenues with the expenses of the maintenance of an agency at Zanzibar ?— I think almost entirely, with the exception as I mentioned before, that it has been obliged to maintain its awards and guarantees. The prin cipal argument urged in favour of our continuing our connection with Zanzibar is, that there is a great trade between India and Zanzibar, and therefore, that we should go to a certain expense in retaining an agency there ; but I have always thought it would be a more equitable arrange- B 4 ment Sir \ W. Kaye^ 13 July 1871. 16 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Sir J. W. Kaye. 13 July 1871. ment if we paid the lesser part of the expense, and the Imperial Government the greater. 212. There are some Indian subjects residing at Zanzibar?—Yes. 213. Do you believe if the slave trade was suppressed, a very large legitimate trade would spring up ?—It has been shown that there is a great deal of trade now ; whether if slavery were suppressed in Zanzibar we could introduce free labour, is another question ; I should think we could in process of time, but my recommendation would be that we should attempt gradually to suppress the slave trade, because you cannot im port free labour immediately, and it might embar rass the industrial resources of the country very greatly if you suppressed the slave trade suddenly without jiroviding free labour. 214. Has the Indian Government ever proposed or recommended the establishment of more rapid communication by steam, between India and Zan zibar, as a means of suppressing the slave trade ? —I do not know that they have, but I know that the Slave Trade Committee which sat at the Foreign Office recommended that the subject should be taken into consideration, as one of very considerable importance. 215. You have stated that you were a member of that Committee ?—Yes. 216. As representing the India Office, were you willing that the expenses of the Zanzibar establishment, on the scale recommended by that Committee, should be borne in equal parts by the Indian and the Imperial Exchequers ?—Yes, certainly, and the views I took were fully adopted by the Secretary of State for India in Council, and we wrote a letter to the Foreign Office, re presenting that those were our views, and hoping that that recommendation would be carried out. 217. Has that scheme been adopted by the Government?—The scheme was concurred in by the Foreign Office ; both the Foreign Office and the India Office were of opinion that it would be a fair mode of settling the whole matter. 218-19. Can you tell the Committee the reason why it has not been adopted?—The reason it has not been adopted, has been because the Lords of the Treasury refused to pay a farthing towards it ; I can produce the correspondence if neces sary. 220. Chairman.^ Will you give the substance of the correspondence without putting the corre spondence itself in ?—The substance of the de partmental correspondence is, that the Foreign Office asked the Treasury to pay and the Trea sury refused. The result on the India Office is shown by this passage of a Despatch from the Duke of Argyll to Lord Mayo, dated 21st April 1871. “ Your Excellency is aware the ‘anomalous state of things ’ here adverted to was brought by Her Majesty’s Government under the considera tion of a Special Committee on the African Slave Trade, in which the Foregn Office, the Colonial Office, the India Office, and the Admiralty were represented, and of which Mr. Churchill, your agent at Zanzibar (then on sick leave), was a member. The Committee were of opinion, that as the duties of the agency and consulate at Zanzibar were of a twofold character, one part concerning the Indian, and the other the Imperial Government, it was expedient that the con trolling authority should be divided between the Foreign Office and the India Office, and just that the cost of maintaining this twofold esta blishment should be equally divided between the Imperial and the Indian Governments. This recommendation was supported by the Foreign Office and the India Office, but it is with much regret that I have to inform you that the pro posal has been negatived by the Lords Commis sioners of the Treasury, who refuse to burden the Imperial Exchequer with any part of the expenditure necessary for the support of the Zanzibar establishment. Against this decision, I have protested. I concur in opinion with your Excellency’s Government, that the revenues of India should on no account be charged with any part of the expenditure entailed by the efforts made for the suppression of the East African slave trade ; but I do not agree wifh you in con sidering that the interests of India are in no wise promoted by the residence at Zanzibar ol an officer appointed and controlled by the Indian Government. There is a large and increasing trade between India and Zanzibar, and many sub jects of Her Majesty and of neighbouring Indian states are located in that territory; apart ifomall political considerations, it appears to me indeed to be open to serious question whether an entire severance of the existing connection between your Government and the state of Zanzibar would not be highly injurious to large numbers of the people under your rule. If, therefore, it should be finally determined by the Lords of the Treasury that no contribution shall be made by the Imperial Exchequer towards the maintenance of the British establishment at Zanzibar, I should consider it my duty, in communication with your Excellency, to place the agency on an entirely new footing, so that no payment should there after be made from the Indian revenues on account of any proceedings connected with the suppression of the slave trade, or any other mea sures not having for their object the benefit of the people of India; but it will be obvious to your Excellency that at a time when the Finan cial Department of Her Majesty’s Government refuse to entertain a proposal strongly recom mended by other departments for an equitable division of the expenses of the Zanzibar establish ment, I could not, if I thought it desirable, re commend that the Imperial Government should relieve India altogether of the charge of the Zanzibar agency and consulate ;” so that you see from this that the Secretary of State for India is very willing to share the expenses fairly and equitably with the Imperial Exchequer, but that the Imperial Exchequer declines to bear any part of the burden. 221. Mr. Kinnaird.'] Has great inconvenience arisen from the refusal on the part of the Treasury to carry out that scheme so concurred in by the Foreign Office and the India Office?—Certainly, very great inconvenience must arise, because we have communicated to the Foreign Office that we consider that they will no longer be privileged to send any instructions to the Zanzibar agent ; so that it must bring the whole thing to°a dead lock. 222. So that this fearful traffic has latterly been increasingly carried on, owing to the action of one department of Her Majesty’s Gover- ment?—Certainly ; this would be the tendency; but I am not informed as to the fact. 223. You think that a matter deeply to be de plored ?—I think it a matter greatly to be de plored. 224. The head of the department has autho rised you to state that that is the view which he entertains ? I ON SLAVE trade (EAST COAST OF ÁFRÍCá). 17 Gütei'taiiis ?—I think the head of my department Y^s as sincere a desire as any man in the king- to suppress the East African slave trade; yt in the face of continued rej)resentations, receiving from the government ^ . -^Rdia, he has considered that it would be a ^^Misappropriation of the Indian revenues to devote Miiouey towards that j)urpose. In their view it is fMot a question in which the people of India are Mil any way concerned, and therefore they have ^niisidered they could not conscientiously and onourably pass a vote towards that purpose ; . Y y consider it to be a matter entirely of Imperial Interest. I may repeat that this is a very old ques- i^H- It was brought up in Sir Charles Wood’s Rile. The India Office in his time, continually I’^pi’esented to the Home Government, that the ^^.^hPression of the slave trade was not a matter y lidian interest, and that the expenses of the ^^iizibar agency should be paid by the Home 1 ^y®i’iiment. I have here a letter dated as far ci 1860, in which Sir Charles Wood says, ^ Every important communication from Zanzibar, iGlated to matters especially in connection with ihe slave trade, more immediately within the Cognisance and under the control of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, than of the Secre tary of State for India.” On the 26th of No vember, Sir CharEs Wood again called the atten tion of Lord Russell to the subject, and on the , M December 1860, the Foreign Office replied ^ at they “ concurred in the views of the Secre- ^ly of State for India, as to the propriety of the consulate at Zanzibar being replaced on the same ooting as that in which it was placed in the time 9 Colonel Rigby’s predecessor, who corresponded /j^ctly with the Secretary of State for Foreign Y^^ii’s, in all matters in which it was necessary . lat this office should be informed, and receive ^^.'’^Y^ctions on such matters from the Secretary ^ State for Foreign Affairs and Sir Charles ood sent out instructions accordingly. After lat we again tried to make some impression Imperial Exchequer, pointing out that considered that as the Foreign Office agreed Y^Muion with us, that the matter was one of Im- i erial interest, and as they thought that instruc- ^Pculd go from the Foreign Office on all j- nv e trade matters, they ought to pay part of ith regard to the recent refusal on the cf the Treasury, to allow part of the ex- Hnses to be borne by the Imperial Treasury, do ^'CRiember on what grounds they put that har^^^^ ^ ^ state that the India Office s not had direct communication with the Lords Treasury upon the subject, M hat our information has come through the ^^leign Office ; the reason that the Treasury ves IS, that the policy suggested does not addition to the Imperial expendi- pffiicy suggested being the putting a ^ ^Dve trade on the east coast of Africa, therefore the views of the Treasury, I sup: ‘ .“V “ g»""« not worth the candle! is f .1°" nn^^orstand by that, that the Treasury is perfetly aware that a small expenditure would he sufficient, but that it declines in any way to ?- jt: TrS: 0.116 ^^"ch had been most elaborately and exhaustively considered by those gentlemen. This Report was laid before the Treasury and before Parliament; but the Treasury after read ing the recommendations of that Committee, supported by the Foreign Office and the India Office, did not think that there was anything recommended by that Committee of sufficient importance to warrant their paying 1,500 /. a year towards it. 227. Fifteen hundred pounds was all that was required?—Fifteen hundred pounds by the Im perial Exchequer, against 1,5001. to be paid by the Indian Exchequer for the expenses of the Zanzibar agency and consulate. 228. W hat is the date of the despatch to which you just referred, containing the refusal of the Treasury ?—The 2nd of June 1871 ; the Foreign Office felt so strongly upon the subject that they referred the matter back again to the Treasury, forwarding further letters from us on the sub ject; but still the Imperial Exchequer, would not pay anything for the suppression of the slave trade; and this letter of the 2nd June 1871, to which I am referring, is the final answer of the Treasury. ^ 229. What was the date of the Report of that Slave Trade Committee?—January 24th, 1870; so that nearly 18 months elapsed before the final decision of the Treasury. 230. Had that small amount been granted, would the arrangement have been carried out immediately ?—It would as soon as we could have sent out instructions ; W'C should have had to appoint one or twm more vice-consuls ; it was agreed to increase the establishment for the pur pose of taking more effectual steps for the sup pression of the slave trade. We made out what would be the cost of those new appointments, and we added that to the cost of the old appoint ments, and we found that the whole cost would be about 3,018 /., and therefore, the share of each Government would be 1,519 L 231. Both Dr. Kirk and the Admiral on the station, state that the slave traffic is now being carried on with increased vigour; that, I suppose, is owing to that loss of time of 18 months?—I have no doubt it is in a very great measure owing to the suspension of all active measures on our part. I was asked yesterday, by the Duke of Argyll, with reference to a letter from Admiral Cockburn, which Mr. Vivian has just read, to state whether the Indian Government had either thrown impediments in the Avay, or had discouraged the proceedings for the suppression of the slave trade, and I said I should not be at all surprised if that Avere the case ; at all events, the Avhole thing is in abeyance OAving to nothing having been decided. But I daresay that the increase of the slave-trade has not been occasioned solely by that, but that it has been partly occasioned by the accession of Syed Burgash. Syed Mejid was faAourable to the sujDpression of the slave trade so long as he got a quid pro quo, but on his death, his brother, Syed Burgash, became the ruler of Zanzibar, and he is a man of different temper and character, and not so inclined to further the views of the British Government ; but upon that subject Mr. Churchill Avill be able to give better information than I can. 232. You think Ave have lost, by this delay, a very favourable opportunity of coming to a treaty arrangement by Avhich the slave trade might have been stopped ?—I must give a qualified ansAver C to Sir . W. Kaye. 13 July 1871. 18 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE to that ; I think we should have been able to carry out such an arrangement if Syed Mejid had lived, but owing to the death of Syed Mejid and tlie change in the government, I cannot answer so positively upon the subject. 233. Chairman.^ Without reference to the last despatch, which has been the subject of discus sion, have you any doubt as to the hona fide disposition of the Government of Bombay to put an end to the slave trade as far as in them lies ? — The Government of Bombay in all these matters is very much under the direction of the Viceroy in Council ; it is the Government of India, and not the Government of Bombay, that finally controls these proceedings, and it is from the Government of India that we generally re ceive our advices. The Bombay Government report to the Government of India, and the Government of Indici then send their views home to us. 234. With respect to the liberated slaves, a large proportion of them go to Bombay, do they not ?—A large number of them go to Bombay ; they are detained at Aden, and they are sent thence to Bombay ; I came upon a letter the other day, in which I found that in the course of five years charges have been paid by the Indian Government, and eventually paid by the Treasury to the amount of 15,000 1. odd, nearly 16,000 1. for five years, for the maintenance and support of those slaves ; so that they absolutely pay upwards of 3,000 1. a year for maintaining these captured slaves, besides, perhaps other ex penses upon the same account which I do not know. But as far as I understand financial mat ters, it seems to be a system of “ penny wise and pound foolish ” ; the Imperial Exchequer seems to be spending a great deal more money than it need spend, because it will not look the matter fairly in the face. 235. Sir Hny.'\ Is that 3,000/. a year the charge for the maintenance of the depot at Aden, or is it the whole charge for maintenance at Bombay and Aden ?—It includes maintenance at Bombay. 236. Mr. Kennaway. ] That is paid out of the Imperial Exchequer ?—The Indian Government pay the money, and then we recover it from the Imperial Exchequer. 237. Cliairman7\ "What becomes of those libe rated slaves after they reach Bombay?—I am not able to say what becomes of them. The details of the slave trade are under the cognizance of the Foreign Office ; they only come incidentally before me. 238. What is your opinion as to the prospect of increased trade arising between Zanzibar and Bombay ?■—I think, to a certain extent, that has been answered by the figures to which I referred showing the continued increase of imports at Zanzibar. I think, from the progressive increase shown in the last five or six years, the prospects are exceedingly good, and that there will be a still greater trade. A sudden stoppage of the importation of slaves into the island of Zanzibar would seriously affect the industrial position of the country, and therefore it would be very disad vantageous to disturb it suddenly, unless we were prepared at the same time with a scheme of free immigration. 239. Lord Enfield~\ There has been a great saving annually on the Slave Trade Vote by the abolition of mixed commission courts, has there not?—Yes. 240. That has been so much gain to the Ex chequer ?—Yes, that is one of the points we considered in our Report Mr. Rothery will give you the details, if he is examined. 241. In the summary of your suggestions these words occur : “ Our views are to urge upon the Sultan the ultimate abolition of the legal slave traffic, and of the export of slaves from the main land can you fix any date by which, supposing those suggestions to be carried out, and supposing there to be no financial difficulties in the way, we could look forward to the ultimate abolition of the traffic in slaves ?—I think that w^as a point considered by the Slave Trade Committee; I ain not competent to give an opinion from my own knowledge ; but it would not be desirable to stop the trade immediately, because it might throw the affairs of Zanzibar into some embarrassment. 242. Chairman^] Summing up your evidence, it is practically a question of 1,500 /. a year ?— Yes, in its immediate aspects. 243. If the Treasury w ere to advance 1,500 A a year, in all probability w^e should live to see the ultimate abolition of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa ?—I think we should ; but at the same time the Committee must thoroughly understand that this 1,500/. a year is only* the amount to be paid to the agency, that is to say, the European officers and their staff; but the question is, whether we can stop the east coast of Africa slave trade without paying, for a ceu tain number of years, a sum of money to thi Sultan of Zanzibar. M e cannot expect him to forego a part of his revenue without giving hint something in return for it. His continuing the slave trade is based solely on the ground^ that he cannot maintain his government without the amount of revenue which he receives from the duty on slaves, just as we uphold in India what we all know to be wrong, viz., the opiuiö monopoly and the salt monopoly, and othei things; our only argument is, that we cannot carry on the Government without them ; the Sultan of Zanzibar says he cannot carry on hi? Government without this tax upon slaves, and f think it is a great question whether the sum he receives from it, or a portion of the sum he re' ceives from it, should not be paid in some way oí other to him by the Government. 244. Mr. Crum-Ewing.~] Would you pay him all the tax he derives from the slaves, or the sum he pays to the Imaum of Muscat ?—It is stated iu the Report that he receives 20,000 /. as the taS upon slaves, whereas the sum which he pays the Imaum of Muscat is 8,000 /. ; but I think we must lay it down as a certainty that we must give him some bonus or compensation. It woiilJ be a matter for consideration what that should be. 245. Chairman.'] For carrying out his treaty, in point of fact ?■ Yes ; it was most strongly re' commended a number of years ago by Sir George Clerk, when Governor of Bombay. He says, ^ The British Government must be prepared to support the Sultan by its ships and by its money* The strengthening of the Cape fleet, and the frequent extension of its surveillance to Zanzibar and the adjacent African coast ; the stationino- oi gun boats at Zanzibar, and the grant of com pensation to the Sultan for the revenue he will sacrifice, are measures which it would be pre sumptuous in this Government to advocate. The honourable the Governor in Council cannot for a moment doubt that if the horrors described by an ON SLAVE TBADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 19 officer so cautious as Brigadier Coghlan were Blade known to the British nation, not a voice ^ould be raised against so small an acknowledg ment to Zanzibar as 8,500 I per annum for the attainment of so noble an object as the extinction of the East Indian African Slave Trade.” ^46. Mr. Crum-Ewing.That does not con- femplate the payment of the full amount of 20,000/.?—No ; but that was 10 years ago, and pi’obably the slave revenues have greatly in- oreased since then. 247. Chairman,^ We had it in evidence on Monday that all that the Sultan of Zanzibar had ^ right to, under his treaty, was the introduction pf slaves for the service required in Zanzibar Itself ; and it was stated that for that purpose ri700 slaves per annum was the outside quantity j'oquired ; if that is the case be must derive a large revenue from an illegal slave trade, in volving, as has been stated, the sacrifice of half ^ Bullion lives in five years?—Yes; I would only recommend that he should be compensated for the surrender of the legal traffic, 248. Mr. Kin7iaird.~\ Supposing that policy to be adopted, and the slave trade to be put down,’ you would save the amount that would be in curred in compensation by the withdrawal of the squadron ?—Y es. 249. Putting it as an economical arrangement, It is by far the cheapest thing to pay him this Compensation ?—Yes, I have always thought so. 250. Mr. Crum-Eicmg.~\ Do you think the Multan of Zanzil ar could put down the slave trade if he were willing to do so without the assistance of the squadron ?—No, he could not. 251. Mr, Fowler.~\ Do you think that in three or four years he would be able to do Without the squadron?—Yes, if the suppression the slave trade were done gradually and not hastily, and if steps were taken at the same time to import free labourers into Zanzibar, the thing Blight be done in time without damage to com merce, or the internal industry of the country. 252. Sir .7. The expenditure of 1,500/. Wdiich you have just alluded to is entirely inde pendent of the expenditure on the squadron ?— entirely ; the recommendation of the Slave ■frade Committee that sat at the Foreign Office, that as a beginning the establishment at ^^Bzibar should be increased, because we wanted fo put some vice consuls or agents upon the main f^nd, so as to superintend the emigration, and on, and that the cost of this increased establish ment should be fairly divided between the Indian Government and the Imperial Exchequer ; it Was supposed that what is now 2,000/. a year. Would be increased to about 3,000/. a year, and the proposal was, that the two Governments should divide the latter amount fairly between them. 253. The difficulty which the squadron has to ^Bcounter, as I understand it is this, that the t^^^^for of domestic slaves along the coast within c legal limits, covers the illegal transport of ® ^ves to foreign countries ?— That is the diffi culty. ^ 254. That being so, your proposition is, that a Cum by way of bonus should be paid to the Sul- an of Zanzibar, as a compensation for the aboli- mn of the present legal traffic in domestic f ^wes, so that the legal traffic in slaves should y Bceforth be no cover for the illegal traffic ?— ÇS ; I should recommend that a sum should be paid to him equivalent to what he 0.116. gams in revenue on the slave traffic not ¡nohibited by treaty. 255. Have you considered what that sum would be ?—No ; I am very imperfectly ac quainted with the details of the slave trade itself, but I believe it is generally considered that the amount of the subsidy of 8,000 /. which he pays to the Imaum of Muscat, would about cover what he would lose ; so that if he were freed from the payment of this 8,000 /. to the Imaum of Muscat, he would be in a position to abandon the revenue to which I have referred, so I con sider in round numbers about 8,000 /. would be the right amount ; that is about the sum re commended to be paid him by Sir George Clerk in 1860. 256. You think there is no reason to suppose that it would be require 1 to be larger now ?— No, I think not, because some agents of the Sultan of Zanzibar were in this country two or three years ago, and they hinted that if the Sultan was relieved from the payment of the subsidy, he would be able to carry out the wishes of the British Government. 257. Is any part of the expenditure which is required for the maintenance of the squadron employed in the suppression of the slave trade borne by the Indian revenue ?—I know we pay a fixed sum towards the support of Her Majesty’s ships in the Eastern seas, viz., 70,000/. per annum. 258. That is not specially applicable to the slave squadron ?—No, it is for the entire maritime defence of India. 259. Would the Indian Government be pre pared to make a larger contribution than that 70,000 /., with the view of increasing the squadron on the coast of Zanzibar, and thereby hastening the suppression of the slave trade ? —I cannot answer that question. I do not think we would like to pay any more th m the 70,000/. we now pay, considering that in addition to that we have to pay for our own tran ports. 260. Mr. Kevnmray.'] Have any instructions been issued to the Government of India, with regard to the continuance or discontinuance of the subsidy ?—The last instructions which went out to the Government of India, with regard to the subsidy, have not yet been acknowledged by the Government of India, but the matter stands at present in this position. It is fair to state that there is a great difference of opinion between the different authorities with respect to the maintenance of the subsidy. The Go vernment of India are strongly of opinion that we should maintain the subsidy, and that it would be a great breach of faith to release the Sultan of Zanzibar from the payment of it, while the views generally of Her Majesty’s Govern ment are, I think, that the Sultan of Zanzibar should be released from the payment of the subsidy. Under these circumstances tbe India Office has suggested that an officer of high rank and experience should be sent out to inquire into the state of affairs, and to bring about some amicable arrangement between the Sultan of Zanzibar and the Sultan of Muscat, which should be a permanent arrangement. 261. Did I rightly understand you to say, that the Treasury having refused to bear any part of the expenses of the Zanzibar agency, the Indian Government were about to send instructions to the agent to discontinue his endeavours to sup press the slave trade ?—We have written to the c 2 Foreign Sir J. W. Kaye. 13 July 1871. 20 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Sir Foreign Office most distinctly to say that, as the JV. Kaye. Imperial Government will not have any concern j jyj with it of any kind, and as the Government of 1871/ India protest very strongly against paying for anything connected with the slave trade, we think that the Foreign Office should cease to send in structions to our agent at Zanzibar at all, thus leaving it to the Imj)erial Government to appoint their own agent there if they like. 262. Have you sent him any instructions as your agent, to discontinue his endeavours to sup press the slave trade ?—The Secretary of State for India certainly has sent him no such in structions, but it is possible that the Government of India may have done so. I suppose that state of things described in the letter which has just been read by Mr. Vivian, that the Government of India were rather encouraging than otherwise the trade in slaves, or at all ev'cnts, not dis couraging it, has arisen out of this very embroglio to which we have been referring. 263. Would the agent at Zanzibar be allowed to act as judge of the Vice Admiralty Court still ?—That is a question I have not considered. I think that the Government of India would not allow anything to take place that would cause any embarrassment and confusion. I conceive, therefore, that he would still act as judge of the Vice Admiralty Court. 264. Is much of his time taken up in slave trade matters?—Í should consider that a larger part of his time was taken up with slave trade matters than with anything connected with India, but upon that question Mr. Churchill is ready to give evidence. 265. Mr. J. Talbot.'] Do you think that the Sultan of Zanzibar, with the view of getting re leased from this subsidy, is putting a pressure upon us by encouraging the slave trade?—I think it is very likely. Syed Mejid died whilst IVIiv Churchill was in Zanzibar, after that gentle man had sat upon the Slave Trade Committee, and I have no doubt that Syed Burgash thinks it very likely that he will be relieved from the payment of the subsidy, 266. The more he encourages the slave trade, the more pressure he puts upon the Government to relieve him from the payment of the subsidy ? —I think it is very probable. 267. With regard to the suggestions of the Slave Trade Committee, of which you say you have no doubt the Treasury had cognisance^ have they been officially pressed upon the Treasury as a means by which the slave trade might be abolished?—The Foreign Office have pressed these considerations upon the Treasury, and the Slave Trade Report was laid before Parliament. 268. Did the Treasury, after it was pressed upon them that by a small expenditure they could abolish the slave trade on the east coast of Africa, take upon themselves the responsibility of refusing that small expenditure ?—Undoubtedly they did; the refusal was made when they addressed the letter to the Foreign Office to which I have referred. 269. Lord K. Cavendish.] The main part of the slaves exported from Zanzibar go to Muscat, do they not ?—Some do ; I do not think the main proportion do. 270. Have we any treaty with the Imaum of Muscat for the suppression of the foreign slave trade?—Yes; the original treaties were made with the Imaum of Muscat, when he was also ruler of Zanzibar. 271. If the non-fulfilment of the conditions of that treaty with the Imaum of Muscat is one of the chief causes of the encouragement of this trade, do you consider that we are bound to enforce the payment of the subsidy to the Imaum of Muscat, in the case of his non-fulfilment of such engagement?—I do not think that this ar rangement which was made for the payment of the 40,000 crowns by the Sultan of Zanzibar to the Imaum of Muscat, had any bearing upon anything connected with the slave trade at all. The arrangement was come to on this considera tion, that the revenues of Zanzibar were larger than the revenues of Muscat, and it was supposed that the payment was necessary to the ruler of Muscat, with reference to his engagements to others ; in point of fact, Muscat was originally the substantive state, Zanzibar being only a sort of appendage it; and the question was, whether Muscat, being the more warlike state of the two, would not attack Zanzibar, and whether the Imaum of Muscat would not say. In my father’s time Muscat and Zanzibar were one kingdom, and I will make it one king dom now.” This arrangement was come to, to prevent any such disturbance, and it had no reference to the slave trade whatever. Of course any breach or violation of treaty on the part of Muscat towards the British Government, may be punished by us as we think fit, but it was not with reference to any revenues from slaves that the agreement as to the subsidy was made. 272. Do you consider it reasonable that he should expect the power of England to be used to enforce the payment of this sum to him, when he is putting us to an immense expense in the arrangements we are making for the suppression of the slave trade, in consequence of his not ob serving his treaty ?—It is a question whether he is putting us to enormous expense. I do not suppose that our squadron is mainly employed on this service. 273. We were told by Mr. Vivian, that by far the largest proportion of the slaves from Zanzi bar are taken to Muscat?—That, no doubt, was stated on much better information than I am able to give upon the subject. The details of the slave trade .are superintended by the Forei^-n Ofime. 274. The recommendation of the Committee of which you were a member, with respect to the payment of our consular establishment at Zanzi bar, was only a small part of the recommendations of that Committee ?—We made several other re commendations. 275. Amongst other recommendations which you made, you suggested that a new treaty should be made with the Sultan of Zanzibar ?— 276. Have you any reason to suppose that the Sultan of Zanzibar would accept such a treaty as you recommended?—I think he would, if we released him from the subsidy, or paid him an equivalent. My recommendation is, that if we do not feel ourselves to be in such a political position as to release him from the subsidy, we should pay the money ourselves. 277. Did I rightly understand you to say that the mere payment of 1,500 /. a year, by the Im perial Exchequer, would put an end to the slave trade on the east coast of Africa ?—I have not stated that ; I wish distinctly to be understood to 21 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). to say that the payment of 1,500 relates solely o the agency. I do not see that we could put ^ stop to the slave trade there, without relieving Sultan of Zanzibar from the payment of the subsidy, or giving him some equivalent. 278. ^ Would the recommendations which your ouimitteg made with respect to the squadron, ^utail increased cost upon this country ?—That ^ui not in a position to state. 279. Have you seen some observations made y Sir Leopold Heath on the Report of the East '^oast African Slave Trade Committee ?—Yes. ^80. Perhaps, you recollect these extracts, “ I Very much regret that the evidence upon which Heport is based, has not been published, be- ^ause any opinion I may give, will be merely bat of an individual, and would, perhaps, have materially modified had I seen the recorded ^Videuce of others. With this reservation I ave to state, that I can in no way agree with Opinion expressed in paragraph 36, that with bree cruisers and one steam-launch, the slave lade will be effectually checked during the §i'eater part of the year ! I have frequently Recorded my opinion, that all that England has uoiie for the last 25 years, on the east coast, has been of no practical use in the suppression of the slave trade ; and now that there is an apparent intention on the part of Government to inaugu rate a more vigorous policy, I must earnestly ope that the squadron will be largely increased, ^o long as the existing domestic habits in slave re- oeiymg countries remaining unchanged, so long . there be more or less of slave trade. Those .its can only be changed by completely stop- P(ii» the supply of slaves for a very long period, piobably for a whole generation, and any system 'vhich stops short of that Avill fail of complete rVccess. The trade will be scotched, but not bled, and will revive whenever the pressure is aken off. I recommend, therefore, that at least Vessels, besides the flagship, should be appro- pi'iated to this source.” Do you concur in that opinion?—Rot being a naval officer, I am not ^^petent to give an opinion upon that. He further says: ‘‘I wish to add, that etwithstanding my general agreement with lany of the proposals of the Committee, and my . ^l^^Gf, that if carried out, they will make slave lading more hazardous, and tend to reduce its ^niount. I am yet more and more convinced, . lat the only certain way of stopping the traffic by purchasing the sovereignty of Zanzibar, ^bd thus obtaining a central position from which b Work upon the neighbouring coast, and ulti- Upon the interior of the country.” From bee passages, it appears that, at any rate. Sir Gopold Heath is not of opinion that the mere payment of 1,500 Z. a year would stop the slave rade ? I do not think anybody would say that e mere payment of 1,500 Z. a year would put a 13 July 1871. stop to the trade, but we must have a beginning. Sir and this is the agency by which it is to be IFi Kaye. stopped. The expenses of the agency mi^ht have to be siqiplemented afterwards by other payments, but this is a beginning, and this is all which the Treasury hitherto has been called upon to pay. There may subsequently arise a question, because it is still an open question, about relieving the Sultan of Zanzibar from the payment of the subsidy, as a matter of breach of good faith, and if we cannot relieve him from the payment of the subsidy, it would have to be con sidered whether we can in any way produce a sum of money sufficient to compensate him in another way for the surrender of the revenue which he derives from his slave trade. The 1,500 Z. is a beginning ; of course there would be subsequent expenses, but as to what Sir Leopold Heath says as to purchasing Zanzibar, you might as well talk of purchasing Germany. 282. He speaks of the Island of Zanzibar ?— That is the head-quarters of Zanzibar ; how could we doit? In the first place, the Sultan would not sell it. There has been subsequently another recommendation, that we should annex it, as the term goes. I believe the Rombay Government supported that view of the matter, but imme diately it was known here the India Office telegraphed to India that it would not be enter tained for a moment. 283. Possibly, even with a sincere desire on the part of the Treasury to put down the slave trade, the view might be held that it is not worth while to incur the expense of 1,500 Z. un less the country is further prepared to go to the expense of maintaining 10 ships on the coast, besides other expenses ?—What I say is, that it might be economical in tlie end, even if that increase of the squadron were required (to which I cannot speak), because to maintain 10 ships for three years is better than to maintain three ships for 20 years ; it is only a matter of calculation ; the probability is that it would be cheaper in the end. The Committee assumed that there might be a temporary increase of expenditure to be set off against permanent diminution. 284. Chairman?^ Evidence was given the other day, and you have confirmed it so far as your knowledge goes, that a certain limited number of slaves is sufficient for the labour re quired i n Zanzibar proper ; it is only with reference to that limited number of slaves that the treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar permits any slave traffic ; that number being given us as 1,700 only per year, there must be a large illegal traffic in slaves?—1 do not know how the 1,700 is calcu lated; whether that is the absolute number of able-bodied labourers, or whether allowance is made for those too old to work, or for children. I am not responsible for these figures. Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, c.b., called in; and Examined. j,-Cliairman.'\ You have resided some con- orable time at Zanzibar ?—Two years and nine Months altogether. 286. In what capacity ?—As political agent consul. all the particulars « ^h have been stated already, as to the amount wh +L trade and so forth, I will ask you ether you are acquainted with the statements of Dr. Livingstone with regard to the slave trade ?—Yes ; I have read his book, and I do not think them exaggerated at all from what I have heard from Dr. Kirk, who accompanied Dr. Livingstone. In conversations with the former, I have gleaned that the road between Nyassa and the coast is strewn with the bones of slaves that have been killed or abandoned on the road, and the villages which, on their first visit were C 3 flourishing Mr. Churchill, 22 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. Churchill. 13 1871* flourishing, were on their second visit quite aban doned and destroyed ; in fact, the whole place had been reduced to a state of desolation. 288. \ ou would not think the statement ex aggerated, perhaps, that for every slave brought to Zanzibar there is a loss of four or five ad ditional lives ?—No, I think it is not exaggerated ; they are better taken care of, of course, after they reach Zanzibar ; there, they become com paratively happy. I do not even think they would return to their own country if they had the offer to do so ; but the land journey is very trying, and in the course of it they are subjected to great cruelty, as is also the case when they are carried by sea, particularly when they fall into the hands of the northern Arabs. 289. Your special duties at Zanzibar, I pre sume, are, first, the general political relations, and, secondly, the protection of such British sub jects as there are in Zanzibar?—Yes; British subjects, and British protected subjects. 290. How many British subjects and British protected subjects are there?—You may take them at about 4,000 altogether; .3,710 British protected subjects and British Indians; mostly British protected subjects from Kutch, 291. You have, I presume, to preside at the courts ?—There are many lawsuits amongst those peoples, and the political agent has the decision of them when the plaintiff is an Arab or a subject of our own, and the defendant a British protected subject ; the number of lawsuits decided in the first year that I was there was something like 90 or 100, later it came down a little. Dr, Kirk reported that in 1869 there were 67 lawsuits, and that the amount adjudicated for was about 11,000 /. or 12,000/. 292. Have you any criminal jurisdiction ?— Yes, as in all eastern countries. We can sentence a man to twelve months' imprisonment, and to a fine of 1,000 dollars, but not beyond that. If the offence was one requiring a greater punish ment the criminal would have to go to Bom bay. 293. What do your consular duties involve? —The ordinary consular duties ; shipping, naval courts, the protection of seamen, and everything connected with shipping; the protection (ff British subjects, the issue of passports, notarial deeds, and so on ; and beyond that there is the slave trade, which is quite peculiar to the Zan zibar consulate ; that occasions an enormous amount of work ; in fact, the greater part of the work connected with Zanzibar is the slave trade. The establishment of the Vice-Admiralty Cmrt has involved a great deal of work. 294. You preside there?—Yes. During the first year it was established, about 30 dhows were condemned, and I think about the same number are condemned every year. That involves a great deal of work, particularly as the staff of the consulate is very limited. The staff of the consulate is so small, that I was obliged to apply for the services of Dr. Kirk, who was the medical attendant of the agency ; his duties were simply to attend to the health of the establishment, it being at the same time open to him to offer his medical services to the Sultan, and to the inhabitants of the place; but with Dr. Kirk’s concurrence, I wrote to India, and got him an increase of salary, and by that means he was enabled to give up a portion of his prac tice, and assist me in my consular duties. I subsequently obtained the services of a clerk, as the work went on increasing, and besides Dr. Kirk and the clerk there is a native interpreter, who writes the Arabic letters That is all the establishment. 295. Are there any Indian subjects, or English protected subjects, who hold slaves ?—None but the Britisb. protected subjects, the Kutchees. 296. Those do?—Yes, many of them do. In General Eigby’s time, when he was political agent at Zanzibar, he deprived the ’whole of the Kutchees, and every Indian subject, of the slaves they held, but he was succeeded by Colonel Pelly and Colonel Playfair, who made a difference between British protected and British subjects. They represented their man ner of thinking to the Government of Bombay, and the Government adopted their views ; since that time the Kutchees have been enabled to buy slaves, having placed themselves under the pro tection of the Sultan of Zanzibar ; they abstained from inscribing their names in our register, and abandoned our protection altogetlier ; then of course they were allowed to hold slaves; in fact they were told that they would enjoy the same privileges as the Arabs themselves, and the Sultan laid great stress upon the letters he had received from Colonel Playfair upon the subject, and insisted, in a correspondence with me, when I protested against their holding slaves, that they had a right to do so, in consequence of those letters. 297. With reference to the protection of the slaves which are set free by the operation of the cruisers, and in other ways, what means are taken for their protection? — With the exception of those -who have been landed for the missions—a very small number, I do not think it is more than 20 or 30 altogether—none have been landed lately at Zanzibar, in fact none have ever been landed there ; but when General Eigby liberated about 4,000 slaves, he gave them papers of free dom, and made certain arrangements with their former masters to buy them small estates on which they were placed, by which means they managed to live, and I have never heard of any of them becoming slaves again; some may have been kidnapped, because it is a matter of every day occurrence ; the Sultan himself loses his own slaves sometimes, when the northern Arabs come down from Arabia, who do not ask who the slave belongs to, but just take possession of him and carry him off, so that some of the slaves that were liberated in Zanzibar may have been kidnapped ; there would be no protection against that, but I look upon it a- an evil you must put up with ; I do not think it would be carried to any great extent. 298 What are the last accounts you have had from Zanzibar as to the slave trade ?—They are very bad ; from a private letter I have received, I learn that the slave trade had increased in activity; the policy of Seyd Burgash towards the British agency had also altered ; he was at first rather frightened at the attitude of the agency towards him; he did not know exactly what the British Government might do, and he was particularly anxious to please ; but after- wards, seeing that nothing came of the insolent language he had held immediately after his acces sion, he changed about again, and became aS insolent as ever ; as far as the slave trade is con cerned, I believe he has not changed bis views. 299. What course would you recommend to be adopted to put a stop to the increase in the slave ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 23 slave trade ?—I think the Arabs do not under stand forbearance at all ; they put it down to inipotency ; they think you are not in a position fo insist upon anything, and they misunderstand motive ; in iny opinion, the best plan would have been to have adopted strong measures towards the Sultan, and to have forced him to a certain extent. 300. What sort of strong measures do you î’efer to ?—One would be to curtail his income, yhich we can very well do. Our British sub jects have been in the habit for a long course of years, of paying an export duty of 5 per cent, on produce from the coast, coming to Zanzibar. The Sultan has a perfect right of levying octroi duty CR the coast, and to facilitate matters ; as the CRstom-house officer is an Indian, he insists upon ^he Indians, who are the people who carry on l-his trade, paying him at Zanzibar the 5 per cent., instead of getting it paid inland. If the Hindoos were told that they would -no longer he obliged to pay this, I do not think the Sultan would be able to raise the money, ^Rd it is a considerable sum ; something like 36,000 dollars. I think by our supporting the Hindoos in refusing to pay that, we should bring the Sultan to his bearings immediately ; he would see we could do him a great deal of harm, and he would, in order that we should not do him that harm, come to terms with regard to the slave trade. appears that we the im- amount Then, 301. Have you any information as to the amouRt of trade at Zanzibar, and the probability ^1 increase in it ?—I have looked into the returns sent by Dr. Kirk, from which it appears that ^10,000 dollars is paid by Jairam Sewji as the farmer of the revenue, and it further b’om the table of imports at Zanzibar, have 2,055,954 dollars as representing ports ; 5 per cent, on that, which is the levied, would come to 100,000 dollars CR the other side, we have the exportations ; the fötal amount is 1,527,800 dollars, but out of this you have to take 100,000 dollars for copal which PRys a special duty, 2,400 dollars for hippopota- ^^Rs teeth, 663,600 dollars for ivory, and also ‘b,Ooo dollars for slaves, that amount repre senting the value of the slaves. Altogether the ^ductions which would have to be made from fhe amount I have given, namely, 1,527,800, ^euld reduce it to 792,900 dollars, on which ^ per cent, is paid, making 36,780 dollars, •hhis, added to the amount received from the copal, which is 20 per cent., would make 20,000 dollars more ; add to this the amount received rom ivory, which is about 12 dollars per frasilah, ^ Would make an addition of 132,700 dollars, altogether amounting to 289,000 dollars in- ? Cud of 310,000. Evidently, from this calcu- ation, Jairam Se’wji, who is the farmer of Re customs, has not put down the amount at its proper value ; he has reduced it considerably ; e must make a profit, no doubt, out of the busi- Ress, and if you put it down at 400,000 dollars, it Would show that the importations and exporta- lons of Zanzibar are at least one-third more îRan they have been represented. . your idea as to the increase of rallie in the event of the abolition of the slave ® f think it would increase considerably Ri the course of time, but it would depend on the auRer in which the abolition was carried out. g ^'°}\Rffempted to suppress the slave traffic by sudden stroke, the immediate effect would tl*116. be to decrease the trade of Zanzibar, but if it were done gradually I do not think it would decrease the trade much, and in the course of time it would increase it considerably.. 303. There is a certain slave trade recognised as legal, viz., the slaves wanted for the service of Zanzibar proper?—For Zanzibar and the coast. 304. Are there 1,700 required for the pur poses of Zanzibar ?—In my opinion, that amount is too small ; I think that it is more than that ; I would say 3,000 or 4,000 ; when I was there, between 17,000 and 18,000 were imported in the year. 305. Whatever the number may be that is required for service in Zanzibar, it is only the traffic in slaves required for that purpose that our treaties eountenance ?—Our treaties do not go into those details ; they merely say we will not interfere in the transport of slaves from one end of the Sultan’s dominions to the other, from Kiliva to Lamoo; but what we protest against and forbid in the treaty is the carrying of slaves from the coast of Africa to the coast of Arabia. 306. If you carry them from the coast of Africa to the coast of Arabia via Zanzibar, is not that as clearly a breach of the treaty as anything else?—Yes, undoubtedly. 307. Is not it obvious, if there is only a cer tain small number of slaves required annually for the service of Zanzibar, that the large pro portion of those that are proved to be shipped from Africa to Zanzibar are so shipj)ed for the illegal traffic?—Yes, only the Sultan and the people of Zanzibar would never acknowledge that they require a limited number of slaves at Zanzibar; they are all interested in the slave trade ; I think the Sultan indirectly is interested in it too. For instance, his relations with Mus cat induce him to favour the northern Arabs ; not only does he favour them by allowing them in an underhand manner to take away the slaves, but he sends them large presents amounting to something like 40,000 dollars a year. 308. You say that you think the requirements of Zanzibar would be from 3,000 to 4,000 slaves ? —Yes. 309. Large numbers of slaves are sent to the north ?—Large numbers are sent to the north of the Sultan’s dominions during the season when the carrying of slaves is allowed, and they are there kept in readiness by the inhabitants to be shipped off to the north, and as soon as the season comes round, the northern Arabs transport them to Arabia. 310. Are the hardships to which they are sub jected very great ?—They are very considerable ; I have witnessed them myself ; the slaves are starved while they are on board. I was in the “ Daphne” when there were about 325 liberated slaves taken, and 11 of them died before we reached Zanzibar; that was only eight or 10 days’ voyage ; they died from shear starvation ; the captain and the crew of the Daphne ” took the greatest care of them, and tried to bring them round ; the doctor used to visit them every day, but he could do nothing, they had become so much reduced. 311. Viscount Enfield.'] Were they in that condition before they were shipped?—No, I do not think so ; they had not been shipped very long ; they had been taken on the coast be tween the northern limit of the Sultan of Zan zibar’s dominions and Brava on the Equator, be yond the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar, and C 4 that Mr. Churchill. 13 July 1871. 24 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFOßE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. that is what makes me think that whatever treaty Churchill, we might make with Zanzibar, and whatever — money we might spend, we shall not be able to 13 July put a stop, to the slave trade totally, because it is ^^71. carried on beyond the limits of the Sultan of Zanzibar’s dominions, as well as within them ; that was on the Somali coast. 312. Sir. J. Hay.'\ Were they taken by Arab dhows ?—Yes. 313. Viscount Enfield.'] Are any of the slaves destined for Madagascar ? — To some extent they are. Those taken from the southern part of the dominions of the Sultan, namely, from Kilwa to the south towards Cape Delgado, and even from the Portuguese territory, are carried to Madagascar ; some are taken to the Comoro Island; these are more for the French who use them as liberated slaves ; they are taken to Mohilla; people come across from the French possessions, and the Arabs sell them to them. The French are allowed to buy slaves, and they are liberated, or nominally liberated immediately, and sent to the plantations for a certain number of years. 314. Sir J. Hay.] For 10 years service?— Five years. 315. illiairman7\ You have heard, of course, the terms of the suggested new treaty ?—Yes; I received instructions from the Foreign Office to propose them to Syed Majid, which I did when I reached Zanzibar. I embodied them in an Arabic letter, and sent them to him. He took some time to consider the matter, and at last, being pressed, he said, he would discuss the question with me, and wanted me to go over to the coast with him for that purpose. I was prepared to go, but he was so ill at the time, that he begged me to put it off till he could send me notice ; instead of that he came back himself, and 10 days after that he died. I pressed the same proposals on Syed Burgash, his successor. On the day of his succession, I took the precaution of calling him to the consulate, and having a conversation with him to see what his views were with regard to political matters and the slave trade, for I might have given my support to some other candi date, there being two or three, though he was the strongest claimant to the throne, and he promised everything ; but the very next day he repudiated everything, and said, that he had made no arangement whatever ; that he had never promised anything ; that it was all false, and even had he done so, he was not Sultan then. 316. I suppose you have no doubt if that por tion of the suggested treaty were adopted, con fining the export of slaves absolutely to one point on the coast of Africa, that would, to a very great extent, stop the slave trade ?—It would reduce the slave trade considerably, because the place that has been selected is only about 25 miles from the south end of Zanzibar ; and when the south n’est monsoon blows, no boat could leave Dar Selam and go outside the island ; she would have to go between the island and the main coast, and the steam launch which we pro posed to have there, could prevent all com munication between Dar Selam and the Arabian coast direct; the slavers would have to pass between the islands, and we could put a stop to the traffic. Then there would be a great supervision, because we proposed to have a vice consul at Dar Selam, who would have an eye upon everything that was going on, and would be able to report and prevent any irregularities. 317. What naval force is employed on that part of the coast now ?—I think seven or eight vessels. I am led to understand that the force has been increased lately. I counted seven, the Forte,” the ‘‘ Nymphe,” the “Columbine,” the “Cossack,” the “Bullfinch,” the “Teazer,” and the “ Wolverine.” 318. What is the name of the flagship?—The Forte.” Of course they have other work to perform ; the flagship is mostly on the coast of India. 319. I suppose it is not unnatural that the officers in command of those vessels have all sorts of complaints brought against them of their interfering with legal traffic as well as illegal?— Yes ; and unfortunately many of the complaints are well founded; but I do not think it proceeds from any wish to be unjust on their part, but merely because they do not know a real slaver from a legal trader; they cannot distinguish the difference ; even before my windows at Zanzibar, after I had shown the “Penguin” a slaver, and she was captured in the harbour of Zanzibar, the officers, on their own responsibility, overhauled a dhow that was just coming in, and seized her ; I happened to be looking out of the window, and saw that they had seized a wrong dhow, so 1 got into my boat and went and told them ; but it was with the greatest difficulty that I could persuade them that that was the case, and no doubt had this taken place at a little distance from Zanzibar, the dhow would have been de stroyed, and we should have had a case before the Vice Admiralty Court, of no colours, unsea worthy, destruction of dhow and prize. 320. I suppose, as the officers receive bounty- money, they are interested in destroying as many dhows as they can ?—I do not think that is the inducement. 321. I do not say that that influences them, but still they have a bounty ?—They are very eager, no doubt, to get as many dhows as they can ; it is the eagerness of sportsmen almost ; the men are at the masthead to see whether they can spy a dhow, and they come with the greatest glee to the captain to say that a dhow is in view, and they are very much disappointed if they are not allowed to go after her ; in fact, I have been told by some of the officers command- ing, that it was a very difficult thing for them to keep within the bounds of justice, and not dis satisfy the ship. 322. When slaves are captured, how are they maintained ?—They are maintained on board ship till they are landed by the captain. 323. Does that come ont of the bounty money? —I do not know. I am under the impression that the captain pays for their maintenance, out of the money he receives. They are taken then to the nearest place where they are required, or sometimes where they are not required, for they have been taken to Aden, where they are con sidered a great nuisance. It was proposed to land them at Zanzibar ; but none have been landed ; yet, as the measures that were recom mended by the Committee have not yet been carried out, they had first of all to be accepted by the Sultan, and afterwards the Treasury had to be consulted ; so that in the instructions I received from Lord Clarendon, the question of the landing of slaves at Zanzibar was reserved. 324. What is the cost of the political agency and staff?—I put it down at 3,100?. a year; there are certain contingencies that have not been taken 25 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). into account; the pay of the political ^o^nt is 1,400 rupees per month; the doctor eceives 650 rupees; the clerk, 100 rupees; the erpreter, 60 rupees, and then there are nine or u peous who receive in all 190 rupees ; all that ^ together, with a certain amount for con- ^ ^gent expenses, boats, flags, stationery, house though the establishment of the surgeon the agency belong to Government, still you in/^ put down 100 rupees as the amount of w that the capital expended on those houses ould render), would make it 3,100 7. Then if w established vice consuls on the coast, it uiild make it a little more than that, because 40n would be something like 300 7. or th ^ ^ year for each one ; so that if you had ^/^e or four, it Avould come to about 1,200 7., ^ich, Avith the other amount, Avould have to be between the tAvo GoA’ernments. ; 25. 'hiv. Foioler.'] You spoke of 3,000 slaves ^ lUg required for the population of Zanzi- are those slaves kindly treated? — They l^i^.^ery Avell treated in the Island of Zanzibar, ef course they are always slaA^es ; the master ni'n-L poAver of life or death over them ; he j ^ght be amenable to a local court of justice, but do not think he Avould be very severely 1 Uiushed for killing a slave. The blood money of ihmaccording to the value of the slave hß is Avhat they call a green slave tb 1 y® u slave just come from the interior), ® blood money is only 25 dollars ; if he is at fo^. ^^^ustomed to manual labour it is 50 dollars ; be ^î’tizan, a bricklayer, and so on, it Avould it, ^ dollars, and for a good looking concubine '^^ouldbe 100 dollars. 26. There is no restraint upon the treatment of slaves by their masters, except their oAvn in terests ?—That is so ; they are treated as you would treat your horse. 327. But the slaA^es are generally kindly treated? — They are very kindly treated, except on the transit betAveen the coast of Africa and the coast of Arabia ; I Avould not say they are harshly treated there, but they are packed very closely, and ill fed ; I take it that they are ill fed because they are much more easily managed Avhen they are Aveak, and in ill condition, than Avhen they are strong ; if they Avere A'^ery strong they might overpoAver the creAV. 328. Are you acquainted Avith Egypt? — Yes. 329. Would you consider that, practically, the system of slavery in Zanzibar was like the system of slavery in Egypt?—I think there is very little difference. 330. I have ahvays understood that in Egypt the slaves are very kindly treated ?—Yes ; they are so in Zanzibar, too. 331. I presume that in Egypt there is more restraint upon the poAver of life and death, for instance?—Yes; though the law AAmuld be the same, the Koran. In Turkey, since Sultan Abdul Mejid came into poAver, they have insti tuted the Ka-noon, Avhich is a laAv beyond the Koran ; there is no such laAv as the Ka-noon in Zanzibar. . 4^^' J presume that contact with Avestern civilisation Avhich has operated in Turkey and Egypt, Avould not have had any effect in Zan zibar?—Very little. There are A^ery fsAV Euro peans there; still, the Arabs of Zanzibar are very gentle, and I may say, quite as civilised as the Turks. Mr. Churchill 13 July 1871. 0 118. D 26 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Monday, \ ^th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT : Sir Robert Anstrutlier. Lord Frederick Cavendish. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Robert Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. CHARLES GILPIN, Esq., in the Chair. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot. Sir Frederick Williams. Mr. Henry Adrian Churchill, c.b., re-called; and further Examined. Mr. H. A. Churchill, C.B. 17 July 1871. 333. Chairman.'] I WILL ask you, in continu ation of your evidence on the last occasion, what was the condition of the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa, in the districts we have been considering in former times, that is to say, pre viously to your being there ?—In former days, the condition of the slave trade was very flourish ing, so much so that the East India Company considered it necessary to try to put it down, and their agents in the Persian Gulf and at Muscat entered into treaties with the various chiefs of the Persian Gulf and Muscat, for that purpose. But the difficulties attending the suppression of the slave trade, with regard to the Indian Navy, were so great that the officers belonging to that service never made any captures. In the courts of justice at Bombay, a captain, after having made a capture, was deprived of his command, in order that the evidence of the officers might not be influenced by him ; so that very few captains took the trouble to capture slaves ; in fact, I have heard them say, that they put the helm the other way, and went away clear of the dhow whenever they came across one ; but matters changed afterwards, when the Royal Navy came to replace the Indian Navy. 334. About what date was that? — I do not exactly recollect, but I think it was when the East India Company was abolished. 335. What was the result of the appointment of the Royal Navy?—The Royal Navy was, on the other hand, too eager, and too great facilities were given to the Royal Navy in not being obliged to go to Bombay to condemn their dhows. They had the option of going there or to the Cape of Good Hope or Mauritius ; the last two places being very far from their cruising ground, the Arabs could thus have no possible means of defending themselves. The facilities offered for taking dhows, and condemning them, were so great, that the effect was quite the opposite to what was desired, and they took a great many dhows which were not engaged in the slave trade. 336. Then the Foreign Office, as well as Colonel Playfair, who was then at Zanzibar, suggested certain measures to prevent this?— Yes ; at the Foreign Office rules were made, and measures were taken to prevent this. One of those measures was the establishment of the Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar itself, which has had a great effect in preventing irregularb ties. At the present moment cruisers are oíaliged to go to Zanzibar to get the dhows captured io that neighbourhood condemned, and there the Arabs themselves have greater facilities in de fending themselves. 337. When you first went to Zanzibar, what arrangement did you propose for the stoppage of the slave trade?—There was a question of the subsidy that was paid to Muscat by the Treasury of Zanzibar under discussion ; it had beeU awarded by the Governor General of India. Itse happened that the Sultan of Zanzibar refused to pay this subsidy on account of a murder that had taken place ; the murder of his brother by Salim, who had succeeded him at Muscat. I waS told before I went to Zanzibar, that it would be a great thing if I could get this award put aside, and that by this means the Sultan would do anything for us with respect to the slave trade- When I went there, I sounded him on the sub ject, and I said, “ Now, supposing the Govern ment were to let you off the payment of this money, what would you do with respect to the slave trade?” —After a great deal of discussion, he said he would limit the carrying trade coast wise (I do not mean the trade with Arabia, be cause that was prohibited by treaty) ; he would limit it to a strip of land on the coast, between Dar Selam and Mombasa ; that would diminish the distance by about six degrees ; at present d is about nine degrees from one end of the limit to the other, so that about three degrees would remain. 338. That would lessen the distance by two- thirds?—Yes ; and beyond those limits no carrying trade would be allowed ; but it so happened that that was a plan that was very much opposed by the Indian Government, and although it ha^ since been proposed by the Committee that sat last year, it has never been carried out. 339. Would that arrangement be now praC ticable, do you think? — Circumstances havß changed since then. This murderer was suc ceeded by a man who, it is true, belonged to thß reigning family, but who had no right to the throne of Muscat; he, in his turn, has been suc ceeded within the last six months by Seyed Turkee, who is one of Seyed Saeed’s sonS) and a brother to Seyed Burgash, Sultan 0* Zanzibar » ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA) 27 Zanzibar. It so happens that there are now two brothers, one at Zanzibar, and the other at ^uscat ; and it was under those particular con ditions that the award was made that one brother ^ûould pay a subsidy to the other, so that there 'yould be no reason for the Sultan of Zanzibar declining the payment now, whereas there was ^^Gn a sufficient pretext for not forcing him to P^y it. 340. The Committee asked you questions with ^®gard to the trade of Zanzibar on the last Occasion, but I will now ask you this ; was the ^ade direct from England to Zanzibar ?—The ¡British trade is direct and indirect; on the whole amounts to a little more than half the whole of T® trade of Zanzibar, but that does not appear on statement that has been published here by Kirk, for he says in one portion of his Report that the British trade appeared to diminish by "^07,000 dollars ; that was in the year 1866-1867 poly ; and again, it is mostly British trade that carried on by foreigners. The Hamburg o^d the French houses send their vessels direct ^0 England, and import into Zanzibar British OiGrchandise. The Arabs do not know where it ^îïies from ; they only see that it comes in a r^^Gnch vessel, or that it is imported by a French oouse, and they put it down as French goods, ^ot it is really English goods. The trade of ^^Qzibar with Great Britain is increasing every day. . ?4l. But that is principally in foreign bottoms. It not?—Yes, and even in English vessels; the O^de is carried on by Germans and French, §Gnerally speaking. Within the last two years, English house has been established. Messrs, ^^iseman & Co. have considerable trade with ^aiizibar now, and I believe they are intending enlarge it very much ; but the Indian trade J^ith Zanzibar, though it has really increased, ^ not increased in the same proportion as the her trade ; comparatively speaking, it has de- dî-Gased. ^ 342. How would the openino; of the Suez Afi affect the trade opening on the East Coast of pírica ?—In former days merchandise was sent Q Zanzibar, and from Zanzibar to Europe by the p '^Pe ^ of Good Hope, in sailing vessels ; the ^duities now are so great viâ Egypt that steamers , be employed. In former days merchants’ ^Pital could only be turned over once in 12 ^dnths; but now as the voyage through the ^'^nal only occupies, going and coming, about 75 it may be turned over three or four times ; ■'vib'^ "^ill be satisfied with less profits ; but they ttiake quite as much, if not more money, ^^ougb being enabled to use their capital so many ^dre times in a year. I think that Austria and will, if we do not pay attention to the ^Gr, derive more benefit from it than we shall. Have you turned your attention to what Yg ^®d you would recommend the English Go- i^ ^^Gnt to take to put an end to the slave trade of y quarters, and with regard to the Sultan Gnt ^^^^bar, to enforce the treaties which he has Hig^^^^iûto?—Yes; my opinion is that strong fQj.^P^’^Gs should be taken with Seyed Burgash, ^Oc man who will not understand forbear- H strong measures cannot be taken, for ®bouTf ^Gasons, then I should propose that we Os + ^ borce him, indirectly, to make a treaty with hb^ ^ ^ stop to the slave trade, by menacing bis fbe deprivation of a certain portion of ' 0 j^^dme that he derives, without having a right to it, from our Indian subjects who carry on the trade betw een Zanzibar and the coast. The treaties say we are not to pay any export duty ; the farmer of the customs at Zanzibar is a Banyan British subject, and most of the men who carry on the petty trade between the coast and the island are Banyans also, who are afraid of him, and of his influence • and he has induced them to pay him the tax of 5 per cent, on everything that is imported into Zanzibar from the coast ; but in reality it is export from Zanzibar, and it amounts to something like 36,000 dollars a year; this, if Seyed Burgash was not particularly agreeable to us, w e might take away from him. 344. By simply claiming the fulfilment of the treaty ?—Yes ; having deprived him of this source of income, we might hereafter say we would give it back to him, as a compensation, if he made a treaty with us putting down or limiting the slave trade. 345. ^ii\ Kennawai/.~\ You mean allowing him those charges which he makes illegally at pre sent?—Yes. 346. Chairman.^ Is the Sultan of Zanzibar the only Arab Chief that it would be necessary to make terms with ?—No; there are chiefs on the Somali Coast (on the Coast of Africa), between Cape Guardafui and Zanzibar, whom we should call upon to pay more attention to their treaties ; and then again there is the Sultan of Muscat ; and a great many of his subjects (in fact, most of the Northern Arabs are his subjects) come down purposely to carry on the slave trade. They belong to the neighbourhood of Ras il Had, and trade under his jurisdiction. I do not suppose he derives any direct profit from the slave trade (though that is questionable) ; at all events, he might exercise his power over his subjects to prevent them from going down to kidnap slaves ; and when they go back with the slaves, he would assuredly have the powder of detecting them. 347. Have you any idea of the number of slaves that find their way into Persia, and how they get there?—Lately, in Bombay, I made inquiry on the matter. There is a man of great influence there of the name of Aga Khan, who is the spiritual chief of the Mussulmans of Bom bay ; and though I did not see him, I saw some of his relations, and they thought about 3,000 or 4,000 slaves found their way into Persia annually. 348. How do you say they get there ; they go to Muscat first, I suppose ? — Yes ; they are first taken to the coast of Arabia from Rasai Had to the Persian Gulf, and from that they are crossed over into Persian territory. 349. A former witness told us that at Muscat there was an open acknowledgment of the exist ence of a slave market ; do you think that is the case !—I do not think there is, but I am not quite sure. General Rigby would give the Committee better information on that point than I can. 350. Sir B. Anstruthe?'.'] Are those slaves that find their way into Persia shipped from Zanzibar and the ports adjacent?—Yes; they are shipped from Zanzibar and the ports in that neigh bourhood. 351. Chairman.'] Do any slaves find their way into India ?—Yes, I have heard so. 352. As slaves?—Yes, as slaves. General Rigby was political agent at Kuttawar for a D 2 certain Mr. H. A Churchill, C,B. 17 July 1871. 28 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. U. A. Churchill, C.B, 17 July 1871. certain time, and I am under the impression that he saw slaves imported there. 353. The Committee have heard that the slave trade recently has very much increased at Zanzibar and on the coast; can you give the reasons for that ?—The demand has increased in the Persian Gulf, I should say, more particu larly, in consequence of the cholera that has been raging in the Persian Gulf lately. About six months ago it was at Bender Abbas, and a great many of the inhabitants and slaves died, and no doubt those people want to get as many as they can in consequence. I think the trade greatly depends upon the demand. If the demand is considerable, the supply will be considerable. 354. Mr. Kennaioay.\ Would you recommend entering into treaties with the chiefs on the Somali coast?—Yes, I think that would be of use ; some of them are anxious to enter into a treaty with us. A few days before I left Zan zibar a chief of the interior, beyond Brava, a man of great influence, who has command even over the chiefs of Brava, wished to enter into a treaty, and drew up a rough draft of a treaty with an Englishman who is there, a Mr. Heale ; but the English of it was so bad that one could never think of signing anything of the kind. I drew Dr. Kirk’s attention to it, and I dare say he has written about it. I think it would be a great thing to enter into treaty engagements with the chiefs of the interior. 355. Are there not several Independent chiefs there?—The chief I refer to commands all along the coast between Magadoxa and Brava; he is the man who attacked Juba some time ago, and destroyed it. Then there are other chiefs higher up ; it would, perhaps, be rather difficult to enter into treaties with them. 356. And if they kept out of it?—But I do not think they would keep out of it. The Chiefs of Brava made a treaty some years ago with Captain Paisley, but it was more for the protec tion of British seamen who might be wrecked on the coast than for any other object. 357. Would those ports be the natural ports of export for slaves, and give facilities for it ?— There are no slaves exported from the ports I have just mentioned ; but three years ago, in 1868, when I went up there in the Star,” they were importing slaves that had been exported from Fazee, close by ; they were importing them along the coast at Brava, at Merka, and at Magadoxa, and were undoubtedly engaged in the slave trade. They could not take them far up, on account of the south-west monsoon, which was just towards its close ; the slaves could only go as fir as those ports, where they would be fattened up, and educated, and made something of, until the slave trade season would come round ; then dhows would come down from the Arabian coast, and take them away to Rusel Had, Muscat, and even to Persia. 358. Have we not a treaty with the Sultan of Muscat ?—Yes. 359. If that was enforced, and the market for slaves were closed thereby, as it might be, would not that go a long way towards a settlement of the difficulty ?—I do not know that there is a slave market at Muscat, but I should almost think there was. A great deal could be done at Muscat to put a stop to the slave trade. The attention of the Government has not been drawn to that as it should have been. 360. At what do you estimate the income that the Sultan of’ Zanzibar receives from the export duty on slaves at this moment ?—I have always considered it to be something between 15,000 1. and 20,000 /. My calculations are founded on this : that when I was in Zanzibar about 17,000 slaves were imported into Zanzibar, and I believe altogether 23,000 slaves were exported through the Custom House at Kilwa. There is a tax of 2 dollars at Kilwa for the exportation of slaves to Zanzibar, a tax of 2 dollars for the exportation of slaves from Zanzibar to the coast, and a tax of 4 dollars for the exportation of slaves from Kilwa to the coast ; putting it altogether, I made it somewhere between 15,000/. and 20,000 /. ; it may be nearer 20,000 /. 361. In the evidence of the Honourable Mr. Vivian, taken before this Committee, he speaks of the tax derived by the Sultan of Zanzibar on slaves, and he says, “We” (that is to say, the Foreign Office) “ have calculated it at 20,000 /. a year ; but I make out, unless Dr. Kirk has included also the sale of slaves, that in 1867-8 he must have got 56,000 /. by the tax upon slaves; that is to say, 270,000 dollars ”?—Yes, 270,000 dollars ; but this Report of Dr. Kirk’s represents the value of the total number of slaves imported, and not the tax that was levied upon them. 362. You do not think that there is any reason for putting it at that amount ?—Certainly not. 363. With regard to the disposal of slaves; have you given the Committee any part where you recommend that liberated slaves should be placed?—I would recommend that they should go to Zanzibar. 364. Do you think that you could possibly keep them there in a state of perfect safety ?-^ Yes, I see no reason for doubting it, only the Sultan of Zanzibar must be willing to co-operate with us ; if he is at all opposed to it, it would be quite impossible. 365. How would you propose that the liberated slaves should be employed ; on the coast, or on the island ?—Some might be employed on the coast, and others on the island. There was an English company a little while ago that tried to obtain a concession of land on the coast ; they wanted land between Dar Selam and the south, and they would have taken any number of libe rated slaves. Captain Frazer would take about 500 or 600 in the Island of Zanzibar. 366. At all events, you think there would be no difficulty about it ?—I think not. When General Rigby was there, he liberated about 3,000 or 4,000 slaves, and took the necessary means of protecting them, and I never heard that any of them had been made slaves of. I do not mean to say that none have. 367. But, on the whole, you think they can be protected?—On the whole, I think they can be very well protected. 368. With regard to those privileges for oui' Indian subjects, why should we submit to thiä tax being levied ?—The question was raised by the Indian Government, and Ludda Damjee, the farmer of customs, was requested to statß how it was that he had levied this tax ; he replied that he had nothing to do with the ta^ on slaves, and that it went to the Sultan’s private cash box ; that he did not farm the slaves. 369. But I mean the tax that he levies on oui' Indian subjects ; how do you explain that?—-i think we knew nothing about it ; it is only lately that it has been discovered. 370. Would other persons claim the sam^ privilege ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 29 privilege if we enforced it?—At the present moment the French houses on the coast do not pay this tax ; hut they are very few, and I dare say an English house, if we had one established on the Coast, would not pay. But the natives of India, 'vho are, more or less, under the influence of the farmer of the customs, have paid it ; and when they were asked why they did not come forward and claim their rights, they said, “ Would you iiave us ruined,” because Ludda Damjee could do ^t easily if he chose. 371. With regard to enforcing their redemp tion, would not the objection be that the Sultan tvould then be left without a sufficient revenue ? —Yes; no doubt it would cripple his power altogether, and that would be the best means of bringing him to terras. If he found that be could not carry on his Government with out this money, he would come to us and say, ''I must carry on my Government, so let us Come to terms.” 372. What is the proportion of children, with l'egard to girls and boys, who are captured ?—I think there are returns made by the commodore, ■which are sent in every year to the Admiralty ; but I should say that there are about as many boys as there are girls, and as many men as Women. 373. Dr. Kirk has had very large experience, bas he not?—Dr. Kirk went out with Dr. Livingstone formerly, and has travelled a good deal in the country, and knows a good deal of the interior ; his knowledge of Zanzibar is con siderable. 374. Do you think that, in your absence, any One conld be more safely left in charge than Dr. Kirk?—Certainly not; he is the best man for the post. It is a great pity that certain rules Would militate against his appointment. When in Bombay I recommended his appointment, but the Governor said that it had been decided between the Government of India and the India Office that medical officers should not fill the appointment of political agents. 375. Is Dr. Kirk continuing there?—Yes, he is continuing there ; but I am under the im- Pi’ession that as soon as he learns officially that be is not to aspire to the agency, he will give up bis appointment, because it is not worth his while fo remain in an out-of-the-way place like that, without the prospect of obtaining the best ap pointment possible. 376. And you think his leaving the place Would be a great misfortune?—I think so. 377. Mr. Crum-Ewing.'] You mentioned that tbe slaves that are now taken to Muscat could be taken to Zanzibar ; could they employ such ^ number there ?—Dr. Kirk says they require, at Last 1,700 slaves a year; but according to my oalculations they would require more, say, 3,000 ‘d least, as some would have to be sent to Samoo iind Pemba. They could certainly find employ aient for the number we could send ; we do not ^9-pture more than 700 or 800 a year, so that for ^ considerable number of years they would require slaves there. I mean liberated slaves, of course. 378. But the 700 or 800 does not include, of Course, the number that are sent up to Muscat ? ^Ko, I think about 10,000 or 11,000 are sent. 379. If those cruisers were very active they ^ould stop more, would they not ?—Undoubt edly. 380. But that would lead also to the capture slaves up the country? — Yes, it would; if 0.116. proper measures were not taken to prevent the northern Arabs from coming down, and kid napping slaves ; bnt the sending the liberated slaves to Zanzibar, would tend to diminish the slave trade. I do not think you could suppress it altogether, because so long as the demand exists the supply will exist. I do not think anything in the world will suppress it, until you prevent Persia and Turkey from employing domestic slaves. You might diminish it con siderably, but as for putting it down, it is almost impossible. 381. You think it could not be stopped for the present?—Ko; for instance, we may enter into a treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar. Let us say that he will do everything in his powmr to pre vent the trade; but is this sufficient? Two years ago slaves were being exported to the north of his limits to a place with which he had nothing to do. 382. Sir R. Anstruther.'] I want to ask you if you know whether domestic slaves in Zanzibar are ever exposed for resale in the foreign slave market?—There is no foreign slave market; there is a slave market for the inhabitants them selves, and decrees were issued by the Sultan on several occasions forbidding the inhabitants of Zanzibar from selling slaves to the northern Arabs, and there was a heavy penalty against it ; but it is always done. A northern Arab who wishes to buy a slave gets some one to buy it for him ; he does not appear in the market, but he gets the slave all the same. 383. He gets a slave from a person who has already been employing this African as a slave ? —From a negro who goes and buys him in the market. 384. I was referring, not so mu eh to direct purchase by an individual coming from the in terior, but I see some evidence in the first Blue Book in which it is stated that a girl was taken to Kilwa and kept husking rice for a year, and then taken to Zanzibar and sold in the slave market of the Sultan ; practically she would then be resold?—Yes; she would have passed through several hands. 385. Mr. Crum-Eioiiig.~\ Are they exposed for sale regularly at Muscat ?—I do not know, but I should say they would be, because only 25 years ago they were exposed regularly at Con stantinople for sale. 386. Do you know whether there is much ex portation from Muscat of slaves sold to go to the country there?—I do not suppose they do it openly. 387. Lord E. Cavendish.'] If the Sultan of Zanzibar was induced by us to accept a treaty, do you think he would have the power, even if he were willing, to enforce that other power ?— To a certain extent he would, I think ; he would require money, and he would require the means to keep up an army to prevent the northern Arabs from coming down, ostensibly for the pur pose of trade, but in reality to kidnap slaves ; they get hold of the slaves and carry them off into out- of-the-way corners where they are not seen. An army or police force might prevent that. 388. In fact, we should have to subsidise him in order to give him the means of fulfilling his treaty ?—Either that, or, as I said before, enter into an arrangement with him with regard to the amount we pay now of 5 per cent, on the export trade. 389. But if I rightly understand the matter D 3 we Mr. H. A. Churchill, C.B. 17 July 1871. 30 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. H. A. Churchillj C.B. 17 July 1871. we are already paying that?—Yes; butlpro- pose that it should be taken away from him, and then held out to him as an inducement to make a treaty, 390, But has he at present sufficient powers to enforce such a treaty unless his means were increased ?—To the extent of the treaty that we recommended in the Foreign Office Committee 1 should think he might. 391, He would be able to confine the export of slaves to one port, would he not?—Yes, I think so, 39Í1, Sir Ä A ristruther.~\ But if he cannot en force his own decree with regard to the resale of slaves for the northern Arabs, for his own sub jects, what means would he have of enforcing such a treaty ?—There are a great many reasons for not enforcing the decrees ; many of his own people are engaged in the slave trade, the great folks of Zanzibar, and when they are detected he does not like to punish them, 393. Would not that apply also to the liberated slaves ?—We should have a supervision over them; we should prevent them being kidnapped. I dare say some might be kidnapped, but, on the whole, I think w e might protect them sufficiently well. Ihe Sultan’s own slaves are sometimes kidnapped. 394. Then the expense of the protection to liberated slaves would fall on us, and nob on him —1 o a certain extent it would fall upon us, certainly. 395. Lord F. Cavendish.'] Could you state at all what expenditure we should be put to in_ order to enable the Sultan to put an end to this treaty. We have had it in evidence that the mere expenditure of 1,500/. a year, and the fees of a consular establishment, would put an end to the slave trade ; is that your opinion ?— No, certainly not. That would lead in a con siderable degree to bringing the matter to a close ultimately ; but I do not think it would put an end to the slave trade at all. 396. Can you give the Committee any kind of estimate with regard to the expenditure we should be put to in order really to grapple with this trade?—I cannot. 397. Can you form any opinion whatever of what the expense would be ?—No ; it would be a matter for future negotiations, I should say. 398. If the slave trade was confined to one port on the adjacent coast, would it not have the effect very much of increasing the land journey ?—Yes ; it would have the effect of in creasing the land journey by the distance exist ing between Kilwa and Dar Selam; that would be a matter of four or five days, 399. And on those four or five days the suffer ing would be very considerable, would it not?— hiot more considerable than the sufferings of the slaves in the dhows. 400. I think you stated that, after all, this trade, like all other trades, depended on the de mand; should we not have a better chance of checking it if we checked the demand by making the landing of slaves much more difficult in Muscat, and the other places ?—Yes, certainly. I propose that we should call on the Suitan of Muscat, and the chiefs of the Persian Gulf, to prevent the importation of slaves into their dominions and to punish those who engage in the trade. 401. Muscat is the main port of entry, is it iiot ?—No ; not Muscat itself, but all the small ports along the coast of Arabia on the Gulf of Oman. 402. Are they all subject to the Imaum of IVfuscat ?—Yes, most of them. 403. What other rulers are there beyond ?— Beyond, in the Persian Gulf, there is the Chief of Bahrein, and a little low er down, the Chief of Abuthubbee. 404. Do they encourage or restrain the slave trade ?—They encourage it just as the rest do, by allowing their subjects to carry on the trade with impunity. 405. Ihey have a large pecuniary interest in It, have they not?—Yes, indirectly. 406. Have we any treaties with them ? — Yes, with all of them. 407. But all those treaties are evaded, are they not?—Yes; Colonel Disbrow, who went the round of many of those ports, saw slaves landed openly there. 408. Chah'inan.] Have not many^ British sub jects placed themselves under the Sultan of Zanzibar, in order to be able to hold slaves with impunity ?—A great many. , 409. That is principally- since the Naturalisa tion Act has become known there, is it not ?—It is many years ago that British protected subjects of India were allowed to take the protection of the Sultan of Zanzibar ; ever since the vear 1862, I think. 410. Do you mean that they were allow^ed that protection by the connivance of the British Government ? — General Rigby prohibited it; at least, it was never entertained during his time • but when he was succeeded by Colonel Pelly, it then began to be allowed ; and in Colonel Play- fan s time, w'^itii the sanction of the Government of Bombay, I believe, the Sultan was told that British protected subjects who had not entered their names in the consular register, were to be considered as Arab subjects. The first question the Sultan asked was whether they rnio-fit hold slaves, and he was told that they were considered as Arab subjects, and mi^lit do what they liked and they immediately began to buy slaves. 411. On whose authority was such a statement made; was it on the authority of the Govern ment of India ? — I am under the impression that it was ; it could not be otherwise, I should say ; but when I went to Zanzibar this subject attracted my attention, and I made representa tions about it, and the answer that I obtained from the Bombay Government was, co the effect that it might be very proper to deprive the said Indians of their slaves, but who was goino* to pay the compensation to which they would be entitled ; certainly not the Indian Government. However, the question was very well ventilated and the last orders of the Indian Government were that, although they should be allowed to keep the slaves they had, they were not to buy or sell any more. ^ T ^ ^ questions for Lord Enfield, who has left the room for a short time; the first is, are you aware that the late Sultan of Zanzibar ever violated the Slave Trade lieaty . I have never heard of his having done so. 413. Did he discourage, as far as he could, the visits of the northern dhowsf—He did; on one occasion he went so far as to say that he would L ™ dhow that came from the north. I thought it a very general way of putting it, and I proposed that he should only burn those dhows that 31 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). that were engaged in the slave trade, that came openly for the purpose of carrying away slaves ; out that if they came for the purposes of trade, he should leave them alone, because we had treaties with those people, and it would be our duty to protect them in their legitimate trade. 414. Would there be sufficient justification on the ground of alleged violation of the treaty for ooercing the Sultan to surrender his right to transport slaves from the coast ? — That is a o^atter for the Government to consider ; when late Sultan was about to die I called Seyed ^urgash to my house ; he was supposed to be a great fanatic, at least he pretended to be so ; and he did not like the English at all ; he had been engaged in a revolution against Seyed Majid before, and General Rigby had taken very strong Measures against him ; but when he came to me, ^nd was questioned with regard to his politics, and as to what he intended doing, he promised every thing ; he said he knew all about the demands* of the English Government with respect to the slave trade, and would do everything we required, and a^ucli more than Seyed Majid would have done. 1 inquired regarding the debts of his late brother to Ludda Damjee, who is one of our subjects, and he said he would take on himself the whole. After entering into a verbal arrangement, made ^n the presence of Dr. Kirk, he went away, and the very next day he denied everything, saying that he never made any arrangement at all. I think when a man breaks his faith in that way be should be called to account for it. 415. Has the late or present Sultan, to your knowledge, ever offered to sell or cede the island of Zanzibar?—No, never; he on one occa sion said, “ If you go so far as to demand the total abolition of slavery, and the carrying of slaves on my coast, you had better take the island away from me altogether.” But that did Hot mean that he would either give or sell it. 416. Would a free settlement on the coast tend to prevent the slave trade, do you think ?— t think so. 417. Where would you suggest it should be Established ? — I should think Monfia, to the ®Euth of Zanzibar, between Kilwa and Zan- ^^har, a very good place. 418. What would be the cost of protecting ®}ich a settlement?—It would not be very con siderable. I think it would pay itself in the Eoui’se of a few years ; you would have to have ^ governor there, I should say ; and 200 or 300 would protect the whole place ; it is a small island. , 419. Lord F. CavendishP^ Whom does it oelong to?—It belongs to the Sultan of Zan- ^ffiar. I do not think he would offer much difficulty to our securing it. 420. Chairman.~\ Would it be possible to pre- yERt the slave hunting in the interior; and, if so, how ?—Only by a decree from the Sultan ; that to say, that he should prevent his own subjects Tom engaging in that trade ; and it is generally his own subjects who go up country with mer chandise and set the negroes fighting against Each other for the purpose of obtaining slaves. 421. We have been told that most of the slave Raders come from Muscat, or from places in the north with which we have slave treaties ; could ^E not prevent the annual visits of these northern Arabs to Zanzibar?—We have treaties ^ith them that, so long as they carry on a legi- iRiate trade, we are to protect them in that 0.116. trade ; therefore when they go down in a proper way, for the purpose of carrying on a honaJide trade, I do not think we could or ought to pre vent them ; but, unfortunately, it so happens that they are almost all more or less engaged in the slave trade. They take down merchandise from Muscat, and return with a cargo of slaves. The Arab authorities on the coast of Arabia, with whom we have treaties, must necessarily take cognisance of this illicit trade, and they should be called upon to punish most severely those who engage in it. 422. Should we be justified in charging the Sultan of Muscat, or the chiefs in the Persian Gulf, with violating their Slave Trade Treaties, and in insisting upon them stopping their slave dhows from coming to Zanzibar ?—I do not think we should be justified in stopping all the dhows; every dhow is susceptible of being a slave dhow in the country ; there are not particular dhows for the purpose. 423. They are not particularly fitted up for the slave trade?—No; that idea has misled a good many people. On the West Coast of Africa there were vessels fitted out purposely for the slave trade, with slave decks, and everything else ; but on the East Coast there is no such thing. 424. Sir J. Hay.'] Then how is it possible for a slaver to be detected ?—That is the great diffi culty that is encountered by our men-of-war; when they first go to the East Coast of Africa they are liable to take almost every dhow for a slaver. 425. Without a certain amount of water butts and other fittings, I suppose ?—There are only two or three sizes of water butts. A small dhow may have a very large water tank, but that would not be a criterion of the dhow being a slaver ; they may require a great deal of water, and a tank, about a cubic yard, is not a very considerable size. 426. There are no special fittings, then, by which a vessel is supposed to be condemned ?— Most of the vessels that I would condemn would be those on which slaves were found on board, but the difficulty is in knowing a domestic slave from a slave that is for sale. The latter have particular marks on their heads when they come from Kilwa ; they are marked like sheep. A part of the hair is taken off, and if you see 20 or 30 of them marked in the same way, you may be quite sure that they are for sale. 427. Chairman^ Can you suggest any means to prevent those northern Arabs from engaging in the slave trade, while at Zanzibar on profes sional or commercial pursuits ?—The only means would be to have a good strong police force, but unfortunately the Sultan's troops are not very well in hand ; when I was there they were bribed right and left to allow the dhows to go. 428. Do you think that it would be imprac ticable to reconvey the slaves to their own homes in the interior?—It would be very difficult; many of the villages from which they came have been destroyed when they have been taken. Villages are destroyed, and children are kid napped, and the old are allowed to die on the spot, and if the liberated slaves were to return to their country, they would find nothing but deso lation there. 429. Would the establishment of such a free depot as the Foreign Office Committee suggested cost more than the 3,000 Z. a year, which is now D 4 paid Mr. H. A Churchillf C.B. 17 July 1871. 32 Minutes of evidence taken before select committee Mr. ZT. >1» paid for the maintenance of liberated slaves at Churchill, Aden and Bombay?—No, I think not. 430. Have you any observation to make on 17 July the present system pursued by Her Majesty’s 1871/ cruisers employed in suppressing the slave trade now ?—TV e made certain recommendations in the Committee, but very few have been carried out. 431. Have you any suggestions to oiler for its amendment beyond those recommendations made in the Report of the Foreign Office Committee ? —No, I think not. 432. Mr. Crum-'Eioing.'\ Under whose domi nions are those tribes among whom the slaves are captured ?—They have chiefs of their own ; they are under no particular dominion ; some of them are very important tribes in their way, but others are small. 433. Chmrman.~\ You have said that the trade with Zanzibar has been gradually increasing ; is it true that communication with Zanzibar is very irregular and uncertain ?—Very much so ; I have been six or seven months without receiving a letter from any part of the world. It is only when our cruisers come in that direction, and receive orders to touch at the Seychelles, that we get letters from Europe. 434. Would greater facilities for communica tion tend to develope trade in general, and assist to check the slave trade ? — Considerably ; so much so, that several houses have taken into consideration whether they would not sacrifice a certain amount at the commencement, and put on a line of steamers ; they have applied to Govern ment to kiKiw whether they could obtain a sub sidy, but they did not receive a very favourable answei-, I believe. 435. Do you consider the appointment of vice consuls along the East Coast a necessary element in any scheme for the suppression of the slave trade ?—Yes. 436. At what places would you appoint them? —One at Kilwa, to see that no slaves were ex- j)orted ; another at Dar Selam, to have super vision over the slaves that were sent through there ; another in the north, at Mombasa, or at Lamoo (they are close to each other), to see that the northern Arabs did not come and take the slaves away. 437. Do you think It probable that if vessels under the Arab flag were entirely prevented from carrying on the slave trade, and if Zanzibar were entirely closed to it, slave traders would adopt the French flag, or a slave trade spring up from the coast of Mozambique ?—No ; I think an understanding might be come to with the French Government to prevent that; at pre sent, certainly, the number of dhows navigating under the French flag is increasing, but I do not know that such a trade in slaves is carried on under the French flag. I do not think that any of our cruisers have ever detected slaves beino- carried under the French flag. ° 438. Have you in any way changed your opinion as to the expediency of the proposals suggested by the Foreign Office Committee, of which you were a member ?—No. 439. You are of the same opinion as when you signed that Report ?—Quite. 440. Mr. Kennaimy^ Could we, in your opinion, enforce the proposals of the Foreio-n Office Committee, that all dhows engaged in the legitimate traffic of domestic slaves should bear a distinguishing mark on their hulls ?—I think the Sultan would have no difficulty in effecting that.^ We could not enforce anything on hlin^ but if it were proposed, and the Sultan were in clined to make any such arrangement with us, he would have no difficulty in carrying it out. ® 441. With regard to the ships that come down from the north, would it be practicable to unship their rudders and only return them when they could prove they had got a legitimate cargo on board?—That plan has been adopted at Zanzibar by the customs ; that is to say, as soon as a dhow comes in, to prevent her from going away or changing her ground, they unship the rudder and take it into the custom house, and she is totally at the mercy of the custom house officer. I think the same plan should be adopted every where, and all northern Arabs should be, with out exception, disarmed on their arrival in the Sultan’s dominions. 442. Sir J. Hay.l With regard to the recom mendation of Admiral Cockburn as to bavina stationary guard-ship at Zanzibar, do you think that would be a good plan?—I think the best jolan would be to have a ship that could cruise, but I understand he jiroposes a stationary ship in addition to a cruising ship ; this w ould entail an additional expense. 443. Have you anything to add to your evi dence?—No. Sir Bartle FRERE, G.C.S.I., K.C.B., called in ; and Examined. Sir B. Frerc, 444. Chairman.\ I believe you are a Mem- G.C.S.I., her oí the Indian Council ?—Yes. K.c.B, ^ 445. Has your attention been turned to the sub- ject which the Committee is now investigating, and in what manner and to what extent ?— My attention has been a great deal directed to the subject of the East African slave trade. Since the year 1838 I have been on terms of more or less Intimacy with Colonel Hamerton, General Rigby, and Colonel Playfair, who have held office on that coast ; and I have been also intimate with Dr. Livingstone, and I have taken very great interest in the depots at which liber ated slaves are taken care of in India, and at Aden. 446. Have you read, and if you have read, how far do you agree with the previous evidence given before this Committee ?—I agree very gentirally with Mr. Vivian In his evidence. There are a few points in which, I think, addi tions might advantageously be made to what he has stated on the subject. I think he has rather under-estimated the extent to which the French flag is made a cover for aiding a modified kind of slavery, or something which amounts almost to slavery ; not at all with the consent or con nivance of the French officials, but wherever those who use it are out of their sight. The system which is known as the system of engages IS vmy apt to lapse, when it is not carefully watched, into something very like a system of slavery. ^ Then I should like to add a few words to what is said by Mr. Vivian on the way in which the slave trade appears to have grown up. I know 33 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OE AFRICAX that when Colonel Hanierton first went to ^^anzibar, lie was very mncli surprised to find that slave trade had already acquired such dim en- ^^orig as he observed ; but at that time the slave ^ Atle was very much less, and on a very much ^ aller scale than it is now. The Arabs in the ^^ighbourhood of the Persian Gulf, and on the are naturally a very active maritime peo- th^' I'l’obably a century and a half, before Ver of this century, they had been bu/ fpirates, not only on their own coast, down the coast of Africa, and along the ast of India, as far as Singapore, certainly, ■svl fbat one of the hereditary modes in ^ they employed the maritime energy of the eb/T that time piracy. That was olfi. almost supressed by our naval tr then the pirates turned to the slave of^tf ’ d'bere can be no doubt that a great many people, and the vessels, and the firm's atif? engaged in slaving, are the sons Sel - ^^"dsons of those who used to devote them- ti-a'l^^ to piracy. I have no doubt, if the slave Peo^^i stopped, you tvould find these same Avl devote themselves with equal energv to lat^’We should call legitimate commerce. dT. Do you recollect ])retty nearly the date pt>löuel Ilamerton went to Zanzibar?—I it was about 1837 or 1838. Clui 'i í you heard a portion of Mr. big . di’s evidence, and probably you have read »Uv^T^^^ncc given on the former day : have you ®'^^‘^i’bs_to make on that evidence?—I have that ^'dth regard to the facts of the case a^n Churchill's evidence is very full, and ^ entirely disagree with the sG *^^08 he proposes for putting a stop to the Cyp ^ ti'^de. It appears to me that the cardinal tion pdch you have to deal with, is the oscilla- abo e opinions in the matter. Up to tbo time when Lord Palmerston died, Parti^^^”-^ years, the general opinion of all deter • had been in favour of a 'viler ^ .stop to the slave trade could possibly do so without in- 'vlw^^^ ^''pbts of other nations, and the bee^^ " eight of the Government influence had on the side of suppressing the slave that ot late years it has been manifest of Q 'Ore has been very considerable wavering of ‘ own opinions upon the subject. Many who were most active in promoting in bor the suppression of the slave trade have thought, perhaps, that the oflbet done ; and because the work was p carried out on the M est Coast of anq ^ "'ey have ratlier relaxed their efforts, of ^ ^9 ®ces in public writings a good deal fai^n. 'od of excuse for slavery, which ccr- " Oarg ^'ould not have been put forward some binq and would not have met with any ^Oenig f Public favour and acceptance. That "e b^ ^ '"c to be the cardinal evil with which contend, and our Government, re- yoarg public opinion, ajipears to me of late ^'fitter been very half-hearted in the ^0 be P -*- be first thing to be done seems to me ''■bat L ^ up cur own minds with regard to ^^''Uegf (^cue, and whether we really are in 449 ^ 'VC were 25 or 30 years ago. allowing upon that would naturally ^'ciilq question, what measure you yourself Ule sla,_^?™cnd for adoption in order to stop b-Ue ^viide on the East Coast of Africa?— I should begin by saying that I do not agree with the opinion that Mr. Churchill has expressed, when he says that the Arabs do not understand forbearance. Ibelievethat, likcallotherstrono'- handed nations, at least those with whom I have had to deal, they understand real forbearance w len they know it is forbearance, and not weakness ; they understand it better than^ we do ourselves, perhaps, and they certainly do understand justice and tlieir own in terests. _ Our first business is to interest them on our side, and to carry their opinion with us, and to let them know what wo wish, and what we want, and what we think would be for their interest. As far as I have over seen those peo ple, and people of the same kind, they would be very apt to respond to that by taking'oiir advice and being a good deal guided bv mir wishes in the matter. That has certainly'been the case Avith regard to the suppression of piracy, and in man A other things in Avhich their own interests Avere A ery mucli concerned. When they once understood Avhat Ave Avanted and Avhat Ave Avished, and Avhy we wanted it, and why ive wished it, ^ey have been very ready to come into our views. Ihey are not acted upon by fears in the Avay that weaker nations are, but when they have once made up their minds they are all on that account the more to be trusted. There Avere some other points connected with Mr. Churchill’s plans with winch 1 could not agree. I do not think that we have the slightest right to interfere Avith the in ternal taxation of Zanzibar ; Ave must leave them to tax CA ei’A body avIio lives under their rule very much in the way they think best. For the good ..OAvn exchequer they Avould ahvays be Avilling in the long run, quite as willing as we are, to give due weight to our arguments in the inattei ; and I think throughout all our dealings with them we ought to recollect how long it took m our own country to put an end to'slavery. There are people noAv alive avIio can recollect domestic slavery in English homes ; it has been seen in a very recent generation in England itself, 1 been by. persistent argument and effitrts that aa’c hai e arriv ed at our jiresent state of public and private morality on the subject. We ought to consider that the Arabs cannot be expected to be very much more rapid in the moA cment of public opinion among them than wc are among ourselves. I would say that the best measures for putting a stop to slkveiy, as tar as I can judge, on that coast, are those shadoAved out in the opinion gii en by Sir George Clerk’s government, quoted at Question 245, of Sir John Kaye’s CA'idenoe. That Avas given in Lord_ Canning’s time, and I think had Lord Canning’s complete assent. I need not mention that Lord Canning’s feelings were very much interested in the work of putting a stop to'slavery, and that his Avhole opinion was in favour of doing all that could be done to put an early stop to this branch of the slave trade. f'^^’1that, as a matter of explanation, I should say the CA idence given by Mr. Churchill Avith regard to Avhat you call interfering Avith the internal arrangements of Zanzibar arose from the fact that a portion of the treaty already made had not been carried out by the Sultan ; is not that so ?—I would rigidly enforce the treaty as far as it is fairly enforceable, but I Avould not attempt to carry treaties out by cutting off any source of revenue that is in itself a reasonable source of revenue, and to levy which does not interfere Sir B. Frei't G.C.S.I., g.c.b, 17 July 1871. 34 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Sir B Freie, interfere with our national rights, though we G.C.S.I., may not think it very wise, viewed by our lights K.c.B. of political economy. Some of the Sultan’s most 17 July industrious subjects, some of those who are the main stay of commercial affairs in his dominions, are men of Indian extraction, who come there and are subject to poll taxes. 1 have no doubt it would be a wise measure, if he could afford it, to remit the whole of a poll tax of that kind ; but, I think, it should be left to his own sense of his interest, and unless there is some national question which enables us to say, “ You shall not tax our subjects,” we should abstain from interfering with him. 451. Mr. Churchill said, I think, that inas much as a treaty had been made by which certain duties ought not to be levied, but had since been levied sub silentio, there would be in our power the offering of a quid pro quo for his giving up the traffic ; was not that his evidence ?—Pos sibly that is the explanation. There are some six or seven preventive measures which, if the Committee will permit me, I will refer to. I he first seems to me to be to limit the transport from the main land to Zanzibar. As I understand the question, it is reasonable that we should for a time, at all events, offer no effectual objection to the Sultan of Zanzibar having such a number of slaves belonging to himself or his subjects, as he requires to trans port from the main land to Zanzibar, but that we should not allow that transit to be made a cover for slaves who are not really intended for domestic or agricultural purposes in the island of Zanzibar, but who pass to the sea, and so away to the northward ; and it is proposed to limit the transit to the export from one particular port. I should think from what I heard from the agents of the Sultan at different times in Bombay, and even in this country, that they would be very willing, if they saw their way clear to what we were about, to make that transit much more re stricted, and subject to much more stringent rules than appeared to be contemplated by the report of the Foreign Office Commission. For instance, I should think, if it were properly put before the Sultan, he w ould be very willing to have the whole legalised transit of slaves between the mainland and Zanzibar managed by steam-boats, with regard to the departure of which from the mainland and their arrival at the island, there would be much less doubt and discretion than there would be with regard to sailing vessels, and that every slave who was so passed should pass only under a permit which would come under the view of some authorised functionary of the English Government. 452. Sir iZ. Anstruther.'] That would diminish the export of slaves from the main land by about three-fourths, would it not ?—It would diminish the export of slaves to a very considerable extent. There is some difference with regard to the number required ; some authorities say between 1,700 and 1,800; others, and I think Mr. Churcliill, who has probably the soundest opinion, says nearly 3,000 or 4,000 ; but what ever it may be, I would give an outside limit; I would not attempt to draw the thing too tight at once ; if you limit the route by which they should go, you are pretty certain when you once get them to Zanzibar that you will have them more under your own view and your own con trol. Then I think you must be prepared when you are requiring the Sultan to cancel what he thinks a very valuable right to give him some thing in return. I think the means of doing so are afforded by the very peculiar position into which he has returned with regard to his relative, who is reigning at Muscat. The whole of the arrangements between the two kingdoms have been fully explained in the evidence which has been given in the last two days, and it amounts to this ; that the cost of carrying out in perfect good faith, as far as we are concerned, an arrangement which was very solemnly entered into a very short time ago under the authority, not only of Her Majesty’s Government in Eng land, but of the Government in India; I say, that the cost of carrying that arrangement out is in round numbers 8,0001. This arrangement affords the means, first of all, of keeping peace between Zanzibar and Muscat, and keeping both the branches of a very important family, a family to which civilisation and the English Government in India are under considerable obligations, in a position of honour, and in a position in which we should wish to see them placed, and where, if they understand us and act on their family tradi tions, they are quite certain to do very much what we ask them to do. It does not seem to me a large sum to pay, if it were divided between the Exchequers of England and India, for such very great objects. It is very much less than we have been in the habit of spending year by year for the purpose of putting an end to slavery ; and it would help to put an end to it in a natural and, it seems to me, a legal, as well as a very politic mode. It would give us a very great hold both on Muscat and Zanzibar. But our agents on the spot must know what the Government really intends to do, and must act vigorously as their predecessors have acted- The English Government has been extremely well represented hitherto, both at Muscat and Zanzibar ; and whenever our consuls have known what we wanted, they have given great effect, both by argument and influence, to • what the English Government required. That is the second point which I would urge, namely, that, between England and India, we should arrange for the payment for which Zanzibar is at the present moment bound to Muscat, and that we should take that as a stand point ; and, referring to the benefits which we have conferred : on both, say, “ Now in return for this you should do something that we consider desirable, and also for your benefit.” The third point is, that* I would place our consuls and the consulat service there, generally, on a better footing- Both Muscat and Zanzibar are extremely trying climates. The position is one Avhich wears out men very fast ; they are very ill paid, and they are almost without subordinate assistance ; they are especially deficient in the means of employ ing vice-consuls, and persons in that position at the outports. I have no doubt that if you wei’ß to deal Avith those gentlemen as the IndiaU Government has ahvays been in the habit of dealing Avith great political officers, and giving due weight to their representations, as to tb^ Avant of an additional outlay of 150 Z. or 200 Z. » year at particular places, for particular object?, I say I have no doubt that a little more liberality in that respect, enabling them to employ, nof necessarily English agents, but consular agent?, whether they might be natives of India, or Arab?, or Egyptians, you Avould find that they Avould ahvays have the means of knoAving what Ava? going ox SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 35 ^oing on at the outports. The want of siicli is one of the great defects of our pre- ût system, because our consuls are really de- l^ndent on those who are interested in keeping up j ^^i^ers as they are. The fourth point is this : think more attention should be paid to the lews of our naval officers with regard to efficient jH^adrons. I think that taking officers like Sir Heath, and the present Admiral on the ation, every deference should be paid to their ^pinions with regard to the kind and strength of ^hUadron which they really require to enable ^ to do their duty on that coast. At present t^eal of the duty is done by open boats ith a young officer, very often only a midship- W * board, and those boats are out for weeks to^®^ber, ^ I believe I might say for months j^^^^ber, in the most exposed positions, with really the means that are requisite to effect the Un tbr which they are employed ; they make liu L their energy and dash for their want of ’ffber and want of power, but still there can be doubt that if, instead of those small open p^ts, you had a kind of small steam gunboat t ihapg^ but, at all events, steamboats capable of boing hu^Q very shallow water, and also capable of ivh' head against the very strong currents dich run along that coast, and are one of the difficulties of the navigation, you would tual ^ y cur naval officers to put an effec- th ^top to the traffic much more rapidly als^ they can at present. They ought PQ^to be enabled to watch the northern Arabian Ro * themselves much better than they are ®Rffi .^^^tehed. The number of ships is not to watch the northern ports, and to - " after the slave dhows after they get away tK ^ immediate African coast. ï believe ^ Rt there are some restrictions under which they f ^ith respect to a three-mile limit from the Rie^f’ Vow, if we get the Sultan’s Govern- ^ ^ud the Imaum of Muscat’s Government bou entirely, and act, as I think we are tc act in those seas, rather in supplement- .®ir defects, than in superceding their of and if we make use, as far as possible, get authority, I think we should be able to bnii/^ • ^ great many of those Inconvenient ORr which vei’v much harass and impede bbc officers. There should be much more tbç^^by in the way of efficient interpreters, and bill ^duiiral on the station, I think, should have hi0.1 Pcwer to employ interpreters of a much a stamp than those usually furnished. Then ho .jb) and very important point, seems to me to host ^ J^^’^Hsion of lines of communication, and thÍRi steamers, along all those coasts. I alro Iras been very strongly recommended of and I would merely mention that none to objections that have been started appear to^ ® be of any validity, as opposed to a sys- Rnq^ subsidies for limited periods, such as that tor^qA ’'vhich the Indian Government has ex- ^RRo- lines of steam communication from are ce Ib^ Euphrates. Such subsidies bortio^^^^^ to be brought every year, at least some ^ovej.^ them, under the supervision of the tually the Government is perpe- are ^ reminded by rival companies if they for. ^ mpre than the service can be done is think if a just medium is struck of what supporting ; but I would always keep a certain subsidy payable to them, in order to give the Government the power of enforcing regularity of departure. For, viewed merely as part of the anti-slavery machinery, regularity of depar ture is a very important point, because it at once marks those who are in the service of the Go vernment; and though, like the regularity of the policemen on their beat, it may tempt evil doers to try to evade the officers of the Govern ment, still if the officers of the Government are on the watch, it also enables them to catch evil doers when they attempt to pass unseen. Then, steam communication, if it were fully developed, as I believe it would speedily be, by natural com mercial causes on that coast, would, I have no doubt, lead to a good deal of natural emigration from one point to another, and where there was surplus labour you would find that people would not be afraid to transfer their labour to other parts Avhere it is wanted. This would again strike at one of the roots of the evil, because there can be no doubt that the attempt to enslave people and carry them off as slaves, is one of the irregular remedies for an irregular distribu tion of labour over the surface of the Mobe. The sixth remedy is one that has alreadv been very fully discussed in the evidence that the Committee has heard, namely, a colony for liberated slaves on the mainland. On that point I have only to add to what I find on the evidence, that I think care should be taken not to make it, if A\ e can possibly avoid it, an English colony, but to make it a colony of English peo ple, living under the flag of the Sultan, under his protection, and under his guarantee, and watched over by English officials. That would get rid of a good many difficulties in the way of founding fresh colonies ; and it Avould also insure the great object of all, namely, the Sultan being carried ivith us, and the native local authorities being carried Avitli us in all that ive do. I think that free use should be made of the establishments which the Churcli Missionary Society, and other missionary societies, and some of the French Roman Catholic Missions have on those coasts. They are very willing to co-operate, and to take a great part of the labour off the hands of the Government; and I think every use should be made of them in the n ay of head money, paid not in the very stinted and niggardly way in which it has been paid of late years, but paid very much in the Avay in which it was done at the time lA hen the slaA'e trade Avas suppressed on > the West Coast of Africa. AboA e all, there is the neces sity for a very able and Avell-selected consul being appointed, avIio Avill not only strongly press on the Sultan all that the English Government wishes in the matter, but Avill really be to him a support; such as the Imaum of Muscat, and others in his position, and the Sultan of Zanzi bar have alAA^ays found the political officers AA ho haA^e come up to the mark of real efficiency in the service. Lastly, it appeared to me that as the subject had a good deal changed its position since it AA as last under the rcA’icAv of Her Ma jesty’s Government here, and the Government of India in Lord Canning’s time, it Avould be verA" desirable to place this matter in the hands of a person Avho Avould go both to Muscat and to Zanzibar, specially charged by the Government ^ -- -- of India, or Her Majesty’s Government, as the khad +r commercial body to start lines of the case might be, but in the confidence of them O.iifi ^ would very soon proA'e almost self- both, Avell acquainted Avith what lengths he E 2 misrht Tdficient, and not more than sufficient to ?9^ble Sir B. Frere, K.C.S.T., K.C.B. 17 July . 1871. 36 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE G.C.S.I, K.C.B. 17 Juljr t-Byi. Sir B. Frere, might go to in dealing with those Governments, and prepared with some authority, and with the dignity of a special envoy to press these points on those governments. 453. What is the nature and extent of the Indo-African trade, exclusive of slaves?—It is very considerable. Some of the reports before the Committee give the figures. But the point that should be noted especially is, that it is a very old and reviving trade. Before any au thentic Greek history, it is quite clear that there was a very considerable trade on this coast, and India had a very considerable share in it. It is more than probable that a good deal of the African trade, such as it was, which found its way to l yre and Syria, was carried on then, as now, by Indian merchants, who had their houses of agency at African ports. The earliest travellers, both those who came from the north and those who came with the Portuguese round the Cape, found Indian traders at every port along the coast, and a very considerable Indian trade car ried on between Africa and India. And that trade was only crushed for a time, or very much lessened, at all events, by the action of European and Arab piracy. All the novels of Defoe’s time speak of piracy in those seas very much as we refer to expeditions into the far west of America; and it is quite clear, if you read the memoirs of Captain Singleton, or any books of that kind, that active young men went into those seas and plundered everybody, but especially the Indian merchants, almost without any sense that they were doing wrong. It was only when the trade had got to be almost entirely confined to large ships that piracy came to be less profitable. Of late years this trade has revived, and judging from all analogy, there can be no doubt that if it were properly dealt with, and not impeded, as it is impeded, by the slave trade, it would increase very rapidly. I may mention that almost all of what we may call the banking business at those ports is done by natives of India, who have their homes in Scinde, Kurrachee, Kutch, Kattewar, and Bom bay, and some as far south as Cananore and Cochin. They never take their families to Africa ; the head of the house of business always remains in India, and their books are balanced periodically in India. The house in Africa is merely a branch house, though many of those people will assure you, and they give very good evidence of the fact, that they have had branches in Africa for 300 years, and possibly for much more. When you have that kind of network of in digenous activity existing as a mercantile agency, it "is impossible to believe but that the traders will be as ready to push legitimate trade as they have proved themselves to be in India. 454. What is your view of the comparative importance of those African traders to England and India?—I should say the trade is equally important to both. 455. But I mean with regard to the amount ? —With regard to the amount of it, the trade used to be almost all carried on through Bombay. The first change was that a portion of it was taken to the entrepôt at Aden ; but latterly a great deal of it has come direct from Europe to Africa. There is a considerable and increasing American trade, or rather there was before the American war, and the German and French trade is very rapidly increasing. The German trade has become a matter of very great interest to all German mercantile men and political economists. and German attention has been very much di rected to that coast. But notwithstanding the large direct trade that has grown up, the Indian trade continues to increase almost as much as the English trade, and there seems to be an almost inexhaustible field for trade on that coast. I had the advantage of having Dr. Livingstone living with me for some time, between two of his expeditions to Africa, and he is, as the Coin- inittee are aware, one of the most keen and care ful observers that one could possibly meet with, lie was extremely struck when he had travelled a little in Western India; he made two or three journies to a short distance from Bombay, and he was extremely struck with the immense apparent facility for a very large mutual trade being carried on between the two continents. Dr. Livingstone pointed out that there was an almost unlimited power of producing food in Africa. We had been in the habit of supposing that in India we should never have to im])ort food from anywhere else ; but it so happened, during the time he was with me, that in one province oí India famine was threatened, and the prices were at once lowered by importation from the Persian Gulf. He remarked the fact immediately, and pointed out that the grain that was imported, was grain that could be produced to any extent in some of the high lands at a little distance from the coast of Africa, and that grain of dif ferent kinds, suited to the Indian taste, could be laid down on the coast at a rate which would render its transit to India a matter of commercial certainty. 456. Sir Jotm Huy.^ The grain being culti vated by free labour, I suppose ? — There was very little free labour known then, but he spoke rather of the capabilities of the coast ; he spoke particularly of the coast round Mombaza, where there are a few Englishmen settled, I think, who belong to the Church Missionary Society. 457. Chairman.'] How are the liberated slave? disposed of at Bombay and Aden?—When there were very few of them, I think it must be about 20 years ago, they were made over to the police in Bombay, and the chief magistrate of police was charged with the duty of finding employ ment for them. It was not difficult to do so a? long as they were very few, and as long as they were chiefly adults, but after a while a very large number of children were brought ; they quite exceeded the power of natural absorption by any means at the command of the police, and there were some very painful cases, some of the men being kidnapped, and others, women, being found in a state of prostitution in the bazaar?*. The Government of the time took the advice of some of the Missionary Societies, and the Mis sionaries, at the suggestion of the Government, took some of the children, who were made over’ to them, and gradually there grew up at Nassick, not far from Bombay, about 70 or 80 miles front Bombay, where there is a station of the Church Missionary Society, an African colony, and th6 children were all taught industrial occupations oí different kinds. They trained the boys as brick layers, carpenters, and smiths, and so on, and a? servants fitted to earn their own livelihood in India. Dr. Livingstone took from that institu tion nine boys, I think, who went with him to Africa, and I believe they are the African boy? who are supposed to be with him still. In the last letter I got from Dr. Livingstone, about twu years ago, there was an allusion to those boys, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 37 %(1 there can be no doubt that boys brought up the way they have been are quite able to earn their livelihood, either in India or if they go back to Africa. 458. Mr. Kinnaird.'] I think that you are of opinion that rather an unwise economy has been exercised somewhere, which has prevented this policy which yon have indicated being carried out?—Yes, I think an economy has been exer cised which, as far as I can judge, is very un- wise, if the Government really wishes to put a ®top to slavery. 459. Has that proceeded from the Indian De partment of the Government ?—Yo, not from the Indian Department of the Government, I think. The general feeling of the Indian Government iias, I think, been this ; that the suppression of the slave trade was pre-eminently an imperial ■'vork, which had been undertaken and almost carried out by Her Majesty’s Government, and that, as a purely anti-slavery question, India was Hot bound to take any action, or to go to any expense in the matter ; but they were willing to go, and they would have gone, much further than they have ever gone, in the way of meeting Her Majesty’s Government half way, to carry out what they were told was a matter of imperial Hioment ; anil, I have no doubt that if the feeling ^vhich actuated Her Majesty’s Government some years ago actuated them still, and if the matter ''Vere put before the financial authorities of the Indian Government, the Indian Government ^^ould not hang back in any way from doing ^^kat they were told the Cabinet considered their <3uty to do in the matter. But when they saw ■that Her Majesty’s Government appeared to be half-hearted in the matter and inclined to curtail every expense, they naturally said, “ If that is the case with regard to their own efforts, ci fortiori, it is our duty to save everything we pos- ®ihly can, and not to attcmjit in a quixotic spirit that which has been found too much for Her Majesty’s Government to effect.” 460. In your communication with the Indian HHd with the Foreign Office, did you find any ^Hipediments ?—None whatever; the Foreign Office appeared to hold the same views that they have always held. 461. You have no doubt that it proceeds from the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s over watchful Care, I suppose ?—I have no doubt it proceeds from some general view of financial policy which more apparent to the Chancellor of the Exche- ffHer than it is to the public or to me. 462. From the evidence you have given, you ^hink it is clear that as a very lucrative trade ^’^ould probably spring up, it is a penny wise and Pciind foolish policy ?—I feel as convinced as I be of anything theoretical, that that is the 463. Then with regard to the steam communi cation that yon have alluded to, have any of the Companies ever offered to open a trade and carry ,He mails to Zanzibar ?—Yes ; I believe there have been two or three offers, but it lias always cen found that the Post Office has dealt with it ^ H purely Post Office question. At present, of Course, when some three months elapse without Opportunity of receiving or sending a letter, .he letters are as few as they would have been hi the days of Richard the First, between Lon don and York ; but there cannot be a doubt that here won hi Ln n vp w large would be a very large postal communi- cabon, if a proper and regular system were established ; and no doubt, as has been the case everywhere else in those seas, there would ulti mately be a very large steam traffic. 464. Could not the Indian Post Office under take that in itself?—I have no doubt they would do their share, as they have done with regard to the Peninsular Company, and other companies, whenever they saw that the Government at home did their share, and pointed out what they thought India might reasonably be expected to do. 465. Suppose a liberal and judicious offer was made by the Indian Government, would the Post Office here be disposed to refuse it, do you think ? —I presume they would look at it as a mere Post Office question, and, departmentally, no doubt they would be right. They would say, ‘At is not our business to look after possible profitable routes. Somebody else must do that ; tlie number of letters that we get stamped at the Zanzibar post office is such that a steam lino would not pay.” But it seems to me a Cabinet question, whicli should be dealt with as a matter of ge neral policy, in which the Post Office, as well as the India Office, and every other department of the Government, should be required to do what is considered necessary by the head of the Government to carry out the great national work of putting a final stop to slave trade by sea. 466. In India the Indian Government and its Post Office acts in a very different spirit ; it en deavours to develope, by means of the Post Office, the countries tiirough which it can possibly communicate, does it not?—Undoubtedly it has been very successful in that way. I may mention cases, like the communication.between Bombay and Scinde, where, originally, a rather heavy subsidy vfas required, but at each renewal of the term the subsidy was reduced until now little is paid for that particular voyage. The same would no doubt be the case elsewhere, and you might always make sure of reducing your subsidy to just that point which is necessary to allow the Government to have an opportunity to say some thing with respect to punctuality of arrival and departure. 467. With regard to Rangoon, has there not been a very marvellous development of trade with Rangoon ?—There has been an enormous development of trade with Rangoon, but I think that the circumstances of this East African Coast are still more favourable, inasmuch as there is a long line of coast with very few harbours, and with very strong currents and persistent winds lor a great portion of the year. Those are just the circumstances under which sailing vessels are shy of making the coast, and you can never ex pect much to be done by sailing coasters ; but steam coasting vessels can always either be sure of making the port, or keeping from not exposing themselves to danger, 468. It is steam communication which may be said to have developed that Rangoon trade, or very materially developed it, at all events? — Certainly ; the development has been most im portant since steam communication commenced. 469. It is almost in that way a considerable supply of food is obtained from Rangoon, is it not ï—There is a great exportation of rice. 470. TVith regard to the evidence you gave us on that old connection of so many centuries be tween Africa and India, have those points been fairly brought before the English Government ; is there no department of the English Govern- E 3 ment Sir B. P/erCj o.c.s.i., K.C.B. 17 July lb‘71." 38 MINLTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE K.C,B, 17 July 1871. Sir B.Frere, ment Avho is cognizant of those facts ?—They arc G.C.S.I., matters of historical certainty. 471. At Bombay you were not required to give to the Foreign Office or the Post Office any information, were you ?—The facts were no doubt embodied in a report, but they are buried, like many other things, in the official reports. The case in which India received a very important supply of food from Persia, was an instance in point ; there was a sudden failure of the monsoon, and of the periodical rains in Guzerat; and all the local officers and the grain dealers were con vinced that famine was impending. This was telegraphed in all directions, and, among other places, it was telegraphed to Persia and Bassora : and the result was that a steamer which was then due from the Persian Gulf brought down a large importation of wheat, which immediately re duced the prices, the grain dealers saw that there were means of supplying it; and in that par ticular instance the grain was reduced in price at once by the combined operation of the tele graphic and steam communication in a way that would have been quite impossible 10 years ago. 4/2. You think that, under those circum stances, subsidies wisely given are of incalculable benefit in developing the trade of a country ?— Yes, givers with what I will call frugal liberality. That would be quite ihe best way of developing that commerce which would bring slavery to a natural end. I might mention that when the ZaU' zibar envoys were in Fngland two or three years ago, one of them said in terms (I forget the exact words), that they found, on the main land now, it was more profitable to employ natives in^ growing sesaniom seed for export to Mar seilles, than to hunt them down as slaves. That is the kind of operation which, I think, would piomote the due development of a legitimate commerce. 473. It would materially help the American, German, and French trades, if they had a regu lar mail ; would they not, then, very much use our telegraphic and postal communication ?— Enormously, no doubt ; as much as we should. 474. So that there is almost a certainty of a very great trade developing itself?—It seems so to me. 475. And that would most effectually stop the slave trade, would it not ?—It seems to me the only thing. You can stop it «by force, but you cannot keep it stojiped by anything but the growth of such a commerce as would grow up on the East, as it has done on the West Coast. 476. Did you say that Dr. Livingstone was very strongly of that opinion? — Entirely so. That was after seeing more than most casual travellers have seen of Western India. 477. You spoke of the want of additional consuls; would there be any difficulty in obtain ing the services of very efficient men there ?— Isot the least; if you required commissioned officers, such as our military and political officers in India, and those of the regular civil service of the Government there, they could be spared. But you might have a great deal of agency which has only grown up of late years, that is to say, educated native agency. I have met young Mahomedan and young Hindoo men of those particular castes, who go out to that coast, and wffio engage in trade there ; I have met them able to speak and write as good English as we do ourselves, and quite able to pick up any lan guages of the people they are among. 478. M ould there not be an indirect advantao-e in finding occupation for our own Indian subjects in that way ? Of course there would be, thouo-h that would be only in a few cases, but I woidd leave the matter as much as possible in the hands of our head consular authority : and if he said, “ I have a place for which I can only ask you to g^\ e pO /. 01 100 /., and that is not enough for an Englishman, but I think it would be eimugh for a Mahomedan or Hindoo, and there is siich a person there ; ” I would leave it to him very much to select his own agents and give every weight to his recommendations with regard to payment. 479. Had the consul applied to you when you were Governor of Bombay you would have had no difficulty, I suppose ?—I could have found the agents but not the money. 480. I suppose the same remark applies with regard to interpreters ; there is no difficulty in finding competent interpreters, is there ? Ÿone whatever, only they should be regularly paid, and be, as far as possible, in regular service. 481. Do you know instances in which the admiral had alleged, or had reason to believe, that an efficient force was not sent in response to his application ?—I think, whenever he applied in India, we were able to give him some one who was efficient. We did all that he required ; but I have known that, from want of opportunity of applying, the captains have been very badly served in the matter of interpreters ; they have been obliged to take up men with a mere smat tering of Ilindoostanee, and who were not fitted, from their imperfect understanding of the lan guage, to interpret between the captain and the chiefs. 482. It must be an immense detriment to the service having no direct or constant mail com munication with Zanzibar, must it not ? It is a most serious detriment. 483. Sir B.Anstruther.] With regard to the com pensation for the expenditure of 8,000/., which you have recommended that the English Govern ment, conjointly with the Indian Government should undertake: how would the Exchequer be compensated for the outlay ?—In the first place, I should rather demur to their requirino" direct compensation. I should regard it rather as a portion of the sum which England has been paying ^ for the last two generations, to carry out this great national object of sup pressing slave trade ; but I have not the least doubt that, like a subsidy to the line of steamers, ample compensation would be found in the very large commerce, which must follow anything like settled Government, and the sup pression of the slave trade. Such commerce, as does exist at Zanzibar, has grown up, or has revived rather, since it was conquered by the late Imaum of Muscat. He was a man of very o-reat ability; bereigned fora very long time, and in his early days he had the conduct of negotia tions with Lord Wellesley, and had helped to keep the r lench out of those seas in the revolu tionary war; and he ended by conductino- the anti-slaveiy negotiations of the Governments in our own time. Nobody can watch his career without feeling certain that if his descendant would go on in the same course, building up a considerable marine, as he did, and givino- pro tection to all the people that he obtained^nfiu- ence over or conquered, we should be having our work ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 39 ^vork done in these latitudes much better than We could do it ourselves. 484. it might materially assist us. with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if we could show a Certain saving on the per contra side of the ac count. Have you anything to say of the depot ^or liberated slaves at Aden ?—I would take that ^epot as an instance ; the slaves were necessarily I'cleased there, for they could not be sent back, %d could not be sent on to Bombay, and there Was nothing for it but to release them there ; of Course in a place like that there is very limited power of absorption for such labour as those slaves could furnish, and such a want was 'Very quickly filled up. There remained then an overplus of a particular kind of labour at Aden. Why ? because there were no steamers in which they could be sent to such a depot as it ^as been proposed to establish at Zanzibar, where ^bere would have been an unlimited power of absorption, and you could not trust them to go anywhere else ; they would have been made slaves iniinediately, if you had sent them to one of the neighbouring ports of the Red Sea. 485. You have recommended, I think, that the Colony of the liberated slaves at Zanzibar should be under the flag of the Sultan of Zanzibar ?- - Yes, for this reason ; that in the first place, if it Was done in good faith it would greatly disarm ^be Sultan of Zanzibar’s objections to anything cf the kind, if we proved to him, as we have proved before to his predecessors, that we did not Want to seize his kingdom, and oust him ; we ®bould then carry him with us, instead of having him against us. It would get rid of all the jea lousies which would certainly be created among other European powers by our establishing a Colony of our own there, because they never Would believe that it was done merely for the purpose of putting a stop to slavery, and we ^bould have sullenness and intrigues, and pro bably a good deal of underhanded attempts to Ondo what we were doing there ; whereas, if we i^crely had it on the same footing as our mis sionary establishments, and as the missionary establishments of the French are on there, you ßct rid at once of all local, as well as all European, jealousies. 486. It was mentioned to the Committee that ^be Sultan of Zanzibar was not able to enforce ^be decrees which he had issued ; would he be ^ble to protect this colony, do you think, if it ^^as under his flag?—He would be backed by cor own power. He would know that the con- ^ni’s flag, and the naval force at our command. Were there to protect our subjects and his autho- ^^ty ; the two would be bound up together. The ^crthern Arabs would set him at defiance, pos- ^^ly, of whom he would certainly be very much ^Aaid ; but they would think twice before they Meddled with an English establishment which ^^s supported, not only by the Sultan of Zanzi- but any insult to which would certainly be Avenged by our own force in those seas. 487. Sir J. I gathered from you that your impression was that if the blockade on the Coast of Africa were maintained as strongly that on the West Coast of Africa was main- ^iiied in former years, by that means you would ^n^cipate a speedy stoppage of the slave trade ? Yes. 488. Have you considered that the successful ^rmination of the slave trade on the West Coast Africa is considered by many to have been more due to the closing of the places at which Sir slaves could be received, than even to the c vigorous prosecution of the blockade cn the coast itself ; I allude to the fact that when the Bra zilian Government carried out most loyally their ^ treaties, and when the places at which slaves could be received were limited to the coast of Cuba, the operations of the navy became suc cessful rather by a rigid blockade of the coast of Cuba, than by watching with strict vigour, and large numbers of ships, the various ports from which slaves could be shipped ?—Certainly ; I meant to include in the operations of the squadron the whole of the Persian Gulf also, and I think I mentioned in one of my answers that it was quite necessary that those ports should be watched carefully, by an agency on shore, in the shape of an efficient consular agency maintained in corre spondence with our political agent and consul at Muscat, and also by an efficient squadron at sea. 489. Are the places at which the foreign slave trade from the East Coast of Africa is at present actively carried on limited to such points as could be conveniently watched ; or rather, is it not a very great extent of coast, so that if you stopned the trade, and entirely stopped it at one place, it would spring up at another, and make it very difficult to complete the arrangement without treaties with Persia and other places on the P ersian Gulf ?—Y es, certainly. Y ou cannot limit your operations to Zanzibar and Muscat; you must extend your operations to the independent tribes with whom you have already treaties, which, if they were properly enforced, would do all that you required; and I think the matter should be pressed on the Persian Government. I see the minister at Teheran objected to take any action with respect to the Persian Govern ment, on the ground that we might lose the footing that we already have. I have no doubt he knows the bearings of the case much better than I do ; otherwise I should have been very much disposed to doubt that. I believe it is one of those points in which you can succeed by persistent and perpetual pressing on a court, without hectoring or bullying; if you do not convert them by reason, they come to regard it as a concession to a very importunate person, whom it is not desirable to thwart, or refuse a small concession to. I think that if pressure had been applied to the Government of Persia in that way, without presuming to dictate to them, that we should have carried our point, as we have done elsewhere. 490. The operation that is contemplated (I speak navally) is a blockade of some 4,000 miles of coast ; 2,000 miles of Africa, and 2,000 miles of Asia ?—Probably it might amount to that. 491. That would require a squadron of 30 or 40 ships, instead of from three to seven ships, would it not?—Yon would take into account that it is only during certain seasons, and if you have good information of what is going on at the ports along the coast you may very much limit the number of ships employed. I may mention that very recently, one of the principal persons who was intended to give information to our agent in the Persian Gulf on this subject, and on whose information he relied, was very broadly accused of being a very great slave importer himself; our agent was unable for want of means to employ anyone else, but if he had had a trust worthy person in the shape of a consular agent E 4 on B. Frei e, LC.S.I., K.C.B. 7 July 1871. 40 MINUTES or EVIDENCE TAKEN BEEOlîE SELECT COMMITTEE Sir B. T'rei O.C.S.J., K.r E. 1S71. ’e, on tlie sjiot, no doubt he would have made very short work oí his faithless correspondent ; that kind of information accurately giveiu and given with rajiidity to the head quarters of a squad- ron, would, I should think, enable the naval officers to diminish the number of ships em- jdoyed. 492. Do you think that the Persian Govern ment would accede to a seizure by our ships on our own investigation, by their authority, of a laden slaver in their own ports ?—They arc just now rather sore on such subjects, but I have no doubt they would do, in the long run, what is reasonable. 493. At present I think the Indian subsidy to the Royal ísavy is 70,000/. in addition to the transport service ?—Yes. 494. Do you think that they woidd be inclined to increase that amount very considerably for the purpose of suppressing the slave trade, supposing the diplomatic arrangements could be made ?—I think they Avould do whatever was reasonable, and whatever Her Majesty’s Government said, might fairly be expected of India, though, no doubt, they would be unwilling to take any additional expense upon themselves, unless they saw it was part of a general imperial policy. 495. Is it your opinion that the Royal Navy could best perform the service, or a local force, such as the Indian Navy formerly was?—That is a large question, but I have no doubt that the Royal Navy could perform the service very efficiently if the Admiralty v ere a little less strict in the enforcement of some of the rules which they have laid down for themselves. I think, if they allowed us to deal with their officers, and ships, more in the way in which the Horse Guards allow us to deal with their battalions and brigades, the Royal Navy could perform the duty just as efficiently as any other. 496. You would place them under the direc tion of the Governor of Bombay, rather than that of the Admiral on the station?—They should be always under the direction of the Admiral on the station. So far as my experience goes, the Governor of Bombay will never have any diffi culty in getting done whatever is necessary. But I allude rather to that special devotion to that particular service. It is a peculiar service in which the men get more efficient after having been four or five years on the coast ; and under the present system they arc removed just as they are getting to know their business thoroughly. 497. You do contemplate, then, that even with the ships of the Royal Navy, the officers of that particular service should be continued there for a much longer period than the period for which the officers of the Royal Navy continue, for any given service ?—Yes. 498. And that they should become locally qualified for the service ?—Yes, and that ymuld obviate most of the arguments for a local naval force. 499. Ml. J\.enna7vct2i.~^ One of your sugges tions ivas that we should have the rio-ht to'seize slavers within the three-mile limit,ivas it not? Yes. 500. Is it the fact that wo have not the right to seize slavers in Zanzibar and Muscat by the declaration of the Imaum of Muscat, dated 6th May 1850 ?—I do not recollect that ; I was think ing more particularly of the African coast. 501. But in the year 1850 would not Zanzibar have been under the Imaum of Muscat ?—Yes ; I may state that I know, as a matter of practice, that unless a vessel has been without the three mile limit she is rarely captured ; if she is chased on shore then they follow her ; but otherwise they leave alone vessels hugging the land. 502. Then, what further' stTpulations would you suggest should bo added to the treaty with Persia, we having the power to search vessels if we have a Persian officer on board, and having prohibited also the import of slaies?—That is rather an inconvenient restriction, but I would get, if I could, the same facilities from them that we have from any other power; the greatest facilities. 503. T ou would propose additions to that treaty; an amended treaty, in fact? —Cer tainly. I would keep the subject always before the Persian Government, and press it on their attention, until I obtained the utmost facilities I thought possible. 504. Dr. Kirk writes, on the 14th of April : '' I had no reason whatever to think that, on the subject of the sla’vc trade, he had in any wav changed, or was ¡nepared to grant what was asked through Mr. Churchill ;” you think that if w e were willing to relieve him of this subsidy, Ills objections to curtailing the slave trade would be done away with ?—Yes. 505. Would you propose that w e should pav a subsidy to Muscat?—Yes; that we should re lieve Zanzibar from all concern in the pay ment. 506. I hen we should be at the mercy of the Sultan of Zanzibar if he did not carry out the treaty, should we not ?—Hardly. A man in his position, who is really at our mercy the wdiole of the time, is not in a position to say that he had forgotten a treaty in which that was a stipula tion binding on him. 507. But his successors might not consider themselves bound by that treaty ?—I think thev would be as careful to observe any arrano-ement that they had entered into, as we should%c. I do not agree with the view that is taken by manv people, that there is always a disjiosition on their parts to recede from their engagements. 508. In addition to the cx]mnse of the liberated slaves at Aden, is there not a sum paid in boun ties to cruisers ?—Yes. 509. 1\ e pay a considerable sum in bounties, do we not ?—Yes. 510. If the slave trade was diminished, of course wc should save considerably in that respect, should we not ?—Yes. 511. Have you calculated at all w hat would be the whole expense of carrying out your plan ? —No. It w ordd be a matter of very easy calcu lation ; but it would be increasing in one wav and decreasing in another. If your vessels were as effective as they ought to be, I think you would then very speedly reduce the amount expended on your squadron, reduce the amount of the bounty, and the head money, and so on. But on the other hand, I think you ought to be prepared for some increase in the consular services. 512. laking it on the Persian Gulf, would you propose that this should be shared between the Indian and Imperial Governments ?—Yes. 513. In the Persian Gulf, are not the interests rather more Indian than Imperial ?—I think not; and I think that the interests are almost equally shared. It may be a doubt as to which division ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 41 of the general government the care of hose interests should be entrusted to. 514. In general, is not a divided control, such' you propose, of the Indian and Foreign Office, ^^ther inexpedient ?—Certainly ; and if we could ^î'Ove at any other division which would not Involve a divided control, I should say it would ® an improvement. 515. Mr. Crum-Ewini/.~\ It ou have stated that Mu thought that the Sultan of Zanzibar would h® satisfied with an acknowledgement of the ’500Z,, but that would only be a portion of the ^^Veuue that he obtains from the slave trade, ''hich has been put at 22,000 1. ; is not that so ? ^ou must, to some extent, bring him over to yoiu- view, that this matter of slave trading is a had one for him. I have no doubt that in time could be brought to see it in that light ; at all ^^'cnts, I think he would be willing to make a S^cat sacrifice to gain your good will. 516. 1 hat would involve a sacrifice of 13,000/. 14,000/., which is an important thing, is it Mt?—I hardly think that it would involve as hiUch as that, because he would certainly not Mticipate our being able to stop it at once. 517. How many consuls would you think it ^"culd require on the coast?—I cannot say. Churchill would give the Committee better j^^rination on that point than I can. I should j ® inclined to deal liberally in that matter, and the consuls either have a European or native \Ce-consul or consular agent, or whatever he . ‘%ht ask for ; and then you would be able to after a year or two, whether he was doing My real good or not. 518. ]\Ir, jq 2^alhot.~\ There is an establish ment at Zanzibar for freed slaves, is there not ? j^There is a very large French mission, which ^hes a few, I believe ; and there may be some Mbsisting there; but there is no regular esta- hshment for maintaining freed slaves, or em- V eying them in any way. 519. Not connected with any European coun- —I believe not. 520. Lord F. Cavendish.^ If we relieve the of Zanzibar of the payment of the subsidy ^ the Imaum of Muscat, and if we made him g ^dy wish to put down this trade, would the ^Itan of Zanzibar have the power to control the ^^}'tl)ern Arabs ?—I have no doubt he would, '^mng backed by us. We do coerce them now 0.1 m'egard to their gradually, in defiance of his j.mders, assembling a very considerable naval ^rn’ce at Zanzibar. As long as it is merely a ^ ^der between him and those with whom we • ^ Me no concern, our officers are unable to in- mtere, but they would make very short work of n; Î miorthern Arabs if they were once allowed to Wc should be forced to keep a email force Avc. ^ mG coast in his support in that case, should "«not?_Yes. Would the Indian Government consider p^.Mr that half this subsidy to Muscat should be ^av the Indian Eevenues ?—I can hardly j Mat their view would be. The Government fj, has altered its view very considerably at 7 to time. Regarding its own interests ^Rzibar, in Lord Cannings time, they were looked upon as very important ; but latterly they have been looked upon, I think, without due re ference to the facts, as of less importance. The The Government of India being also further re moved from the ports which trade with Zanzibar is not, perhaps, so strongly impressed with the value of the trade, and its capabilities of supplying the Government of Bombay. 523. Is the East Coast of Africa an unhealthy coast?—The lower parts, at the mouths of the rivers, are, I believe, very unhealthy, but directly you get through Deltas, and the low country on the coast, you get to a country which has been described to me as remarkably healthy ; you rise up a kind of steppe into a table land, and you find that is healthy. 524. IVith regard to the recommendation of increasing our fleet off this coast, would the ser vice be an unhealthy one for the crews ? —I should say not, because you wmuld not be much in the River Deltas ; they would be mostly at sea, which is not more unhealthy than the tropical service at sea generally. 525. With regard to subsidising a line of steamers, between what ports should such steamers ply, do you think ?—I should say they might diverge from Aden or Maculla, which is a port between Muscat and Aden. They should run down the coast as far south as there is any English trade, and they should possibly include in that tour some of the islands, such as Seychelles, that communicate between Zanzibar and the Seychelles Islands. 526. Have you any knowledge what kind of subsidy the merchants would require to start such a line of steamers; would it be 10,000/. or 50,000 /., or what ?—No ; I should say it would not be very expensive. Besides there is known to be a considerable trade, and I think they would be content with a very short term, pro bably, at first starting. 527. The high price of coals on that coast would make the service an expensive one, would it not ?—The coals would probably be supplied direct from England. Vessels would go out ballasted with coals, and return with cotton or sugar or other produce as they now do. 528. You would have to go by the Suez Canal, would you not?—They would join in with the Suez line at Aden. 529. Chairman.'] In No. 65 of the Report addressed to the Earl of Clarendon by the Com mittee on the East African Slave Trade, there is a suggestion with regard to freed slaves, that “ the greatest care should be taken to jiro- vide efficient protection for the freed slaves, and to prevent their being ill-used by their employers, or kidnapped by the slave-dealers. They should be under the special protection of Her Majesty’s Consul, although amenable to the laws of Zan zibar ; a register should be kept of them at the British Consulate ; they should be provided with printed certificates of freedom, and, as we have already suggested, the Sultan should declare his intention to punish severely any attempt to molest them ;” should you concur in those recom mendations ? — Those are exactly the kind of regulations that I would propose. Sir B. Fret e, G.C.S.I., K C.B. 17 July 1871. o-ue. F 42 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Thursday, 2()th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT : Sir Robert Aostrutber. Lord Frederick Cavendish. Mr. Criim-Ewing. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Gilpin. Mr. Russell Gurney. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot. Right Honourable RUSSELL GURNEY, in the Chair. 20 July 1871. Mr. Vivian read a letter received from Dr. Kirk on the 10th of June \hll—{Vide Appendix). Major General Christopher Palmer Rigby, called in; and Examined. Maj. Gen. C. P. Rigby 530. Chairman.’] Were you at one time Consul • at Zanzibar?—I was Her Majesty’s Consul and Political Agent for the Indian Government nearly four years, from 1858 to the end of 1861. 531. Had you previously to that been acting in any capacity which gave you a knowledge of the affairs of that district?—1 had been stationed at Aden for four years, where I studied Arabic and Persian, and the language of the African Coast, the Somali language ; and I had also been nearly two years up the Persian Gulf ; I was the^ magistrate at Bushire, superintendent of police, and Persian interpreter to the general commanding during the Persian War. 532. Had you any opportunity of becoming acquainted with the proceedings of the slave traders previously to your being appointed Consul at Zanzibar ?—I had heard a good deal of the trade when I was up the Persian Gulf, being very much thrown amongst officers of the Indian Navy. 533. At that time, that is before the year 1858, was there any considerable slave trade cairied on up the Red Sea?—I think very few slaves indeed were carried up the Red Sea. There were always one or two vessels of the Indian Navy stationed at Aden, and they opera ted almost as a complete check to any slaves passing into the Red Sea. ^4. In 1858, who was the reigning sovereio-n at Zanzibar ?—Syed Majid, the late Sultan. ° much communication with him ? —The British Consulate at Zanzibar had been closed 18 months before I went there on account of tlie death of my predecessor, Colonel Hamerton. I was the only Englishman there, and of course it took me some time to become acquainted with the slave trade ; every individual on the island was interested in keeping me in ignorance of it as much as possible, and it was only gradually that I became aware of the vast extent of it. . ^ suppose it has existed there for a long time, It has grown gradually from year to year ; but it is within the last 20 years that it has become developed to what it now is, 53/. You found it prevailing to a great extent in 1858, as soon as you were able to become aC' quainted with what going on ?—Yes ; at that time the slave trade to the Persian Gulf and to the Red Sea, was not so active as it is now? because the chief number of the slaves, parti' cularly the adults, were taken away by the French. When I went there I found a most active slave trade carried on at Zanzibar itself, and along the coast by the French vessels, and at that time the French slave vessels went eS' corted by French men-of-war. 538. Would those slaves be taken to the M auritius ?—To Reunion and to Mayotta. 539. Did the slave trade increase or decrease during the time you were there ?—For sometime after I went there it increased very much. The French Government encouraged the trade ; the French Admiral used to say, we want labourers for our colonies, and we are determined to have them ; the French consul also gave his active sujiport to it ; not only was encouragement given to slavers under the French flag, but also to slavers under the Spanish flag. 540. Has that state of things continued up to the present time ?—I brought this to the notice • of the Foreign Office, and I followed the subject up as much as I possibly could, but it continued till Prince Napoleon came into office as Porei^n Minister in France, and he issued very strino-ent orders prohibiting this slave trade, which^ did check it very much for a time, but afterwards they carried it on under the free engao-ées syS' tern. ® ^ I 541. Have you reason to suppose that that has been continued to the present time ?—It waS checked afterwards by our Government entering into ail arrangement with the French, by which labourers from India. 542. V\ as the principal part of the slave trade earned on at that time, that which was carried on under the French flag ?—In addition to that, theie was a great slave trade to Cuba under the Spanish flag. ^ suppose has ceased before now ? AT entirely ceased. Large houses at Marseilles and Barcelona entered very largely inte 43 CN SLAVE TßADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). the slave trade ; they used to have splendid ^6ssels come out ; no expense was spared, and a large amount of capital was embarked in he trade; that was a great deal checked, and the last year that I was at Zanzibar, out six vessels that were sent out from a certain house at Marseilles, five were either lost or cap tured. 544. Was there at that time any considerable ^^de carried on by the Arabs?—Yes, but not to ®Y^h an extent as now, because the French out- the Arabs very much ; they eould afibrd to a larger price for the negroes than the Arabs could. d45. What was the price of a slave at that at Zanzibar ?—Whilst the French were haying them, I should say the price of a full 8^0wu slave was from 30 to 40 dollars. 546. That gave a very large profit to the ^ller of the slave to the French, did it not?— t-es. 547. To what extent was the Arab slave trade Carried on while you were there ?—I think the ®Ccond year after I was there I got the returns the Custom House, which showed that it ^as 19,000. 548. That included all, I suppose ? —Those ^^cre the slaves which passed the Custom House Y Zanzibar, and which were supposed to be kept, they had obeyed the treaties within the Zan- ^bar dominions, but probably at the very lowest ^®tiinate, three-fourths of those were sold to the ^^^thern Arabs. g 549. Xot to the French? — No; the late ^Itan was always very fair ; he was himself y^^y anxious to put a stop to this French slave ^ade in his dominions, and he remonstrated con- ®^autly with the French ; but he said, what can do when they send their slave vessels with ^cu-of-war ; if I attempt to interfere, the French „ cnsul immediately threatens me with the inter- c^ence of his Government. d50. Did the Sultan derive the same profits oui the slaves carried by French vessels, as from .,c others?—He derived no profit at all from them. d5l. JJis only profit was from those carried by northern Arabs?—Yes, those that passed the t^stom House at Zanzibar. 552. Where did the French take them from ? ^■^11 parts of the coast. They used to send Kcuts to the Island of Zanzibar also, and have ' .®tn collected and taken to the back side of the ® ^nd which is almost uninhabited ; where there ho roads and no huts, and have them shipped ®ccretly from there. g d3. Was the Sultan equally honest with re- fo the slaves carried by the northern Arabs ? . 5; he was afraid of the northern Arabs,they of his own race ; I have intercepted letters ^ ^ .his own nearest relatives sending orders to of describing the exact number and sexes gg c slaves they required, just as if they were dmg orders for horses to be shipped, horiif’ besides any fear he might have of the Pi’ofl Arabs, he would be deprived of the Y on the slaves by putting down the trade ? pas because a tax is paid upon the slaves dol^^^ the Custom House. At that time it was a the per head, and I think in 1860 he increased by 1 to two dollars. On all slaves imported ^^It^^ own family no tax is paid, so ^5inb^ ‘^oes not get a revenue upon 0-1% that the the whole 555. Were you called upon to remonstrate much with the Sultan as to the continuance of the trade notwithstanding our treaties with him ? —During the whole of the four years I was there I was perpetually remonstrating with him. His attitude towards us depended a great deal upon the state of eircumstances in which he happened to be in at the time. When he was in want of our assistance he would act very fairly, and do anything I wished, at other times, when he thought there was no danger of rebellion, he would not. 556. What was the sort of assistance whieh he expected to obtain from us ?—Whilst I was there, his brother, the present Sultan, Syed Bur- gash, rebelled against him, and no doubt the Sul tan would have lost his life and the whole of his dominions would have been in a state of anarchy, had not he given me sole authority over the town to do what I liked. Fortunately I got assistance from a man-of-war which happened to be at the time in the harbour, and I went and seized the present Sultan, who had hidden himself in his house in the town, and I made him prisoner, and sent him to Bombay. At that time the Sultan would do anything ; but after the danger had passed he gradually relaxed ; he became very much annoyed by the more active proceedings of our cruisers, and at last he got into a very bad temper, and would not assist us in any way. 557. At that time was it your opinion that he had some reason to complain of the proceedings of our eruisers ?—In very few instances. Great complaints were made, but, when investigated, it turned out in almost every case that the Arabs were instigated by the French or other foreigners who viewed our interference with the slave trade with the greatest dislike and jealousy. 558. We had no assistance from the French ships?—Quite the reverse. Previous to my arrival in Zanzibar, I had not known of any in stance of a slaver being captured in the Zanzibar territories by any of our cruisers ; certainly no captures took place for six years before that. After that our cruisers were very active indeed, and a great many slavers were taken, particularly northern Arab dhows. As nothing had been done previously to my arrival, of course the Sultan and all the Arabs considered that the activity of our cruisers was owing to my personal action, and they had the idea that when I left the whole thing would drop. 559. Did the seizures by our cruisers give any considerable check to the trade?—Very great ; so much so, that I found, when I was leaving Zanzibar in October 1861, that on the coast north of Zanzibar slaves were selling for five dollars a piece ; the sale of them had become so difficult then that the men who had bought them at Zanzibar and taken them north, with a view to shipping them to Persia and Arabia, were glad almost to give them away ; they found sueli difficulty in getting rid of them. 560. Is the profit of the trader who buys slaves at Zanzibar and on the coast adjoining Zanzibar, and exports them to the Bed Sea, very large ?— Apparently it is very large, that is to say, a slave sold in the market at Zanzibar for, say 20 dollars, would be resold in Muscat for 60 to 100 dollars, but the mortality during the sea passage is so very great that it very mueh reduces the profit. 561. What occasions that very great mortality ? —The way they pack the slaves in those small dhows ; the want of proper food ; the state of filth they are in ; the want of water ; and if they F 2 happen. Maj. Gen. C. P. Mxghy^ 20 July ,1871. 44 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE P.®”’ happen to sight an English steamer at sea the C. P. Rigby, slavers frequently cut the throats of the whole „ 7~, number of the slaves on board and throw them ¡^8^; overboard. ^ ' 562. Then the sufferings of the slaves on board are rather increased by our cruisers being sta tioned on the coast?—Very much indeed ; there is no doubt of it. I remember the case of a dhow that was captured in the harbour of Zan zibar by the ship “ Lyra.” I had had informa tion that that dhow had got slaves on board, and just before she sailed I went with Captain Old field of the Lyra,” and boarded the dhow. There were 112 girls on board her, evidently selected to be sold at a high pi ice for the harems of Arabia and Persia. The dhow was taken alongside the Lyra,” and these slaves were taken out. A fatigue party from the Lyra ” was sent into the dhow to take out the provisions, but each man as he went into the hold of the dhow fainted away ; the doctor then gave orders that the vessel was to be towed out and scuttled, and he said from the frightful stench, and the state the dhow was in, if she had gone to sea, there could be no doubt that in a week the whole of those slaves would have died ; that I think is a very common case. They go to sea so ill ju’o- vided, that the sufferings of the slaves are very great, and particularly if they have put off their departure to the last, or if the northern winds, set in earlier than usual, and they cannot beat up against them ; then the sufferings are frightful. 563. Mr. Shaio L<‘fev)e.~\ What is the average length of the voyage to Muscat ?—Thirty to 35 days; it they have any slaves on board, they have to put in at two or three ports for water ; and that circumstance gives great facility to our cruisers to check the trade, because they have only to watch a few ports on the coast to the north, and they are sure to catch a great many of those dhows. 564. Chairman^ Do you think by active exertions on the part of our cruisers, the trade could be prevented, looking at the large profit there is on the slaves ?—I have not the slightest doubt that within five years it could be entirely stopped ; but to stop it, we want what we have never yet had, viz., system ; one year you get an active officer on the coast, who enters into the spirit of the thing, and checks the trade a good deal; then he goes away, and another man comes with quite different opinions; or you get a captain of a cruiser who takes the advice of the Consul and pulls with him, and he does a great deal of good; and then, perhaps just as he has become acquainted with the secrets of the trade, and begins to know where the slaves are shipped, and where the dhows put in for water, and can dis tinguish between a legitimate trader and a slave dhow, which it takes a long time to do, he is ordered away and never goes back again. 565. If one slave dhow in five arrived at its destination in safety, would it pay for the loss of four?—No; I do not think it would. I should say that the loss of one would take the profits upon four ; because, when you take the price of provisions and all together, there is not so much profit. 566. So that if the cruisers succeeded in cap- tunng one out of five, you think it would be sufficient to destroy the trade?—Yes; I do not think they have hitherto captured anything like that proportion. 567. What force has there been on that coast? —There has never been any regular squadron kept up. ^ When I was there, the squadron that the Admiralty sent out was a common cause of joking amongst the French, and the Americans, and the Germans. That such a squadron should be sent out to check the slave trade was an ab surdity. There was the “ Sidon,” an old tub, that any dhow on the coast could beat ; there was the “ Gorgon,” that took 40 days to do 800 miles, and vessels of that class, perfectly useless for any other service. 568. Y ou think that the cruisers alone could put a stop to the trade ; but does it occur to you that any means might be taken to make it the interest of the Zanzibar people to put a stop to the trade ?—I think the Zanzibar Arabs are now fully aware that it will be stopped, and their ideas are very different now as to their own interests to what they were a few years ago. The late Sultan of Zanzibar sent his brother-in-law and a cousin on a mission to the Queen two years ago, and at the Sultan’s particular request I was ap pointed to take charge of the mission. The per son who acted as secretary is now the minister to the present Sultan, Syed Burgash, and in talking with him daily on the subject, he said that the Arabs are now beginning to find out that the English are quite right, that there is far more money to be made by keeping the labourers in the country and cultivating the rich valleys by their labour, than by selling them out of the country. 569. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.~¡ Would they be em ployed as slaves in the country ?—Tljere would always be a certain form of slavery on the coast, but it is _ not attended with any cruelty. Arabs are passionate and hot tempered, but they are not cruel to their slaves ; they are nothing like the French or the Portuguese in their treatment of slaves. 570. Chairman.'] They would have the power of stopping it altogether without our cruisers if they were really in earnest, and if they were satisfied that it would be to their interest to keep the slaves in their own country as labourers ?-— The difficulty is that the Zanzibar Arabs are so much afraid of these piratical tribes from the north, that come down with the north winds in great numbers. ♦571. Who make expeditions into the interior, and capture the slaves?—No, those are men of a different class, those are half castes, who organise those expeditions, and plunder slaves from the interior. 572. They are the men who provide the slaves for the northern Arabs?—Yes. 573. Have ¡you any suggestion to make with regard to what might be done in the way of put ting a pressure upon the Sultan to induce him to put a stop to the trade ?—We have tried all sorts of means thiough treaties, through remon strances, and through advice, and they have all done very little good. From what ï know of Syed Bui gash, I do not think he would be sO ^ ^^^clined to meet our views as the late Sultan w^, but I have always been of opinion that our Government should put down the slave trade with a strong hand. 574. In what way ?—I wrote out a short ex tract from one of Lord Pahnerton’s letters to my predecessor, and I often used to read a tranlation of it in the “Durbar” to the Sultan, and I often gave copies of it in Arabic to the principal chief® 45 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Lord Palmerston instructed Colonel panierton to inform the Imaum, “that the traffic slaves carried on by his subjects was doomed . destruction ; that Great Britain was the chief ffistrument in the hands of Providence for the ^ccoinplishment of this object; that it is useless these Arabs to oppose what is written in the ;Pook of Fate ; that if they persisted in the con- j^ûuance of this traffic it would involve them in j.^ouble and lossess ; that they had better there- submit to the will of Providence, and abandon this traffic, cultivate their soil, and Engage in lawful commerce.” I have always peen of opinion that that was the proper view to 57,5. Nothing having been done to carry that for a good many years, do you think it ^^'ould still have the same effect^—We might ^'^cll say to the Sultan we have left it to you to up to the treaties, and to abolish this horrible ^^^an stealing ; you have not done it, we do not you are wilfully and knowingly keeping up bis slave trade, but it has been, chiefly through •6 instrumentality of the English Government, ^^^ppressed in every other country in the world, and we will no longer allow you Arabs to be an ^^ception. 576. We have no treaties with them which b^'ohihit man-stealing altogether?—No, but we ^pould simply say we will not allow this ; I think • ® Arabs quite understand that way of putting I often said to the Sultan, You Arabs come ^''vn liQre because you find a very pleasant and ^^Pile country preferable to your own barren eserts, but that does not give you any right to ^populate half Africa, and to go and steal the Population and sell them. . 577. You consider we should be justified in ^P^oyfering with a strong arm in the interior of ^fi'ica to prevent the stealing of the natives ?— A %eans of an efficient squadron you would be ^0 so to check the trade that in a few years it • be given up ; we could not interfere in the oterior. ^78. We cannot interfere with anything except foreign slave trade ?—No. gj 579. They are entitled to take any number of necessary for their own use under our j P^by?—Yes, as long as that treaty is in ex- ouce the slave trade will be carried on to a ^ptain extent. 'j80. You think it is absolutely necessary to a new treaty?—Yes; I think there could ^0 more favourable occasion for proposing a çjj treaty than the present ; we are under no j^^hgations to Syed Burgash. It may be said that ^ rinder obligations to us, for I sent him under ^^di@h protection to Bombay ; he certainly was Pt there as a state prisoner, but he was well gg^^^^bed, and probably by his being sent there I is 1 iÜG- The Arabs now see that slavery ^^^^Jished throughout the United States of ^eioTu^^ j the Portuguese, their own nearest ^^'^ru-s, who carried it on in a most shameful I way, have abolished it now by law, and ^or 1 might very well say to the Sultan, as the • ^ ^imerston says here, “ Great Britain is ^/^^^Wrnent of Providence, and it is written of Fate that the slave trade shall 581^^^^^ means of stopping it.” have been told that there is aT much between other countries and Zan- ^ith^ liiere used to be ; the trade is principally o ® Germans and the French, is it not?— I think the French trade has died out very much ; the Germans have a large trade, and so have the United States ; I think, if possible, the best course to adopt would be to induce all the foreign nations that have consuls there to join our Government in putting down the slave trade ; I do not see why they should not, and I think it most likely that they would. 582. Would not it be almost necessary to get them to join with us ?—Yes ; very great mischief has been done, and very great mistrust has been instilled into the minds of the Arabs by foreign merchants ; they are all very jealous of our inter ference with the slave trade". 583. Do you think the Sultan could hold his own now without the profits which he derives from the exportation of slaves ?—His profits on slaves, compared with his other means, are the merest trifle. The means of the present Sultan are very much greater than what his father and his broiher had. Old Syed Seeed had to keep up his territories in India and in the Persian Gulf, in addition to Zanzibar, and he always had to be on his guard against the encroachments of the Wahabahs. The commander of Her M ajesty’s ship “ Imogene,” which visited Zanzibar in 1834, stated that up to that time there was no trade at all scarcely. It only came to be anything like a place of trade after the late Imaum transferred his own residence there, accompanied by the British consul. It was the presence of the Bri tish consul there, and the feeling that tiiere was always justice to be had where there Avas a Bri tish consul, that induced a large number of our Indian fellow-subjects to go and settle at Zanzi bar, and they have created the trade. I think, up to the year 1838 or 1840, the revenue the Sultan derived from customs at Zanzibar Avas only 50,000 croAvns a year. In 1859, the farm of the customs Avas 196,000 dollars. In 1870, in the latest return from Dr. Kirk, it is 310,000. Therefore, in 10 years, the revenue Avhich the Sultan got from his customs Avas increased by 114,000 dollars, or, in English money, about 24,000/. 584. Mr. Does that include slaves? —I never could understand Avhether the customs master included the slaves; I do not think he did, because the profits from the slaves Avent into the private purse, as it Avere, of the Sultan. At any rate, the trade is so greatly increased that, at the loAvest estimate, he is getting uoav 24,000 /. more per annum from the customs revenue than he did in 1859-60. in the previous 10 years the increase Avas quite as much. The customs are farmed to an Indian Banyan for five years at a time, and almost every five years there is an in crease in the same ratio. ÑotAvithstanding that the customs master pays over this large amount, I happened to make the Avill of the old customs master, and he left 3,000,000 dollars in hard cash. Old Syed Saeed, the father of the late Sultan and the present Sultan, though he had an immense establishment, and a family of over 20 children, left, I do not know the exact amount, but it must haAm been several millions of dollars. As far as the resources of the Sultan go, they are ample to keep up the Government there. 585. You think he is not at all dependent on the sum he receives from slaves?—Not in the slightest degree ; he has large estates in Zanzibar Avhich are becoming every year more productive. The late Sultan Avas put to great expense in pay ing these northern Arabs ; he Avas afraid of them ; F 3 he Maj. Gen. P. Highy. 20 July 1871. 46 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Maj. Gen. he thought if his brother rebelled he would want C. P. Righy. their assistance, and he paid them every year 40,000 dollars as bribes in point of fact. The 20 July present Sultan, having a friendly brother at 1871. Muscat, will be under no obligation of that sort. 586. As I understand, the only means which you suggest, with a view of suppressing the slave trade on the east coast of Africa, are, increased activity on the port of our squadron, and re quiring the Sultan to enter into a new treaty with us so as to put a stop to the internal slave trade?—Yes ; the chief point with regard to the squadron is to have an experienced naval officer in a permanent appointment there, who should have a command or supervision over the whole east coast, embracing the Mozambique and Ma dagascar coast, where there is a very large and increasing slave trade going on now. He should not be always required to reside at any one place, but to go about in the cruisers. In a short time he would have a thorough knowledge of where the slave trade was carried on in all its branches, and as each new cruiser came on to the ground, the commander would not be perfectly in the dark as he has been hitherto, sometimes taking vessels that are not slavers. All that would be avoided, and the mere fact of having an officer there acquainted with the coast and able to give instructions to the officers coming out, would cer tainly save the expense of two vessels there. 587. Do you know anything of the expense which is now incurred in the support of liberated slaves ?—I have no recent knowledge upon that point. When I was at Zanzibar I emancipated about 6,000 slaves who had been held in slavery by British Indian subjects. I never had the slightest trouble in providing for them, and they never cost the Government a shilling. 588. Did you obtain labour for them, or did they find it for themselves?—They found it for themselves. There was always a great demand for labour, not only in the plantations, but in the service of American and German and French houses. There is a great trade in cowries, which employs a great many people ; then labourers are required in sifting and washing the gum copal, and in husking the cocoa-nuts ; it constantly oc curred that I discovered slaves in the employ ment of those foreign merchants whose masters were British subjects. I sent for them and had them emancipated by the Arab judge, and they took their certificates of emancipation and went back to their work, the only difference being that instead of handing over all the pay to their masters, they kept the pay themselves. 589. Do you attach importance to having con suls or vice consuls at other ports on the coast besides Zanzibar itself?—I do not think it would be possible. I know Mr. Churchill has recom mended that, but I do not think you would get a respectable class of men to undertake the office ; and if you could get them I do not think, on the average the men would live three months, the climate is so very unhealthy. I never knew a white man go there yet without getting one of the deadly fevers. I was on the coast myself, and I very nearly died. I caught a fever that lasted for eight months. 590. Is Zanzibar itself unhealthy ?—The town is not, but it is almost certain death for any white man to sleep in the plantation. Some years ago the commodore went with several officers and a boat’s crew to one of the Sultan’s country houses in the interior of the island, a distance of about ] 5 miles ; they only slept one night in the interior, and a few days afterwards the only one of the whole party alive was one who had slept in the boat, the vegetation is so dense and rank. 591. Do the natives suffer from the climate ?— Not in the same degree, the Arabs do, very much ; I think very few Arabs of pure race reach manhood. 592. Have you kept up your acquaintance with what has been going on in Zanzibar since 1861, when you left?—Yes; I have been in constant correspondence wilh people out there, Mr. Churchill and Dr. Kirk, and natives. I happen to have received last Monday some very interest ing letters, one of which was from the customs master complaining bitterly of the want of postal communication. 593. Was your attention directed to that sub ject while you were there ?—It was a constant subject of correspondence with me the whole time I was there. 594. Was there not at one time a suggestion made that tenders should be advertised for for a subsidised line of steamers ?—I made a report on the matter to the Government of Bombay. I had constantly represented the desirability of having a subsidised line, and when I came home on leave I had an interview with Sir Charles Wood, who was then the Minister for India, but nothing was done. When I went back to India I found that the subject had been noticed by the Bombay Chamber of Commerce in consequence of a good deal of trade which used to find its way to Bombay being intercepted by foreign merchants, and taken to Zanzibar ; for instance, Germans and Americans now send their ships to Muscat and to Bussorah for gums and hides, and to the coast of Mekrau for wool, tliereby cutting off very nearly all the w ool trade and the gum and hide trade from Kurrachee and Bombay ; that is all brought to Zanzibar, and sent away in Ger man and American ships. 595. Lord jP. Cavendish.'] Bound the Cape ?—- Yes, since the opening of the Suez Canal, another change has taken place, and I think a good deal of trade is coming back to this country. 596. Chairman.] Is that diversion of trade to which you have referred, attributable in any way to the want of postal communication ?—I consider it entirely due to that; perhaps I may be allowed to read a few remarks from the report which I made to the Government at the time, which ex press my views at the present moment. The Government of Bombay had been in communi cation with the Postmaster General upon this subject, and happening to be at Bombay at the time on my way to England, they referred the matter to me ; and this is my memorandum, dated the 3rd March 1867 : “During my residence at Zanzibar, I had many occasions of observing hoW very desirable a regular postal communication would be between that port and Bombay; and on my return to England, I brought this subject to the consideration of Sir Charles Wood, then Secretary of State for India, pointing out hoW the rapidly increasing commerce of Zanzibar was being monopolised by foreigners, and the trade ot Aden, Muscat, Bussorah, and the coast of Mekran being gradually diverted from Kurrachee and Bombay into foreign bottoms, owing to the German and American merchants at Zanzibar intercepting it, and carrying the coffee, gums, hides, &c., from Aden and Mocha ; the dates, hides, &c., from Muscat, and the wool from Mekran, 47 ON SLÀVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). ^lekran direct to Zanzibar. Zanzibar is also ^coming the emporium for the sea-borne trade of ^adagascar, the Mozambique, the Comoro Inlands, and the whole of the East Coast of Africa. is now the chief market in the world for the ®^Pply of ivory, gum, copal, cloves, and cowrees, ^pd has a rapidly increasing export trade in hides, seeds, dyes, &c., whilst sugar and cotton promise to figure largely amongst its future Exports. The foreign trade of Madagascar has in creased with extraordinary rapidity since the ports of this island have been opened to commerce. is impossible to foresee what may be f extent in a few years. As one example q this increase, I was informed by the United ►States Consul at Zanzibar, that during the j^orth-west monsoon of 1865, upwards of 60 bugalows and dhows proceeded from ^^ozibar to the western ports of Madagascar, to oad rice for Kutch and Kattiwar, in consequence cf the deficient harvest in those provinces. All fhis Valuable trade is at present lost to British mer chants, because until there is a postal communica- with Zanzibar it is impossible for them to pcmpete with the foreigners, who at present have \all in their hands, and whose vessels, arriving ^^hh the latest state of the markets, they are thus ^^abled to regulate their purchases and sales. . early the whole of the local trade of Zanzibar is D hands of British-Indian subjects, viz., ^nians, Khojahs, and Borahs, some of whom are Cry wealthy. The American, French, and Uer- merchants conduct nearly all their business g ^cugh these natives of India, who would how- ^'"Cr much prefer trading with English merchants, ® they know that all disputes arising would then c settled by the British Consul, and according to fi c same law for botli parties. Tlie way in which G want of postal communication operates to ^Gvent any of the trade being carried on by p^j^.^chants at Bombay, may be illustrated by the du example of what several times occurred residence at Zanzibar: — A wealthy gr-^'efirm at Bombay chartered a large British ^ T to proceed from Bombay to Zanzibar to load ^Jiargofor London; the letter of advice to their Zanzibar to purchase a cargo being duly ^Jit by the mail steamer to Aden. There being pestai communication between Aden and Zan- the letter does not reach the latter port for months. In the meantime, the ship *‘ives at Zanzibar;, the agent, having no advice, eo cargo ready ; the foreign merchants acting Pu agreement existing between them for the pj^^P^se of excluding British merchants from any p^^^j^T'ation in the trade, run up the price of all ^h ^ ^^e market 40 per cent., sharing 'J'l^^^^^er loss there may be amongst each other, en after waiting in vain for a cargo, comes 6^^ eiRurrage, and is finally dis^iatched to Lon- ballast, entailing a heavy loss on the erers in Bombay, who give up in conse- ^an^q^ any intention of establishing a trade with The expense of establishing a monthly chei]^^^^^*^ation between Zanzibar and the Sey- tUaii ^ correspondence with the French Ãen ^^^^"^ers running between Aden and La of M and which call at Port Victoria, Island would be inconsiderable. The distance ^(ontT ^^^z'^ar and the Seychelle Islands is BotP miles, almost due east from Zanzibar, quç ^^^soons are a fair wind, but there are fre- cheii calms, and the navigation on the Sey- 0 ^^ank is tedious and dangerous for sai lins vessels, owing to the very strong currents. A small steamer would consequently be preferable to a sailing vessel. I think that if a regular com munication were established with the Seychelles, a considerable trade would soon arise ; natives of India I’esiding at Zanzibar would be attracted to those lovely and salubrious islands, and the ex pense of keeping up a small vessel would be in part or entirely covered by freight and passage. 597. You would look to the increase of com mercial Intercourse as having considerable effect in diminishing the interest which the natives have in the slave trade ?—I would ; it is impos sible to calculate what the trade of that coast might become in a few years if the slave trade were once abolished. 598. In what way does the existence of the slave trade prevent the growth of a legitimate commercial trade ?—The great export of able- bodied labourers from the country, deters free labourers from coming to settle at Zanzibar or along the coast, because they know that as long as the slave trade is going on they are not safe for a day, 599. Were any of the 6,000 you emancipated retaken, and sold again as slaves ?—They were not interfered with. When I was at JMandavie, the principal port of Kutch, where I was staying for a considerable time investigating the revenue accounts of the port for 60 years, many of those men came to me evidently very proud of the passes they had received from me. 600. Seeing that those 6,000 remained un touched, why should not free labourers be safe from capture ?—Those slaves that I emanci])ated Avere all registered at the British Consulate ; they were emancipated legally according to the law of the land by the Kazi ; they then brought their certificate of emancipation to me, and I signed it, and affixed the seal of the Consulate to it; I registered every particular regarding them in a book kept at the Consulate ; most of those men afterwards had their certificate of emancipation tied round their necks in a silver box or Avore it on their arms; and I heard after- Avards, from naval officers, of those men being met with in many other ports in Mozambique, and on the coast of Madagascar. 601. Was anything done upon that memoran dum which you have read ?—The resolution of the Government of Bombay Avas that a copy of the papers should be forwarded to the Secretary of State and the Government of India, Avith a recommendation that tenders be invited for the conveyance of a monthly mail. 602. Were tenders inA ited ?—I left Bombay shortly afterwards, but I believe nothing has been done. 603. Ko tenders have been invited ?—I neA^er heard of any. 604. Do you suppose that a line could be es tablished with a moderate amount of subsidy ?— I hav e no doubt it could. Hearing the subject naentioned on Monday, I Avent to one of the directors of the British India Steam. Navigation Company, and he sent me a memorandum this morning, showing all the lines Avhich their Com pany at present Avork Avith a subsidy from the Government, and he says, in a note, that his Company are very anxious indeed to tender for a line from Aden to Zanzibar, which would form a continuation of the communication with the Per sian Gulf and the whole of the Avest coast of India and Ceylon. ^ ^ 605. Can Maj. Gen. C. P. Rigby. 20 July 1871. 48 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Maj. Gon. 605. Can yon tell us for wliat amount of sub- C. P. Rigby, sidy such a line could be established ?—I think, ■ most likely, since the opening of the Suez Canal, 20 July • the trade is taking a different course, and I ’871* think that so much trade would be attracted that a very small subsidy would suffice. My idea formerly was, that a steamer should go across to Seychelles, and there should meet the French, giving thereby direct monthly communication. 606. What do you propose now?—There is a Mr. Wiseman, who has entered into the Zan zibar trade very largely, which he carries on by steamers through the canal ; he is anxious to tender for the establishment of a regular line to Zanzibar ; he sends his steamers now to Zanzibar, but not with any regularity, as he would if there was a subsidy. In the note which I received from the customs master at Zanzibar on Monday, he says, I only hope your endeavours will j)rove successful in regard to the postal commu nication with Zanzibar ; if you do succeed you will have the hearty thanks of the Zanzibar com munity, native and European. At the time of writing, our mails for March, April, and May are lying at Seychelles ; nothing to bring them over. Admiral Cockburn in flagship Forte,” left yesterday for Seychelles, he has promised to send these with the June mail from Mahi next month ; yet a month to wait.” 607. The French steamers touch at Seychelles? —Yes, on their way to Mauritius and Reunion. He complains that the Post Office will persist in sending his letters to Seychelles. Seeing that there are only chance opportunities of forwarding letters from Seychelles to Zanzibar, it amounts to denying British subjects at Zanzibar all postal communication. 608. Lord F. Cavendish^] You have read the Report of the Slave Trade Committee of 1869, which sat at the Foreign Office ?—Yes. 609. What do you think of the terms of the treaty which it recommends should be negotiated with the Sultan of Zanzibar ?—I do not think any treaty would have the slightest effect ; treaties with Arabs are mere waste paper. 610. You think we should get rid of our present treaty ?—We can easily do it, by saying, “ This treaty has never been observed by the subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar or of the Imaum of Muscat, and it is no use having a treaty in force that is never observed.” 611. Would you at once forbid all export of slaves to the island of Zanzibar ?—The worst part of the slave trade is that from Lake Nyassa to the south, Kihva being the port of shipment. The whole of that vast and rich country is becoming depopulated. Banyans who have been for years at Zanzibar have told me that they remember, when they first came to the coast, the whole country was densely populated down to the sea coast, and now you have to go 18 days’ journey inland before you come upon a village almost. That is fully confirmed by Baron Van der Decken and Dr. Rosher, who travelled that route. Baron Van der Decken talks of miles and miles of ruined towns and villages the whole way up towards Lake Nyassa, where there is now no population at all. Every year this slave trade is extending further and further inland. A great number of the slaves are now brought from the western side of Lake Nyassa ; the Arabs have got dhows in the lake on purpose to convey their slaves across. I had a proof at Zanzibar of how the slave trade extends from nation to nation in Africa. I found, in registering all the slaves I emancipated, that amongst the recent arrivals most of them gave the names of their tribe as Manganga. I could not at that time exactly fix the position of their country ; however, shortly afterwards I saw a letter of Dr. Livingstone in the paper, saying that he had recently travelled through the Man ganga country, where the whole population was engaged in the cultivation and working up of cotton, and he said that he had never seen such a wonderful cotton country in his life, or such a fertile country. I think, a year or two afterwards, he went througli the same country, and found it entirely depopulated, all the huts being full of dead bodies. The children had been carried away, and most of the adults slain. That is one of the worst features of the slave trade in that country . When the slave traders go into a district, they kill all the men and women, and burn the villages, and carry off the children. The reason they give for taking the children only is, that the children are driven more easily, like flocks of sheep, or they are tied with ropes and chains ; the men they lose more by desertion on the way. 612. My question was whether you would prohibit the present trade which we allow be tween the main land and Zanzibar for the pur poses of Zanzibar itself ?—Unless the Government choose to do what I think is the proper course, viz., to stop it with a high hand at once, and say we will not have this trade go on, it might for the sake of the Arabs in Zanzibar be permitted for a short time between Miram a and the Island, or coast opposite Zanzibar ; there is not the same atrocity in that traffic, because it is not carried on on the organised system that the other trade is ; probably from what is called Mirama, 4,000 slaves are annually brought to the Island of Zan zibar ; that would be sufficient to keep up the supply in Zanzibar and Pemba; they are meu and children who have been kidnapped. The slavers do not burn towns and villages, and mur der the grown-up people to get those slaves. 613. Sir J. Hay.'] Are they exported from Dar Seelam ?—Mirama is the coast district oppo site the Island of Zanzibar ; Dar Seelam is quite a recent creation of the late Sultan of Zanzibar, and it is now going to ruin again. 614. Lord F. Cavendish.] When you speak of stopping the slave trade with a high hand, do you mean by a squadron, or by any interference on land ?—By a squadron ; I do not think the squadron need be very strong ; but it would be in effective without an experienced naval officer, an officer whose heart would be in the work. 615. If the trade were allowed from one port only to the Island of Zanzibar, would not there be a danger of slaves being taken overland, even from Lake Nyassa to that port?—That could be checked, because there is such a marked differ ence in the tribes ; I would severely punish any man who should export natives of those southern tribes ; you could easily stop that. 616. What do you think of the recommenda tion of the Slave Trade Committee, that freed slaves should be landed by our cruisers on the Island of Zanzibar, and left there ?—I think it the very best destination for them ; I have thought a good deal about it, and I do not think any other plan would be satisfactory. The climate of the Mauritius does not suit them at all ; they die there like rotten sheep in the cold weather. Seychelles suits them exactly ; they get there the food they are used to, cassava and fish, bnt ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 49 Wt it appears that Seychelles does not want V .^17. Would not there be a danger of their being idnapped by the northern Arabs^ if they were glided at Zanzibar ?—Our squadron must stop all ; I found no difficulty with the 6,0001 emanci pated ; each slave had his own certifícate of emanci- Pation; I watched them pretty well ; I used to send g^^iard about the island to find if they had been kidnapped, and no complaints ever reached me. fil8. In fact you think precautions might be Y Gn to prevent any danger of kidnapping ?— when the northern Arabs came down, and prowling about, the slaves whom I had ^berated, without any hint from me, formed i^iongst themselves a vigilance committee, who J^cd to patrol the town all night to protect the I^Y^cipated slaves; and they very often used to. 'ake me up in the night if the Arabs had at-' ^^^pted to take any of their children. Whose subjects are the northern Arabs, ',ko chiefly carry on this trade ?- clu< - - •" - They are kefly the piratical tribes ; the tribes who in years gave us a great deal of trouble. ^2o. Are they subject to any power?—That is kG difficulty in dealing with the slave trade; a niany of them are nominally under the ■J^krisdiction of the Imaum of Muscat, but in ^ality the Imaum of Muscat has no power at all ^ Gr them ; he can do nothing effective. fl2l. q'o what ports do those northern Arabs Giefly take the slaves ?—A great many now go ^•^cullali and Has al Had, and other ports in ^kia, and a great many go to ports in Persia. o22. You think that the chiefs having control Gr those ports, would not have sufficient power ^ stop the import of slaves, if they wished it ?—In paling with them I should send an English man- Pt'War round with proclamations in Arabic, which ^vould have read out by the sheikhs and elders „ the tribes, giving them distinct notice that w k certain date the provisions of our treaties n', ^ kk those chiefs, declaring the slave trade Hiacy^ would be rigidly enforced, and that the yander of every dhow found with slaves on Card would be hanged. o23. The slave trade to Cuba was first effica- ^ ciigiy stopped when we were able to station a j^.k^dron round Cuba ; do you think this trade gZSkt be more easily stopped if our ships cruised ^he jDorts of entry instead of cruising off ports of export?—We should do both, and cculd be more easily done in this case on ac- .^^,kkt of the prevailing winds. The Committee ^^ch sat at the Foreign Office suggests that one ^.c®sel could easily watch the entrance of the Per- Gulf ; one stationed at Aden could easily ^jkfeh the entrance of the Red Sea. It is during kionths when the southern monsoon prevails ^ the slaves are carried north, and one vessel addition cruising off Socotra would intercept of those. Of course, the northern Arabs the it kiost SQ^kld persist for some time, but they would very k find that it was a losinj off the ^ ijijcnj XU ,1 CIO cc trade. Do you know whether cruising the is unhealthy for the men?—ÎSot at all ; 'VYg khinate is nothing like so bad as that on the kten kc^'-t, but it is an enervating climate ; the ßgkught not to be kept too long on the coast, kfte t ' ^kra short period the climate does not 1 the men?—2io ; at the time when they a k not be required on service they have got to go to which has one of the finest cli- 0 the world, viz, the Seychelles Islands, where they can get fruits and vegetables and fresh meat in the greatest abundance. 626. Mr. Crum-EwincjYou mentioned that, at one time, a considerable trade in slaves was carried on with the French Islands ; is that en tirely given up now ?—We have no recent in formation, I believe, about that. Two or three years ago Lord Campbell carried a motion in the House of Lords for an Address to Her Majesty, to appoint a consul at Mozambique. I think it is a most unfortunate circumstance that that has never been acted on. J^ot only have we no consul at Mozambiqe, but the consulate at the Comoro Islands has been abolished, so that from Zanzibar to our own territories in Port Natal, there is nobody to watch British interests, or to interfere with the slave trade. In consequence of the ports in jMadagascar having been thrown open to foreign trade since the death of the old queen, there is such an immensely increasing trade in the products of Madagascar, that they have begun to import slaves into Madagascar very largely, in order to cultivate their rich land; and, although the Portuguese Government have abolished the slave trade in Mozambique, I must say I do not believe it is abolished, or will be abolished without a British squadron to watch it. Up to recently there was no trade whatever in the Mozambique dominions except the slave trade ; the whole business of the Portuguese population was men-stealing and men-selling. At the five chief ports, Ibo, Mozambique, In- hambane, and the mouths of the Zambesi, the only trade was in men. Large parties of half- caste Portuguese, led very often by Portuguese, scoured all the interior, and brought those slaves down to be sold. 627. Do you think that slaves are still taken to Reunion ?—I have no reeent information about it. We have now a consul at Reunion, and I should think he would be able to state whether they are still importing slaves under the name of free engagées. 628. IVhat are the products of the interior of the country about Lake Nyassa?—All sorts of grains and vegetables. In the valleys of those large rivers opposite Zanzibar, within the Sultan’s dominions, they are now cultivating sim-sim, from which most of our fine olive oil is made, which goes very largely to IMarseilles. In the last few years a great trade has sprung up in orchil la, which is a purple dye, and sugar is grown to a great extent. I believe very few people know what a fertile country that is. Baron Van der Decken, whose very interesting work has lately been pub lished, speaks in the very highest terms of the fer tility of the country, and of the opening there is for trade there. H e describes a good deal of the country, a little to the north, as being a moun- tainons country, very much resembling Switzer land, and he says the chiefs are very anxious to have Europeans come and settle amongst them. 629. Chab'man.'\ You mentioned that Dr. Livingstone had found one district near Lake Nyassa where cotton was being cultivated ?—- Yes, the Manganga country towards Lake Nyassa. He describes the whole country as being a field of cotton, all the people of both sexes being busily engaged in spinning and weaving. 630. Mr. O’CWoî-.] You think it useless to make treaties with the Sultan ?—From my knowledge of the Arabs treaties are utterly use less. I understand that some of the witnesses who have been examined have suggested that the G Sultan Maj. Gen. C. P. Rigby, 20 July 1871. 50 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Maj. Gen. Sultan might be induced to give up the slave C. P. Righy. trade if the 40,000 dollars which he annually pays as subsidy to the Imaum of Muscat, were re- 20 July mitted, I am convinced that he'would never fall ^ into that arrangement. When the mission was over here that was a point which the secretary urged upon me more than any other ; he said the Sultan of Zanzibar would rather give up the country and go to live at Mecca for the rest of his days. I think any negotiation upon that basis would be sure to fail ; the Sultan would look upon it as a great humiliation, and it would be so considered by all the Arabs ; they would say, there is the Sultan of Zanzibar become a paid servant of the Feringhee, and the chances are that he would lose his life. 631. Would you abolish the trade and give him no compensation?—I -would not give him any compensation ; I do not see on what ground he can be supposed to be entitled to compensa tion for giving up this horrible slave trade, which they have carried on for years in defiance of treaties, and in defiance of all laws. 632. You do not agree with the witnesses who have stated that it would cause a revolution in Zanzibar if the slave trade Avere put doAvn ?— No ; I think the Arabs are now quite prepared for its suppression ; it has been dinned into their ears for so many years, and they have seen slaves emancipated in so many other places, that I think they are quite prepared to see our Go vernment setting to work to put a stop to it. 633. Sir R. Anstruther.~\ Do you agree Avith the statement in the paragraph at page 4 of the Foreign Office Report, that “the commerce of Zanzibar might be ruined if it Avere at once deprived of the slave labour on AAhich it has hitherto relied, before proper provision is made for supplying free labour in its stead?”—I do not think it Avould interfere Avith the commerce of Zanzibar in the slightest degree ; I think the Arabs would find their slaves more valuable ; they Avould take more care of them, and there would be less mortality amongst them ; and if the slave trade was prohibited so that free men could come and work there, there Avould be abundance of free labour, because, if the slave trade were abolished, thousands of people from Madagascar, from the Comoro Islands, and from India Avould come and reside at Zanzibar ; but the mere fact of all agricultural labour being done by slaves, deters those people at present from coming and engaging themselves in that work, because they think it degrades them to Avork side by side Avith slaves. 634. In a preAuous part of the Report reference is made to the loss of revenue that Avould be in curred by the abolition of the trade. Would you propose to abolish the trade AAuthout compensating the Sultan in anyAvayfor the loss of revenue which he Avould thereby incur ?—As I have already stated, I think the loss of revenue would be very trivial indeed ; his revenue from other sources is so rapidly increasing that he Avould not feel very much the loss of that which he at present receives from slaves. 635. Mr. Kennaway.~\ You expect him to give up the 20,000 /. Avhich he is supposed to derive from the slave trade; that is a “ decree of fate” which a man does not submit to without a struggle generally ?—I think, at the outside, it cannot be more than 8,000 1. which he gets from the duty on slaves. Mr. Churchill, I think, takes the whole number of slaves landed, including the slaAys belonging to members of the Sultan’s family Avhich do not pay any duty, and there are a great many branches of the Sultan’s family, the members of Avhich are the chief slave dealers. 636. Do you think that the British Indian sub jects in Zanzibar are in any Avay supporters of the slaA^e trade?—They were very large supporters of the slave trade till I put a stop to it by putting up a notice at the Custom House and on the gates of the Consulate, that whereas I had dis covered that British subjects Avere holding slaves in violation of the laAA's, they Avould be alloAved one month from that date to emancipate them legally, and, failing to do so, the provisions of the Act 5 Geo. 4 Avould be applied to them. At the end of the month many of them did not emancipate their slaves, and they AA’^ere fined and imprisoned ; and gradually I forced them all to emancipate their slaves; but after I left, the officer Avho succeeded me took a different view of it, and he held that we had no right to do this with regard to native Indians Avho belonged to protected States ; and they have been alToAved, unfortunately, to become slave holders again. 637. By taking the protection of other states ? No, merely on the ground that they Avere not directly British subjects, but only subjects of British protected states like Kutch. 638. M ou Id they, in claiming to hold slaves, deprive themselves of the protection of the British Consulate ?—I do not knoAV on Avhat terms it was done, but I suppose those Avho declared them selves subjects of Kutch or Kattywar Avere allowed to throAV off their allegiance. 639. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.~\ They then became entitled to hold slaves ?—Yes; I put a stop to their holding slaves, on this ground, that those men in their OAvn country Avould not be alloAved to hold slaves, for they Avould be prohibited by the British as the superior poAver, and it Avas not right that the subjects of those very states o-oing to Zanzibar should be permitted to hold sla-^es. 640. Now, if a man wishes to hold slaves, all he has to do is to change his nationality?—Yes. 641. Sir J. HayJ\ The Naturalisation Act Avas not in force Avhen you were there ?—No, they Avere prohibited from holding slaves ; I understand that the natives of India are going to take advantage of the Naturalisation Act, and to throAV off their allegiance to the British Govern ment on purpose to be able to trade in slaA^es. 642. Mr. Churchill states that they haA'O already done so ?—I am sorry to hear it ; it AviH open a new^ field for slavery; a great proportion of the plantations on the Island of Zanzibar noAf belong to British subjects ; the Arabs are very dissipated and reckless, and they have morto-ao-ed most of their plantations to those wealthy BanianS and Indian Mahommedans. 643. Who, having been British subjects, havß noAv become Zanzibar subjects ?—They Averc obliged, as long as they were British subjects, to cultivate their plantations by free labour ; noA^ they Avill buy slaves and cultivate them with slave labour again. 644. You have no doubt that Mr. ChurchilD evidence upon that point is correct?—No; Dt* Kirk has Avritten to the same effect; that is aß additional argument Aiffiy we should stop tb^ whole trade summarily. 645. Mr. Kennaivay.\ Do you know anything of the slave trade which is carried on betivecß the interior of Africa and Egypt, by Zanzibar ? That has sprung up chiefly since the abolition 01 ON SLAVE TEADE (EAST COAST OE AFRICA). 51 the Indian navy. No doubt there is now a ^Gry considerable traffic in slaves from Zanzibar ÿ the Ked Sea to Turkish ports, and also to ^‘ez. In 1867 I brought home three African ®lfives that I had emancipated at Zanzibar, and stopped at Suez, and in walking through the own we found it was full of negroes who, no Jioubt, were quite recent importations, because hev pniilrl anything but , ^ey could not ^S^US’narrp X railway speak anything but their own iguage I visited the Consul and spoke to him ^bout it, and he said he was perfectly aware of it; he said that the way they were sent to Cairo ''"as in the empty ivater tanks on the ^I'Ucks. 646. Do you think that still goes on ?—I do bot know; I have not much faith in anything the ■Egyptian Government would do to stop it. 647. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.'] You spoke of the gfeat increase in trade between Zanzibar and I’ance and the United States ; do those countries ^^ep any cruisers off the coast?—Till recently be French Government kept a squadron under admiral, and they made much more naval dis- i^^y than we did. 648. Was that ostensibly for the purpose of ^bppi'essing the slave trade?—Quite the con- ^^I'y ; the French naval officers supported it in ^Very -^yay. 649. Were they instructed by their Govern- ^Gnt to take measures to put a stop to the slave lade?—I do not think the French Government „^led anything about putting a stop to it, except a short time when Prince ¡Napoleon was at the lead of the Foreign Office ; they certainly were ^ len in earnest in stopping it ; the last year I there I got the chief Arab agent who sup- 1 led the French ships to give me information 'hen the French slavers were coming, and in ^eusequence of that, five of the vessels belonging e the principal French house carrying on the l'ado were taken, and the last ship they had was ashore by the captain. 1 h50. Latterly the French Government have no cruisers there, have they ?—I do not j^How ^ whether they have withdrawn them ; I stated that they intended withdraw- % their squadron altogether. Q Do the United States keep any cruisers çj, the coast?—No, our cruisers are the only iiisers engaged in suppressing the slave trade h that coast. ^. 652. Is the cultivation of the Island of Zan- j bar mainly carried on by slaves ?—It was when ^ yent there ; but, as ï have stated, so far as Indian subjects were concerned, they aîn^^ not allowed after that to have slaves; go ^g®t those 6,000 slaves that I emancipated, a Qf ^n^inany were agricultural labourers, and many ^^0 said we do not know what to do when ■yy* .^I’o emancipated ; and I made an agreement W1 Indian planter to give up a part of the lor 1 .sufficient for the slave to grow provisions ''"orL and his family on condition that he tor the master four days in the week, g had the remaining three days to himself. proportion does free labour bear to the f. labour in the Island of Zanzibar?—Up to g.^o I left I emancipated, 6,000 slaves, are ' many slaves do you suppose there g^the Island ?—It is almost impossible to tell, from+1 spoke of there being an exportation anr, 1, mainland to the island of about 4,000 • That would indicate that there must be 0.116. a very large number of slaves in the Island of Zanzibar ?- -But a very small proportion of slaves brought to Zanzibar remain there ; they are ex ported away. 657. Are slaves largely employed in cultiva tion on the mainland ?—They are employed there to a very large extent, and as cultivation increases there is increased demand for slave labour. 658. You said that the Arabs are now begin ning to discover that it is more profitable to employ their slaves in cultivation in the Island of Zanzibar and on the mainland than by export ing them to Muscat ?—Yes ; the present minis ter of the Sultan spoke to me very strongly upon that point; he said the Arabs were now begin ning to see the wisdom of abolishing the slave trade. 659. That is to say, the export trade in slaves ? —Yes. 660. Not the employment of slaves on the island or the mainland ?—No. 661. Supposing we were able to prevent the export of slaves altogether, there would still be a supply of slaves from the interior for the pur pose of cultivation in the Island of Zanzibar and on the mainland ?—You cannot stop that ; and there is not so much cruelty in that trade as there is in the other. 662. We should not stop the man-stealing in the interior?—A great deal of it would be stopped ; it would not be carried on on the or ganised scale that it is now. 663. There would still be a considerable de mand for slaves in the island and on the main land, and that supply would have to be provided out of the interior ?—Yes. 664. Sir Hay.~\ I understand you to say that many persons in the Island of Zanzibar, who were formerly British Indian subjects, have changed their allegiance for the purpose of hold ing slaves ; why do those persons prefer slave labour to free labour for the cultivation of their estates ?—I account for it in this way. Our British Indian subjects were very savage at having their slaves emancipated, and it has always been a thorn in their side that their former slaves should have a certain amount of liberty ; that they should be able to leave their employment when they were not well treated, and that they should only be required to work four days in the week instead of five, .as they were obliged to do before they were freed. 665. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.~\ From the commu nications which you have had with the consuls of other Powers at Zanzibar, do you think they would be prepared to co-operate with us with a view to stopping the export of slaves ?—I think the Consul of the Germanic Emjiire would cor dially co-operate with us. The gentleman who was the French Consul when I was there, sup ported the slave trade. 666. Is not it the case that, in the Mauritius, coolie labour has successfully competed with negro labour, and, in fact, almost driven it out ? ~I have no doubt of it. 667. Do you think that that is likely to occur in Zanzibar icself ?—I think coolie labour, or labour of any description from India would suc cessfully compete with negro labour in Zanzibar, coolies would not work in company with slaves, because they would consider that they would be degrading themselves by doing so. 668. Lord hnjield.'^ In what length of time do Maj. Gen. 7. P. Pighy. 20 July 1871. 52 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Maj. Gen. you tliink the traffic could be entirely suppressed, C, P. Higby. supposing the views which you have expressed here were carried out ?—I think in five years it 20 July might be stopped. ^^71* 669. Did I rightly gather from the early part of your evidence that you approve of the sug gestions of the Committee which sat at the Foreign Office?—Yes, generally; I think they recommend that all slaves should be exjjorted from Dar Se el am only. Dar Seelam was the creation of the late Sultan, and I hear that the present Sultan will not have anything to do with it, and that it is deserted. 670. Generally, the recommendations of the Committee meet with your approval?—Yes, I think nothing could be better than the recom mendations contained in that Report. Sir Leopold G. Heath, called in ; and Examined. Sir 671. Chairman.^ You had the command of the L.G, Heath, squadron on the East African Coast?—Yes, I commanded it from the middle of 1867 till No vember last year. 672. During that time was the slave trade carried on with considerable activity ? — With very great activity. 673. What force had you ?—I had, generally speaking, seven ships, including my own flagship. During the Abyssinian War I had an addition of ships for that special purpose, which w^ere with drawn immediately afterwards. 674. Your force was seven ships. Including the flagship ?—Yes. 675. Did they deserve the character that has been given to some of them by the last witness ? —I only imperfectly heard the last witness. 676. Were they ships well adapted for the purpose?—Yes, I think some of them were re markably w^ell adapted for the purpose. The “ Nymphe,” the “ Bullfinch,” and the Teazer” are, more or less, w ell adapted for that particular service. Those three vessels are types of three new classes of vessels ; their accommodation is, generally speaking, better than that in the old class, and they carry a larger proportion of coal, that is to say, they can steam for a longer distance than the old vessels could. Vessels of the class of the “ Teazer,” w hich is the smallest of the three, require modifications in the details of their fitting, ventilation, and things of that sort. 677. Were your crew healthy?—On the whole, the squadron was fairly healthy. 678. You did not find any objection to keeping them on that station, on the ground of health ?— No ; because by sending them to the north when the sun was to the south, and to the south when the sun was to the north, we managed, generally, to get a certain relaxation, but I think ships should not be kept longer than three years on that station. 679. Was the time known at which they Avould be obliged to leave particular ports ?—It is known that during the south-west monsoon they must be somewhere away from the strength of the monsoon ; in that way, it depends on the seasons. 680. Were all those vessels employed for the suppression of the slave trade?—No; they were on the East Indian station for any purposes that might be required. 681. What number of ships were really em ployed for the suppression of the trade ?—During the slaving season, speaking generally, they were all employed. I made arrangements for employ ing them on other work at the time when they could not be upon the East Coast. 682. It is during one particular part of the year that the trade is carried on with any acti vity ?—i es. 683. The earlier months ?—The earlier months and the latter months, from April to the end of June, and September to the beginning of No vember. 684. W as much trade carried on which you were not able to prevent ?—The oificial Custom House returns at Zanzibar state, that on the average about 20,000 slaves a year are imported into Zanzibar; besides that, there must be a large number of slaves exported from the mainland which do not pass through the custom house at Zanzibar; Zanzibar cannot want anything like that number, and therefore you must presume that the surplus is carried away for export to foreign countries. 685. What number in the year did you suc ceed in capturing ?—For the year ending Decem ber 1867, 18 dhows were captured, and 431 slaves were emancipated ; those being the car goes of the 18 dhows. During that year, the squadron were all employed in Annesley Bay in the expedition against Abyssinia, and the efforts against the slave trade were comparatively small. In the year ending December 1868, the total number of vessels captured was 66 ; the total tonnage of these dhows was 7,233 ; and the total number of slaves liberated was 1,097. In the year 1869 the total number of dhows captured was 32 ; the total tonnage of those dhows was 3,431 ; and the total number of slaves liberated was 1,117. During the second year’s cruise my ships were distributed principally along the coast of Arabia, from Ras-el-Hadd as far as Makallah, one being stationed near Socotra, and two down in the Zanzibar neighbourhood. The vessels boarded during the spring season were upwards of 400 dhows ; out of those 400 dhows there were but 11 slavers, and in those 11 slavers there were 958 slaves. I am exceedingly puzzled to know how it is that the enormous number of slaves ex ported get along the coast without being found out. I believe that very few dhows could have passed the squadron during those months ; and though, comparing the wants of Zanzibar with the known importations at Zanzibar, there must have been not many short of 20,000 slaves ex ported, yet it appears that there were not above 1,000 slaves on board these 400 dhows. This rather shows that naval efforts alone will not put down the trade. 686. As to those 400, were you satisfied that all except the 11 were perfectly free from any com plicity in the slave trade ?—I think it is morally certain that scarcely any guilty dhow s escaped amongst that 400. 687. Sir John Hay.~\ Do I rightly understand you to say that scarcely any dhows escaped going north with slaves ?—I cannot understand how they could have passed us, distributed as we were. 688. When a dhow is captured, have not the ships ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 53 to leave the cruising ground, and might not ^ any (thows pass then?—No ; the number cap- gjj^^^was only 11, and the slaves were not in o .^ient number to require the ships to leave ground, except in three of those cases, to L ‘ ] According to that it seems ye utterly hopeless by any efforts of the ^^isers to put a stop to the trade ?—By any ^rts of cruisers in numbers such as we have I think it is hopeless. ^^0. But the number would appear to be suffi- h in this case, because you say that you think ^^I’dly any guilty dhows escaped?—I think the J^isers should be near the rivers and places of ^P<jrt, at the same time as they are near the Wh^* of import. I had not ships enough to do 0.^91. Xhen with an increased squadron you ^ something more might be done ?—I can ^iy Say I hope something more might be done. ^92. One may collect that you do not anticipate ^?y complete stoppage of the trade by any efforts ihe cruisers ?—I think we have gone on for ^ years and have done no good whatever. 693. Can you suggest any way in which we A'lld clo good by means of the fleet ?—I think, .^ibre giving up the attempt as hopeless, we must every possible method that suggests itself ^ Carrying out England’s wishes, one of those ^thods clearly is the increase of the squadron, the result which I have detailed of my own ■^perience rather shows that the number of ^ ^Ves to foreign countries cannot be as great fhe custom-house statistics would show. 694. You think there are not really so many ç^Ported?—I think there are not really so many ^Ported ; at the same time, I cannot understand 1 bat becomes of them ; the number reported to v®,exported is taken from data which seem re- bable. p Sir J, Ho,y.~\ Supposing you were ap- b^ted again to the East Indian command, and you ''vere told that you might have for three years, liiiF ^ years, or till the trade was suppressed, an bruited number of ships, both for the blockade me Arabian Coast and the Persian Gulf, and ^ 0 portions of Africa from which the slaves were ^^.jborted ; will you state for the Committee, ^ at number of ships you would conceive to be ^J.ccssary to enable you to carry out with cer- j ^^ty the total annihilation of the slave trade ? — Ç bo not think any number would suffice with .ç^b^jaiiity, but I should ask for 10 ships to begin yb96. Chairman.~\ Ten instead of seven? — • ^97, J)q think that would very materially j^^^case the number of captures ? — I think the ßjber would be increased, sid J. Hay.~\ I think you have had con- ^-^able experience on the West Coast oí Africa? yes. 699. tb Are you aware of the number of ships Con employed on that length of coast, as Iç^^Pared with the number employed along this pL^^b of coast ; was not the number of ships em- j^^yed on the West Coast of Africa very much considerable than that for which you now U^^’^-Very much more considerable, and the of the sea is far more favourable for block- operations. Or f Aot looking to the economical question, the probability of the number of ships that Q ^bght ask for being given you, assuming that the country was determined to put down the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa in the same way as on the West Coast ; would you say that 10 ships, or anything like 10 ships, would be sufficient to cover the 4,000 miles to be blockaded on the East Coast ?—No matter how many ships you have, there will of course always be some vessels which escape being boarded ; it is quite possible, that, though we boarded 400 dhows during the season I have spoken of, there may have been 400 others that passed outside us ; but when I said that I thought we must have boarded nearly all dhows that came up, I referred to those that passed along the coast ; the Arabs have very good information ; I do not think that they knew what I intended to do, but it is quite possible that they did. » 701. Chairman.'] Do you think that by having more Consular Agents along the coast, you would have the means of deriving better information upon the subject of the slave trade?—I think the appointment of Vice Consuls along the coast, would be a most valuable thing, not only as regards giving us information, but as regards pushing our political influence. 702. Did you hear the evidence of the last witness with respect to the desirability of ap pointing a naval officer to be permanently stationed on the coast?—Yes. 703. Do you approve of that suggestion?— It is practically what is now going on ; there is the Admiral commanding the whole of the Indian station ; he has as his senior officer a captain of some standing generally stationed for a consider able time down at Zanzibar. I do not attach as much importance as General Rigby seemed to do, to prolonged experience ; I think the experience of one year is no guide to what will happen the next ; if I were there myself, I should take care to vary my tactics annually, because I believe whatever is done in one year would be frustrated by the Arabs the next; if they knew I had adopted one line in one year, they would them selves adopt some other line the next, and I should try and meet them. 704. Was there anything in your instructions that in any way impeded your success ; any limitation of your power ?—There was nothing whatever in my instructions to limit my action till the issue, by the Admiralty, of a circular dated 6th November 1869, which appears at page 94 of Class B, East Coast of Africa Correspond ence from 1st January to 31st December 1869. That circular made an unpleasant iinpression upon all the officers commanding the ships under my orders. Its manner was accusatory as to the past and threatening as to the future ; its matter was, principally the forbidding the capture of dhows for having domestic slaves aboard. 705. Do you think there were many slaves carried in that way in those dhows which were not classed as guilty dhows?—There is no doubt that a very large number of slaves must have been carried in that way. At page 75 of the same Blue Book are extracts from letters found in some of the dhows, being inclosurcs in my letter to Sir Seymour Fitzgerald replying to a complaint of Sir Edward Russell, the Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court at Aden, as to dhows being captured for having domestic slaves on board. These show that domestic slaves are frequently carried to sea for sale. 706. What I was wanting to arrive at was whether, allowing the dhows to pass with domes- G 3 tic Sir ,. G. Heath, 20 July 1871,’ 54 minutes of evidence taken before select committee 20 July 1871. tic slaves on board, would in your opinion account L. Or. Heath, for a great number of these at present unaccounted for?—No, I think not; because till November 1869, dhows having domestic slaves on boards had always been captured. 707. In 1868, 66 dhows were captured, while in 1869 only 32 were captured ; but if this order did not come till November 1869, it would not have any bearing upon that decrease ?—No ; the larger number of captures in the earlier year was, because in the previous year the slave dealers had been left alone, owing to the Abyssinian War. 708. There is a large diiference between those captured and those who appear from the Custom House returns to have been exported, and which are unaccounted for in any way ?—Yes. 709. Sir R. Anstrutherr\ What means have you of distinguishing domestic slaves on board a dhow from any other slaves?—The Admiralty in that circular have laid down as a definition of what are to be considered domestic slaves, “ where the slaves found on board are very few in number, are unconfined, and appear to be on board for the purpose of loading or working the ship, or at tending upon the master or the passengers, and there is no other evidence that the vessel is en gaged in or equipped for the slave trade.” 710. I may take it as your view that the action of this circular to which you have referred has been more or less to impede the squadron in the capture of slaves?—If you put it in the future tense it will have that efiect very largely, I think. I should like to quote, as illustrating my views on that point, a portion of my annual Report of 22nd January 1870 (it is in the Cor respondence for the year 1870): “On the 6th November, their Lordships issued ‘ Instructions for tiie Guidance of Naval Officers employed in the Suppression of the Slave Trade-’ Those in structions forbid the detaining of vessels having slaves on board, if there are attendant circumstan ces showing that the slaves are not being trans ported for the purpose of being sold as slaves; and there is added, as an example of the nature of those cireumstances, Where the slaves found on board are very few in number, are unconfined, and appear to be on board for the purpose of loading or working the ship, or attending upon the master or the passengers, and there is no other evidence that the vessel is engaged in, or equipped for, the slave trade.’ I believe that, just as it is said a drunkard can only be cured by total absti nence, so the slave trade by sea can only be put down, if at all, by a rigid forbidding of the carry ing to sea of any slaves of any description. As I have before remarked, even what is called a domestic slave is not only a saleable article, but an article \\ hich is very often sold ; and the re turn of those embarked to the port thev originally left depends solely upon whether or no a good oiler has been made for them at the ports they have visited in the interval.” 711. Chairman.'] Seeing that the fleet* you have had under your command is not sufficient to prevent the escape of a very large proportion of the slaves exported, has your attention been directed to any measures which might be adopted to prevent the continuance of the slave trade ?— In answer to your question, I will quote part of my letter dated 1st March 1869, addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty, in the Blue Book, containing the correspondence of 1869 : I ob serve that it is not unusual to close these reports with an expression of hope that the heavy blows which have been dealt at the trade during th& past year, will go far to check it for the future- I can express no such hope. The trade is fat too profitable, and will not be affected by a risk so small as that incurred by the proceedings of Her Majesty’s ships. It supplies a want which has not been left unsatisfied for many centuries past ; a want which, sanctioned by the relio-ioU of the country, has grown almost into an instinct. To pant down this trade, requires far more effort, and far more energy than England has yet shown in the matter. Twenty-five years have elapsed since the first treaty with Muscat, and all that time we have been contented with the capture of a very small per-centage of the total exports ; a per-centage large enough to irritate the legal traders, who are harrassed and annoyed bv the visits of our cruisers, but too small to affect materially the illegitimate trade, ^Ye must do far more than this to insure success. We must double or treble our squadron. lYe must esta blish vice consulates at the ports of export, but above all, we must force the Government of Zanzibar into active acquiescence in our views, and, if necessary, purchase or take possession of that island.” In subsequent letters urging the same view, I have altered this last sentence, and said, “ purchase the sovereignty of the island.” ^ 712. Is that the only thing that occurs to you as a means of putting' a stop to the trade ?—I think that if a treaty is made in the sense of Lord Clarendon’s proposals to Mr. Churchill (page 30, Correspondence of 1870), if that part of the existing treaty which is supposed to alloW domestic slavery afloat is abrogated, and if the squadron is increased so as to make it difficult to evade that treaty when made, we shall have a chance of success; but I still hold that the only radical cure will be the making Zanzibar a centre from which British civilisation can radiate into that part of Africa 713. You mean becoming actually possessed of it as being a colony of Great Britain?—Yes. 714. Or a protected state ?—That is a matter for the Foreign Office to determine. 715. Zanzibar is not a very healthy place, is it? Zanzibar is undoubtedly an unhealthy place, but I do not know that it is more so than many other tropical colonies or English settlements. 716. We heard of its being im%)ossible to sleep out of the town?—Bishop Tozer has a sort of missionary school superintended by two or three English ladies, and he has two or three clergy men with him. I know he has a farm-house three miles outside Zanzibar, and my belief is that that is considered a sort of sanatorium. Captain Fraser, an Englishman, who has a large sugat manufactory, goes out to his estate as a sort of change, when he wants fresh air, and I was sur prised to hear the accounts given by General Rigby of the extreme deadliness of the climate. /17. Are you able to give us any information as to the ^ nealthmess of those parts of the coast where it is proposed that vice consuls should be stationed . — The only fact I know as to that is, that a Ml. Heale, an Englishman, engaged in the purchase of hides at Brava, lived there for some nmnths, and I never heard that he was seriously affected by the climate. 718. Have you read the Report of the Com mittee which sat at the Foreign Office?—Yes, I read it, and I was called upon officially to report upon it. 719. Is ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 55 . 719. Is your Rejiort published ?—My letter on is in the Blue Book for 1871, at page 64. The i^Gport, as laid before Parliament, is not the same ■^Gport as was submitted to me. The 3rd, 4th, and 6th paragraphs have been altered in ac- ^'^rdance with my suggestions. 720. Taking it as it stands now, how far do you agree with the recommendations of the Re port ?—As it now stands I agree with the recom- ^ondations of the Report in a general way. 721. Do you think if those wei e carried out, a ^ory material effect might be produced even ^'ilhout the British Government becoming pos- ^ossed of Zanzibar?—The proposals made by ■L'Ord Clarendon for a new treaty, which I have deferred to before, practically embody the greater P^i't of the recommendations of the Committee, ^Hcl I agree with them in a general way. 722. And you think they might produce a ^^aterial effect ?—I think so, provided also, that transport of domestic slaves by sea is for- ^^dden. 723. And the squadron increased?—And the ®9Radron increased. 724. I hardly know how to reconcile that with ^ke statement you made before, that you thought hardly any guilty dhows escaped ?—I quite admit difficulty ; it is as much present to myself as you. I know that during the three months of of the slaving season we boarded 400 dhows, and only captured 11 of them with 958 slaves ; I cannot account for it. It is supposed, apparently with good reason, that 20,000 ^^Q-Ves are exported for sale, and I do not know dow they go. If any large number of guilty dhows passed my ships during that season, they d^^st have gone by an outside route, and with d^ore ships that route could be watched. 725. Sir J. Æ/y.] Do you think that the slave ^^aders ever send out vessels as decoys to mislead he squadron ?—No, I think not. 726. Chairman.'] Were you succeeded by ■Admiral Coburn ?—Yes. 1 727. Have you seen the proposals which he made ? — No, I have seen none of his corres- hORclence. , ^28. Do you agree with General Rigby as to he Uselessness of treaties with Arab chiefs?—I hardly able to give an opinion upon that phich would be of any use to the Committee ; general Rigby has great local experience ; the .^Gaties must at any rate be of value as justify- jdg us in taking aggressive measures when the ^eaty has been broken. 729. Lord F. Cavendish.] You said you were for ^^Uie time on the west coast of Africa?—I com- ^^uded a ship for some time on the west coast of ■d^lrica. Q 730. That fleet was very much larger than any ®et which it has ever been proposed to establish d the east coast ?—Very much larger. '^1. Was not it the case that all the efforts of ® fleet on the west coast of Africa were really g^^tess, and that the trade went on till we were to station our fleet off Cuba?—No, I think j ® Suppression of the trade was not due to that. diuk the eflbrts of the squadron by themselves çj^dld, perhaps, never have put down the west j,^^st slave trade, though they had a very strong tj^^*’®ssive influence, and considerably diminished ti-^^^Ports ; the ultimate putting down of that g^de was due, I think, partly to political pres- and partly to the growth of humane feelings _de Spaniards and Brazilians. Public opinion in those countries eventually stopped the demand for slaves, and then the supply ceased. 732. Was not it the case that the stationing of her fleet off Cuba, after the agreement which we came to with the United States, had a very great effect?—I was not on that station ; I never knew that it had. 733. At the same time we obtained possession of the port of Lagos, did we not?—Yes; I was there at that time. 734. Had that a great effect?—I think that it has had a very great effect indeed ; it has been a great encouragement to legitimate trade, and I should anticipate the same sort of result from taking possession of the government of Zan zibar. 735. You think no efforts of our cruisers are likely to be productive of great success till the transport of domestic slaves is prohibited ?—That is my opinion. 736'. What probability is there of the Sultan agreeing to such a prohibition?—The Sultan has never, that I know of, objected to it ; but if he has, his objections have been overruled. It is the interpretation of the treaties by either our Foreign Office or our Admiralty, of which I speak. 737. Do you think the Sultan would consent to the entire prohibition of all movement of slaves between the coast and the island of Zan zibar ?—He certainly would not do so willingly. 738. You think pressure might be applied to him that might oblige him to consent?—I think you have only got to say what you want and you will have it done. I think it would be very hard upon him to make the trade cease immediately. I think the proposal to make it cease b) degrees a much wiser one. I think the annual importa tion should be limited, and that the number allowed to be imported should be decreased for a certain number of years till it was finally stopped. 739. Sir J. Hay.] Do you contemplate the application of force to obtain that concession from the Sultan ?—Moral force, I think, would be quite enough. 740. Lord F. Cavendish.] Would moral force also enable us to obtain possession of the Island of Zanzibar ?—With a certain amount of money ; I think that amount would probably be less than what you are now paying in abortive and inef fectual efforts. 741. Mr. J. Talhot.] As to the number of slaves exported in the year, did you say that about 20,000 were exported annually ?—I know that the custom-house importation returns at Zanzibar show, generally speaking, an importa tion into Zanzibar of 20,000. I know that a large number are exported from the main land who do not pass through the custom-house, and since the wants of Zanzibar itself cannot exceed 3,000 or 4,000 a year for making up the defi ciencies of its population, I assume that there must be an export of something like 20,000 a year. 742. The number captured by your cruisers was about 1,000 a year ?—About 1,000 a year is the maximum number captured by the cruisers. 743. Nineteen thousand, in round numbers, escape ?—Nineteen thousand are unaccounted for. 744. You regard that as an unsatisfactory result of all our national efforts for the suppression of the slave trade ?—Very unsatisfactory. 745. Passing from that to the question of the G 4 healthiness Sir L. G. Heath, 20 July 1871. 5b MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE gir healthiness of Zanzibar, do you know Dr. Steer, G. Heath, who lived in Zanzibar for four years ?—I made his acquaintance ; he is one of Bishop Tozer’s eo July party. 1871. 746, Would he, do you think, be able to give valuable information to the Committee with re ference to the healthiness of the climate ?—Any Englishman who has lived there four years would be able to give you information on that point. 747. Viscount Evßeld.'] As to the Report of the Slave Trade Committee which sat at the Foreign Office, do you agree with the recom mendations of that Committee as to the amount of imval force required on the east coast?—No. 748. Generally, you do not agree with the Report as to the number and the distribution of the naval force?—No ; I think the number pro posed is a great deal too small. In my official report on that paper I suggested 10 ships besides the flag ship. I suggested also that the vessels which were stationed there should, as far as pos sible, be provided with steam launches, because though the launches are unfit for distant cruising, they are very valuable to cruise in the offing, the ship being anchored near at hand. The vessels being small would require special fittings ; their big guns would be removed, and possibly the position of the funnels would have to be altered also. 749. Putting that aside, on the whole you are not inclined to disagree with the majority of the recommendations of the Committee ?—No ; there is one small point as to the jurisdiction of the courts in which I think the Committee have made a mistake as to localities. They recommend that dhows captured near Zanzibar should be judged at Zanzibar, and that dhows taken near Muscat should be judged, I think, at Aden. Now, the object of the Committee, I presume, was to insure a fair hearing, and this would not be attained by the Committee’s proposal. A Zanzibar dhow captured off Mokullah, in the Gulf of Aden, would be judged at Aden. Similarly, a Muscat dhow captured in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar would, under the Committee’s recommendation, be judged at Zanzibar. In neither case would the Committee’s object, of having the adjudication at the place where the owner lived, be attained. 750. What is the time in which you think the slave trade could be virtually abolished in that district, supposing the recommendations of the Committee were carried out, and there were no financial obstacles in the way ?—I doubt whether you will ever stop the trade completely, even by adopting the Committee’s recommendations. 751. Yet you approve of the recommendations of the Committee as far as they go ?—I approve of them as far as they go. 752. You do not think they would be effectual in abolishing the traffic altogether ?—I have said in the letter to which I have referred, in which I make observations on the Committee’s Report, that so long as the existing domestic habits in slave-receiving countries remain unchanged, so long will there be more or less of slave trade. Those habits can only be changed by completely stopping the supply of slaves for a very long period, probably for a whole generation, and any system wffiich stops short of that will fail of com plete success. The trade will be scotched but not killed, and will revive whenever the pressure is taken off I recommend therefore, that at least ten vessels besides the flagship should be appro priated to this service, and since the tactics of the dealers vary with the information they receive as to the position of the cruisers, I would leave the officer commanding entirely unfettered in his disposal of them.” I think the Committee’s re commendations would partially check the trade ; but, as I have said before, you must have a com plete stoppage for a long period to produce a good result. 753. Mr. J. Talbot.'] With regard to guilty dhows escaping, do you think you always know a guilty dhow when you board it ?—I think the vigilance of the officers can be completely trusted in that respect. 754. Are the signs unmistakeable ?—There are signs untnistakeable when the dhow is carrying a large number of slaves ; sometimes domestic slaves might be on board without your finding them out; but, under existing regulations, having domestic slaves on board does not constitute a guilty dhow. 755. Slaves for sale cannot be concealed with out your knowing it?—In small numbers they might be. This regulation permitting the carry ing of domestic slaves will make it still more difficult to ascertain with certainty the character of a dhow which is carrying 10 or 12 or 14 slaves for sale. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 57 Monday, 24th July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Sir Robert Anstrutliei% Lord Frederick Cavendish. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Viscount Enfield. Mr. Robert Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. Mr. Russell Gurney. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot. Mr. Percy Wyndham. Eight Honourarle RUSSELL GURNEY, in the Chair. Sir Leopold Heath, k.c.b., called in ; and further Examined. ^56. Mr. Shcno Lefevrei\ You were for three J^ars yourself on the station?—Yes. "57. During the whole of that time had you ^even vessels under your command? — Yes; in early part of the time I had more, but they ''’ere engaged in the Abyssinian Expedition. 758. Were they during the whole of the year 11:e Zanzibar coast ?—No ; they did the gene- ^•'^l^duties of the Indian station as well. "59. So that during the greater part of the year they were on the Indian coast ?—They '''ere on the Indian coast during those months of ll:e year when the dhows did not run. 760. During only three months of the year 'ey were on the African coast?—I should say ''ere nearly five months. 761. You found that they were ineffective in D’eventing the slave trade ?—They captured on ^'e average 1,100 slaves a year;" and there is ^eed reason for supposing that 20,000 slaves are ^4'orted. 762. Every year?—Every year. :63. You agree with that?—I agree with ^"*-1 ; but I do not think that those 20,000 can all F'' l'y sea to the Persian Gulf or that neighbour- "od ; and I say so, because, though I have no ^tistics to prove the number of dhows on that still, I can hardly fancy there would be ^Ullage enough available for carrying those jOOO every year. ^ 764. You state that the vessels under your ^''"'mand, boarded no less than 400 dhows in the j of the year ?—They boarded a great many Ihan 400 during the year, but that was the to I'oarded in those particular three months I referred in my last day’s evidence ; ^ mentioned that particularly, because it was j '''er a new disposition of the squadron which 'va V' ^'11 yo" explain what that disposition •'—The disposition was attempting to block- I'Qp ^ 'e ports of Arabia as had been previously Cof in the reports of Colonel Playfair, paid Polly, and other gentlemen, who had attention to the subject of the slave (1.116. 766. IVhat ports of Arabia?—My eastern vessel was oft’ Ras-el-Hadd ; the western one was off Macullah, and there was one between those two ; one vessel was just south of Cape Guardafin, which is on the African coast, and two were left to act as the senior officers in command of them, thought best in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar. My own ship, the flag-ship, was cruising from Ras-el-Hadd up to Macullah ; there were thus four stationed along the coast of Arabia ; one near Cape Guardafin, and two at Zanzibar. 767. Sir IX. Ansfruther.'] Was it with the view of blockading the ports of imports as well as the ports of export that you made that disposition of the fleet ?—It was with a view of blockading the ports of import which had not been previously attempted on so large a scale, but I did not think it right to leave the ports of export quite clear, or to leave the consul at Zanzibar, and the Bri tish community, quite unprotected. 768. Mr. Shaio hefevj'e.'] By which ships were the greatest number of captures made during that disposition of the fleet ?—By the ship, or ships, south of Cape Guardafin. 769. Not by the vessels watching the Arabian coast?—There were seven full slavers captured during that season ; of these one was in Zanzibar harbour ; two were off Ras-madraka ; one off Cape Fertaka ; three south of Socotra, the others had but a small number of slaves on board. 770. Notwithstanding that disposition of the fleet, it is probable that only one dhow out of ten was captured, according to the calculation which have been male?—I would not say one dhow out of ten. I would say only one slave out of 20 reported to be exported was captured. 771. You expressed the opinion in your evi dence on Thursday that it would be necessary to maintain ten vessels on the coast, with the view of stopping the trade entirely ; what disposition of the fleet would you make, supposing you had ten vessels ?—I named ten vessels as the very least that should be sent there, if an earnest effort would be made. I look on the naval pro ceeding as only auxiliary to others. I look upon them as quite necessary, but still only auxiliary. H I should Sir L. G. Heath K.C.B. 2^ July 1871.* 58 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE I should leave the disposition of those ten vessels engaged in ordinary trade are manned by slaves? G. Heath, entirely in the hands of the officer commanding —Many of them are manned partly by slaves, K_^- them. The tactics of the slave dealers vary each probably taken to sea with the view of selling year, and each year the officer commanding must them if a good price was found for them, 187^ kis disposition of the fleet also. 779. Was it the practice to capture those ves- 772. If the seven vessels under your command sels equally with others?—Xes. only succeeded in capturing one slave out of 20, 780. Chairman.'] Is there anything you wish what reason have you to suppose that 10 vessels to add to the evidence you have given ?—I should would entirely put a stop to the trade ?—I have like to give the Committee my opinion about the never said that that was my opinion. Muscat subsidy, if the 1 ommittee wish to hear 773. T ou do not think that 10 vessels would it. I should like, in the first place, to read a put a stop to the trade ?—No. letter which I addressed to the Governor of 774. In the evidence you gave on Thursday Bombay, dated 12th February 1869 ; that was at last, you complained of the Admiralty regula- a time when the question of stopping the subsidy tions,^ with refeience to the capture of vessels was being agitated : “ ¡\ly Dear Sir Seymour,—- cairying domestic slaves, and I think you ex- Although I am neither your political Secretary pressed an opinion that that rather tended to pre- nor a member of your Council, I hope you will vent the squadron exercising due vigilance in the not object to my offering an opinion upon the capture of slave dhows ?—Tes. IMuscat subsidy question, in which I naturally 775. Are you aware that complaints had been take a considerable interest. I understand that made to our Government of the capture by our the Secretary of State is willing to release squadron of vessels which were really carrying Zanibar, provided India will make the pavment only a limited number of domestic slaves, not for out of Indian funds, or, as an alternative, that he sale? So far as I am aware, the first complaint will allow the payment to cease altogether if you that was made vyas by Sir Edward Bussell, the should report that Muscat can do without it. I Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court at Aden ; take for granted that India will not pay this sub- his complaint was made in a letter, which will be sidy, and I am afraid that, if you should say the found in the Blue Book for 1870, at page 73, a money is essential to the strength of Muscat, the letter dated 29th January 1869. So far as I am Secretary of State will leave the matter in statu aware, up to that time it had been the universal quo. I cannot think that the power of Muscat custom to consider that naval officers had nothing in the Persian Gulf depends upon the receipt to do with the particular sort of slavery, for which of this annual sum. Its vessels, its forts, its guns, the slaves found in the dhows were intended; its troops, are all perfectly contemptible even their printed instructions are very distinct. You with the subsidy, and its superiority over its will find at page 22 of those instructions, that an neighbours rests really upon the known friend- officer is justified in concluding that a vessel is ship of the Indian Government. I should doubt engaged in, and equipped for the slave trade, if the policy of much strengthening its military po- you find any slaves on board. There is no sition; but if it were desirable to do so, the loan limitation as to the status of the slaves, and up of an engineer officer, and the expenditure of to the date of that letter, all judges had con- 1,000/. in properly mounting and arrano-inc? one demned dhows for having domestic slaves on or two of our old guns, would, I think, be more board. I may instance, Mr. Churchill, a Mem- effective than the annual 10,000 /. (this should her of the recent Committee, having condemned have been 8,500/.) now paid into native hands, a dhow whilst I was in Zanzibar, merely because I have never seen the papers connected with oui* there was one single slave on board. Mr. guarantee, but however loosely they may have 1?^ my opinion about it, not been worded, it never could have been intended officially, and I said that it had been the uni- that we should be bound for ever, and under all versal practice to condemn dhows for having possible contingencies. The present opportunity domestic slaves on board, and I thought that the seems a fair one for shaking off our oblio’ation. insti notions would not justify an officer in not The throne is no longer in the possession of a taking a dhow in which he found domestic slaves, descendant of Saed Saed, and Toorkee mio-ht be •j ^ answer very con- distinctly told, that if he accepts any help what- siderably it the Committee wish me to argue the ever from us in establishing himself at Muscat, point as to whether under our treaties domestic he must remember that we have withdrawn our slavery at sea is allowed. guarantee, and that, practically, the Zanzibar 776. I think it is unnecessary to enter upon subsidy will never again be paid. I have a strono* justification in the matter; I only want to impression that the time has come for either with- know whether, as a matter of fact, complaints drawing from all attempts at puttino- down the were made of dhows being captured which were East African slave trade, or for prosecutino- our carrying domestic slaves not for sale?—It can assaults upon it with far greater vigour than here- hardly be called a complaint, because it was the tofore. The Sultan of Zanzibar declares, that so universal practice to forbid slaves being carried long as he has to pay this large annual sum so at sea whether domestic slaves or others. long must he continue to encourao-e this slave 777. Up to the time when the new regulations trade, on account of the revenue he^derives from were made by the Admiralty, it had been the it, and England’s guarantee thus becomes an universal practice to eapture dhows even when active incentive to the continuance of the traffic, they had a limited number of domestic slaves on —Yours, very truly, L. G. Heath.''’ Though board not expressly for exportation ?—Yes; the the circumstances have changed since that letter reason probably was that a domestic slave is a was written ; though the present rulers of Muscat saleable article, and is very often sold, as shown and Zanzibar are now again both sons of Saed by extracts from correspondence and from reports, Saed, still we have the same oprobrium hang- which will be found at page 75 of the same Blue ing over us. England’s guarantee is still put ^77« T *f + 4L f ^ r r. 1 1 »8 being a direct incentive to carry 7/8. is It not the fact that many of the vessels mg on the slave trade at Zanzibar ; I think the proper ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 59 Pî'oper way to deal with this question will he to ^Glease Zanzibar from paying this subsidy, on the §ï‘ound that we are going to insist upon the ces- ^^tion of all sea slave trading by Zanzibar, and that since this insistence on our part will diminish me revenue of Zanzibar, the grounds of our ^^jginal arbitration, namely, the greater wealth p Zanzibar, as compared with Muscat, will no longer exist. With respect to Muscat, I think Y^t as we guaranteed this annual payment to state by Zanzibar solely in order to stop a Maritime war which would have disturbed our Commerce, we should ourselves pay the cost of ÿr withdrawal from that guarantee, but as Saed f oorkee knows perfectly well that there is much ^cnbt as to whether our award was between Persons or between states, and whether it has ^ct already legally ceased, I think it would be S^ite fair to deal with him on the footing of that p^bt, and to agree with him to pay him during cis reign, say 5,000 1. a year, and that we should ^ct be bound in any way to his successor. 781. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.~\ During the time you I' ere otf the coast were there other cruisers be- ^Hging to other powers there ? — There were French men-of-war, but they took no part in ^^ppressing the slave trade. 782. Does the French Government perma nently keep cruisers off that coast?—The French government have settlements there, and they ^eep their ships there to protect those settle ments and to push their commerce. 78,3. If the French cruisers co-operated with me English cruisers in endeavouring to prevent slave trade, do you think it would tend ^ery much to facilitate its suppression ?—It ^^onld be like all joint operations, liable to dis- ^^fbance, though of course it would be well to §^in their goodwill. 784. Mr. P. Wyndham.'] Do you think the ^eaaum of Muscat would have reason to com- P\ain, on the score of equity, if the subsidy were 'Withdrawn ; might he not say that he could have Enforced it by force of arms if we had not ?^%inally interfered and made this settlement between him and the Sultan of Zanzibar ?—The Present Imaum of Muscat has only been on the mrone a few months ; our policy towards him been one of the most hesitating and uncer tain nature. One of the first duties I was called on to perform in India was to go to Muscat and pj'event the present sovereign, viz., Toorkee, from taking possession of Muscat. I took him over with me to Bombay, having signed, in conjunc tion with the Political Agent, a treaty, granting him 1,2001, a year out of the Zanzibar subsidy, so long as he chose to remain in India. I be came, during the cruise to Bombay, great friends with him, and I think he is perfectly aware that there are two opinions about that subsidy ; that some think the guarantee was a guarantee only as regards the two first occupants of the two thrones, when the kingdom was divided, while others think that it is to continue, but I do not suppose that Toorkee has any idea that the guarantee will go on in perpetuity. There have been on the throne, since the guarantee was entered into, two sovereigns, besides the one there at that time ; Toorkee is the third in suc cession to Syed Thowaynee, who was the man on the throne when we entered into the gua rantee. 785. Was it in your view in the nature of a guarantee to him personally, or to the throne he occupied ?—That is a question which is disputed; I have never myself seen the papers. 786. Was it a guarantee of the Indian Govern ment, or of the Imperial Government?—I am almost sure it was by the Indian Government. I think it was the Governor General who gua ranteed it. 787. Chairman.~\ Are you aware whetlier any large number of slaves are held by English sub jects?—In the Island of Mohilla is a sugar planting estate, owned by an Englishman, who was for a long time our consul. I think that rather than give up his slaves he gave uji his consulate. I know of no other case. 788. Mr. Crum-EimngWhere is Captain Fraser, is he in Zanzibar?—Captain Fraser was at Zanzibar at the time I was there. I think I have heard that he has since come home ; I am not sure. 789. He had a considerable number of slaves, I think ?—He had at one time a large number of slaves ; but by some arrangement with the Sultan, I believe, their name was changed; they were no longer called slaves. Mr. H. C. Bothery, called in; and Examined. rj, 790. Chairman.'] You are legal adviser to the ■^î'easury in all matters relating to the slave trade? '^Yes. 0.791. How long have you filled that office?— ^^ce the beginning of 1860. 792. I suppose, in the course of that time your ^l^ention has been a good deal directed to the ® 9,ve trade on the East Coast of Africa ?—Since slave trade on the East Coast of Africa has brouo-ht to our notice by the capture of """BWsthe^e. 793. About when was it first brought to your *^1106 ?—I should think about the year 1864. 7 94. How have the present Admiralty Courts Zanzibar and Aden worked ?—I think that establishment of a Vice Admiralty Court at ^nzibar has been attended with very great ad- <95. When was that established ?—It was 0.116. established by Order in Council bearing date 9th August 1866. 796. Was that in consequence of there being no Court within a great distance of Zanzibar to which dhows could be taken for condemnation ? —Yes; it was considered to be a great injustice to the Arabs that the condemnation could only take place at very distant places, as the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, or Bombay ; and, in con sequence, a Vice Admiralty Court was first es tablished at Aden ; but even Aden was found to be too far, and accordingly the Order in Council of the 9th August 1866 was passed, establishing a Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar. 797. Do you think there is any necessity for any additional Courts now?—No; but I think it very desirable that the Court at Zanzibar should be kept up. 798. And that at Aden too ?—Yes. 799. Has your attention been called at all to H 2 the Sir G. Heath, K.C.B. 24 July 1871. Mr. H. C. Rothery. 60 MINUTES or EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. H. a Rothery. 24 July 1871. the disposal of the liberated slaves ?—Yes ; as a member of the committee that sat at the Foreign Office, our attention was a good deal called to that point. 800. What is your opinion upon that subject ? —We thought it very desirable to make Zanzibar the receptacle for the liberated slaves ; hitherto they had been taken to Aden or Seychelles, and the Seychelles it appeared had as many slaves as they required. 801. One advantage in having a depot of libe rated slaves at Zanzibar would be that the labour which is wanted in Zanzibar could by that means be easily obtained?—We thought that that would be so. 802. That would tend to remove the objection of the Sultan to the repression of the slave trade? —We thought it would supply the wann that would be felt in the event of the slave trade between the main land and the island being put a stop to. 803. You spoke of the Seychelles having as many slaves as they could accommodate now ; are not a large number of those who are captured children?—I have a difficulty in answering that question correctly. I do not speak from any per sonal experience on the coast, but I am inclined to think that on the East Coast of Africa the number of children captured in proportion to the adults is not so great as it used to be on the West Coast of Africa. I have the number of males and of females captured, and that is the only classification which the Returns at the.present time give. 804. The Seychelles would be a good place in which to dispose of the children, schools having been established there ?—It would, and I believe ' many children have been sent to the Seychelles. 805. Has your attention been called to the effect of the bounties ?—I have to report to the Treasury whether bounties are due and payable. 806. Have any difficult questions arisen as to whether bounties should be paid or not ?— The question was discussed before the Foreign Office Committee whether it was desirable to continue the system of bounties, or whether it would be better to give the officers and seamen rather larger pay when they were engaged in suppressing the slave trade. 807. Did you form any opinion upon that point?—We referred to that subject in our Re port, but I confess that I have formed no very strong opinion upon the point ; it seems to me that the advantages and disadvantages are pretty nearly equally balanced. It is very much the same question as arises with regard to prize in time of war; there have been always two opinions on the subject; one,of fliose who hold that higher pay should be given to those from whom addi tional services are required, and the other, of those who hold that it is better that the captors should have the benefit of any captures they might make, as they would thus have an incentive to greater exertions. 808. Is there any want of interpreters on the East Coast of Africa ?—We were informed that there was a great want of interpreters on the East Coast of Africa, and that they were very untrustworthy persons. 809. How can that evil be remedied, in your opinion ?—I cannot answer that from any per sonal knowledge ; I understand that there has been evidence given before you to the effect that there would be no difficulty whatever in supplying the want of good interpreters. We thought one means of doing it was by paying them more highly, and at the same time not allowing them to share in the bounties. 810. So as not to have an interest in misinter preting the evidence ?—Yes. 811. With respect to the recent instructions from the Admiralty, probably you had something to do with advising upon that matter?—Yes. 812. What has been the effect of those in structions ?—I think it has been to introduce more regularity into the captures than previously existed. 813. And to remove any ground of objection on the part either of the Arabs, or of the Sultan? —I think so. 814. Have they had any material effect in diminishing the number of captures of guilty dhows ?—That I can hardly say, for I do not know how many ships there are at the present time on the East Coast of Africa ; but certainly there have been fewer captures of late. 815. Have you learnt whether there is any difficulty in distinguishing a legal trader from a dhow ?—I have always understood that there is very little difficulty in distinguishing between them, except in the case of legal traders, who do sometimes take a few slaves on board. There is no distinction in appearance, I am told, between legal and illegal traders, but when a slaver has a cargo of slaves on board, there is no difficulty in distinguishing whether they are domestic slaves, or whether they are slaves carried for sale. 816. Have you been able to learn from any papers that have come before you, whether do mestic slaves are often taken to sea for sale ?— I should have thought not; I should have thought it exceptional ; the captain of the dhoW perhaps might, if he had a good offer for a slave, sell him, but I should have thought, generally, that the slaves he had on board would be so valu able to him, as hardly to make it worth his while to sell them. 817. If they are trained for mariners at all, they would be much more valuable on the ship than on the main land ?—Many of these dhows have perhaps half their crews composed of slaves, and, if they sold them, I should have thought a master would have great difficulty in navigating his dhow home again. 818. How do you know a domestic slave from a slave intended for exportation ?—1 have always understood that the slaves when they got to Zanzibar were well treated, that they became more civilised, and got into better condition ; whereas the slaves exported from Ivilwa, which is the chief port of exportation, are generally in a state of the greatest emaciation. 819. Are the two descriptions of slaves dif ferently guarded ?—I should have thought so. 820. Are the slaves for exportation in the hold ?—Yot always, I believe ; when they have only small cargoes of slaves that would not be necessary. 821. Can you give us any assistance in sug gesting means for the suppression of the slave trade?—No other suggestions occur to me than those which we made in the Foreign Office Committee Report. 822. From any information you have obtained subsequently, have you had reason to change your opinion at all ?—Not on any point. 823-4. With ox SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 61 823-4. With respect to the subsidy paid to the ^Qiaum of Muscat, have you any reason to sup pose that the Imaum of Muscat would consent to discontinuance of the payment to him of that "jOOO Z. ?—[ can give no information upon that point. 82o. Is the income of the Sultan of Zanzibar ®o large that that subsidy of 8,000 which he P^ys to the Imaum of Muscat, forms only a small P^’oportion of it?—The information we had be- Ofe us with respect to the income of the Sultan Zanzibar was, I think, of a very loose charac- we estimated the whole of his income, I oink, at about 80,000 1. 826. Did that include the receipts from slaves? , 827. Sir R. Anstrutlier.^ As to the children, ^^ve you any means of ascertaining what pro portion of the captured slaves are adults and ^kat proportion are children ?—No, not now ; ormerly the returns used to state the numbers 0i the men, women, and children,” now they ^Oly state the numbers of ‘‘ males ” and “ ie- ^ales.” 828. Since when was the column of children” discontinued ?—It used to be given in the Return the West Coast of Africa, but in the Re- jdrps from the East Coast it has not generally doen continued. . 829. Would it not be desirable, in your opi- to reinstate that column in the Return ?—I dink it would. The officers on the East Coast for the most part, not legal gentlemen, and d® Returns, therefore, are not quite so perfect as hey might otherwise lie. 830. To what officers do you refer ?—To the Superintendent at Aden, and the Consul at Zanzi- dr, who are not legal officers. 831. They have not been called on to specify ddw many children are captured?—No. 832. Mr. Shaw jLefevre.~\ The Admiralty in- ^ii’uctions issued in 1870 v/ere drawn up in con- ^dquence of reports made by you?—Yes. 833. Those reports being made upon repre- ^dtations by the Sultan of Zanzibar to our 'Government, I think ?—Certainly ; and also upon ^^presentations from the Consul at Zanzibar, Dr. and Mr. Churchill. 834. They had reference to the destruction of hows eno’aued in commerce, but which had es on board ?—Partly to that, and , engaged diRestic slav Partly to vessels that had been destroyed, which '^ore undoubtedly legitimate traders. ^835. Without any domestic slaves onboard ?— 'Without any domestic slaves on board. 1 ^36. Take the first case ; it had come to your ^owledge that a considerable number of dhows ^oi’e captured which had comparatively few do- ®stic slaves on board ?—Yes. 837. And you come to the opinion that such ^Ptures were quite illegal ?—Yes. ui 838^ And the Government were so advised by law officers also?—Yes. 839. In consequence of that, it became neces- to issue fresh regulations forbidding that PfacticeS-Yes. ^40. The Vice Consular Court has held such ^dPtures to be illegal ?—Yes. We had no idea ^t the officer commanding could have so mis apprehended his instructions. The instructions entiled, instructions for the suppression of the trade, and not of slavery. 0.116. 841. The instructions issued by the Admiralty were really for the purpose of carrying out the law ?—Yes. 842. And preventing this illegal course being- followed by our cruisers ?—That was the ob ject. 843. As to the destruction of vessels previous to condemnation, have several cases come to your knowledge where that had operated very harshly on native vessels ?—Many. There is one that occurs to me at the present moment; the “ Petrel” on her way south to the Cape of Good Hope, met with a valuable dhow, having 42 passengers and crew altogether on board, and a valuable cargo. She detained the dhow on the ground that there were six domestic slaves on board. The whole of the cargo was transferred to the “ Petrel,” the dhow was burnt, and the passengers were sent back to Zanzibar, together with those six alleged domestic slaves which were the ground of de stroying her; and having arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, the officer obtained her condemna tion there. That was one instance ; I have 13 or 14 others. 844. Instances of illegal capture of the same kind ?—Yes. 845. And causing great complaints on the part of the traders in Zanzibar?—Yes; and great terror. 846. And stopping the legitimate trade ?—Yes. 847. I presume it is to the increase of legiti mate trade that we may look, more than any thing else, for the suppression of the slave trade ? —I should have thought entirely. 848. There is a considerable legitimate trade growing up, is there not?—Yes; the accounts are that the East Coast of Africa might produce an enormous trade. 849. With reference to bounties for the destruc tion of vessels previous to condemnation, have you formed any opinion upon that point ?—My very strong opinion is, that where a dhow is destroyed at sea, the bounty of 1 /. 10 5. a ton ought not to be granted. Previous to my appoint ment to the office which I now hold, it had been the habit for a very great number of years to grant this bounty. I called the attention of the Treasury to the subject, and pointed out that under the terms of the several Act«, I did not think that the bounties were, strictly speaking, payable ; the Treasury, however, thought that after so long a usage they could hardly refuse the bounty, and in that opinion I concur. At the same time, I think it very desirable that an Act should be passed that the bounty of 1/. 10 5. a ton should not be granted, except where the vessel has been brought into port and there destroyed, or under other exceptional cir cumstances. 850. You think the practice of giving bounties for vessels destroyed on the alleged ground of unseav.orthiness before condemnatiqn, has led to a very loose practice of destroying vessels in order to prevent the question of their true character being raised ?—I may as well state to the Committee the history of this 11. 10 5. bounty. Formerly when the slave trade was carried on on the AYest Coast of Africa, the vessels engaged in it were very fast sailers and very valuable ; they were brought into port, and were there sold, and the slave traders competed with one another for the purchase, sometimes giving very extravagant H 3 prices Mr. H. C. Rothery. 24 July ¡871. 62 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. H. C. Rothery. 24 July 1871. prices for them ; the result was, that the same vessel was captured over and over again. I be lieve there are instances of the same vessel having been captured five and six times over. I should here state that the proceeds of the vessels were given to the captors, as well as the bounties upon the slaves captured in them. It was accordingly decided that the slave vessels should be broken up, but the naval officers then complained that this was depriving them of a great portion of their reward, and accordingly, as a compensation to them, it was ordered that, where a vessel was broken up and sold in separate pieces, a bounty of 1 /. 10 5. additional should be granted to the captors to make up to them for the loss sustained by the destruction of the vessels. That rule has been applied to the case of dhows captured on the East Coast of Africa, which are of very little value. 851. You think 1 Z. 10 s. a ton a very high compensation to pay in the case of those vessels ? —Certainly, in those cases. 852. Then the Admiralty regulations were, in fact, to put a stop to those two illegal practices, that is to say, to stop the condemnation of vessels having domestic slaves on board, and, if possible, to put a stop to the improper destruction of vessels previous to condemnation ?—Yes. 853. Where there is no real ground for sup posing that they are slavers?—Yes; I may mention another instance which led to the issue of those instructions ; one of our officers captured a vessel, and brought the slaves (the slaves being domestic slaves) to Zanzibar ; Dr. Kirk or Mr. Churchill said that the vessel was undoubtedly a legitimate trader, but that officer, notwith standing that the vessel was restored, carried off the slaves to the Seychelles. 854. Our Government has been compelled to pay heavy damages in respect of that and in respect of another vessel also improperly captured and destroyed ?—Yes. 855. In your opinion, is it exceedingly im portant that every protection should be given to honest trade there ?—I think it should be en couraged in every possible way. 856. And great care should be exercised with regard to the condemnation of slavers?—Yes, I think so. 857. Mr. Gilpinr\ You mentioned just now the case of the “ Petrel,” and the capture she made, and which, I think, was taken to the Cape of Good Hope ; do you recollect whether that prize was condemned?—Yes, it was con demned. 858. Then the capture itself was not illegal, was it ?—Yes, it was in my opinion illegal, but the dhow was condemned on an ex parte statement. 859. Who was the judge ?—The judge of the Vice Admiralty Court at the Cape of Good Hope ; a prima facie case was laid before the Court but on the evidence of the captors only. 860. By whom was the treaty made by which the Imaum of Muscat receives 8,000 /. or 9,000 /. a year ; I presume by the Indian Government ? —I believe so. 861. Mr. ShawLefevreJ] Do you think now that there is a Prize Court both at Aden and Zanzi bar there would be any difficulty in requiring that all vessels should be sent for condemnation to a Prize Court?—I am very strongly of opinion that vessels ought not to be destroyed except under very great emergencies, and that, in the event of their not being able to be taken to Zan* zibar, Aden, or Muscat, that they should be left in some port belonging to the Sultan of Zanzibar, under the charge of his officials, before being destroyed. 862. Mr. Kinnaird.l The port of Aden is not convenient for a Prize Court, is it ; has not it been found highly inconvenient ?—Highly incon venient in some cases, but not in all. Some vessels have been captured by Socotra, and then it is very convenient, if the wind is blowing in a particular direction, to run with them to Aden. 863. You stated, in answer to Mr. Lefevre, that you looked to the establishment of commerce entirely to put a stop to the slave trade ; you did not, I presume, intend to imply that the naval force was of no use ?—Most certainly not, 864. You meant in conjunction with the naval force ?—Yes. 865. You quite admit the great value of the squadron?—Yes, but for the ultimate extinction of the slave trade I look entirely to legal com merce. 866. Chairman.'\ The existence of the slave trade very much prevents the extension of legiti mate commerce ?—Yes ; the accounts by Dr. Livingstone are that the whole coast for a con siderable distance inland is almost utterly de populated, and that the area is increasing year by year. 867. Sir .7. Hay.'] I think I understood you to say, that except under very exceptional cases, where it was absolutely necessary, captured dhows should be brought to one of the Prize courts ?—I think it very desirable that they should be. 868. Looking to the strength of the monsoon, and to the considerable distance that they have to be towed, and the time it would occupy, is if your opinion that in general cases it is possible : to tow the captured dhows into port against the i monsoon ?—Possibly not ; but in such a case I should say that the dhow should be left in one of the ports in charge of the Sultan’s officers. 869. Then supposing that course were taken, ! and the captured dhow were to be taken to one [ of the ports, how would you propose that the : crew should be dealt with during their deten tion ?—I should leave the dhow in charge of the authorities at the particular port, and I should take the captain and two or three of the principal persons on board the dhow to the port of adjudi cation to obtain the condemnation. Then when the vessel was condemned, orders should be sent to have the vessel destroyed. 870. ChairmanJ\ What would you do with the slaves?—Just exactly as they are now disposed | of ; they are generally taken on board Het ' Majesty’s ships to the port of adjudication. 871. Sir J. Hay.'] Would not there be a diffi culty in carrying a considerable number of slaves on board one of Her Majesty’s ships?—Yes; I know there is a difficulty about that, but they do it now ; they do not leave the slaves behind them, but carry them to the port of adjudication, often very much to their inconvenience. 872. Supposing a captured dhow with a cer tain proportion of the crew were left in chargé of the Sultan of Zanzibar’s officers at a distant port, would not it be something like two seasons before the official condemnation could be oh- ; tiined?-^ 63 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). ained ?—I should have thought not ; supposing there were a delay, I do not know that there ^uld be any great inconvenience in that. I do ^9^ see the inconvenience ; if it is left in charge the Sultan’s officer, he would be responsible, the Sultan would punish him in the event ^is allowing any malpractice. ^,^3. Are there any ports on that coast in -^ich it would be convenient to treat captured aves in that way ?—I should have thought j^ere were several ports where they could be ®|t without much difficulty ; the dhows them- ^^ves do not require an important port, they are “'“like ships of war. .1 ^'4. Are you under the impression that Sultan of Zanzibar and his officers would ® ^villing to be responsible for the ships and ^.^goes ?—The recommendation of the Com- ^ttee was, that an arrangement should be en- - ^ LiAttL 0.11 01 AOlit^V/lllVyiAU LllVl K/\u V ^ted into with the Sultan to do that, and we had doubt whatever that the late Sultan would ^Ve done it; whether the present Sultan would ^^er into such an arrangement, I do not know. ^75. The coast over which these operations 1 extend, would be a length of 4,000 miles, ^^sides the Red Sea?—I have been told that; ® far as regards the export trade, the captures are principally made between Kilwa and Brava, and when they are captured beyond that, they are captured close to Socotra. 876. It has been stated in evidence before the Committee, that it would be necessary to inter cept slave dhows on the coast on which they landed the slaves, as well as the coast from which the slaves were exported ; in that case it would be something like 4,000 miles over which the operations would be extended i—You might say that, but you would not require to blockade every portion of that coast of 4,000 miles. 877. It would have to be left to the naval officer in command of the station to determine whether having regard to the strength of the monsoon and the power of Her Majesty’s ships, it would be advisable to take the dhows into any particular port ?—Yes, many have been captured in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar, and they have been destroyed at once ; where a vessel can readily be taken into a port we think that it should be done. There are circumstances in which it is impossible almost to do that, and then naturally the vessel would have to be destroyed ; it would be of course on the responsibility of the commanding officer. Mr. H. a Rotfiety. 24 July 1871. Sir William Coghlan, called in ; and Examined. (chairman.] What position have you held „ ^ich enables you to give the Committee any in- ^^'^ation with reference to the slave trade ?—I about nine years Political Resident and Com- ç^^^ant at Aden, and during that time I was g^H^yed as agent of the Viceroy of India to ^ Ge the question between the two sons of Syed the Sultan of Zanzibar, and the Sultan of 'f^scat. o ^79. You negotiated that treaty which led to ® payment of that subsidy ?—Yes. . 80. The Indian Government attached con^ importance to the prevention of hostili- that part of the world ?—Yes ; they were ^ding their ships against each other. g| Was your attention drawn to the liberated who were sent to Aden ?—I have myself ®6veral occasions liberated slaves. 82. Under what authority was that ?—I was Coq appointed the Judge of the Admiralty ^^^83. What was done with the slaves liberated ^j^^den ?—If they had been in any large number would have been a difficulty ; I found no lç^*^Glty because the numbers were few. I re- fj^^d the men, and let them take their chance as ^ labourers, and the women I apportioned the respectable families ; that would work on a large scale. 84. Was thfirp auv rli Was there any difficulty in finding em- for the men?—None whatever. In hqy I sent a number of children to Bom- several girls to one of the mission schools considerable expense incurred British Government connected with them? aqy ; I do not remember to have incurred Have you made a report to the Foreign to the Indian Government upon the trade?—Yes; I made a very 0 j j ï'eport upon the subject a long time ago ; it was as far back as the 1st of November 1860. 887. Have you had no further information upon the subject since that time ?—No ; I found that my figures were discredited, and I did not say anything more about it. 888. That report has never been published ? — Not to my knowledge. 889. Subsequent to 1860 you say you have received no fresh information on the subject of slave trade ?—No, I have had nothing to do with the slave trade since. In 1863 I was at Aden, and some representations were made to me by the merchants at that place, but I have made no report since 1860. 890. You have no doubt as to the correctness of what you state in your report?—No; it was prepared under great advantages. I had very able assistance in preparing it. I had also the assistance of General Rigby, who was at that time the consul at Zanzibar, and I had personal access to both the Sultans. I was at Muscat, where I saw Sultan Thowaynee, and discussed the slave question with him. 891. Mr. P, Wytidham.'] You negotiated the settlement of the difficulty between Muscat and Zanzibar ?—Yes. 892. What is your view of the subsidy; do you regard it as an award to the Sovereign of Muscat individually?—No; I regard it as a dynastic arrangement. 893. Do you think we could with propriety withdraw from our position with respect to that subsidy ?—I think not. I think the only oppor tunity we ever had of withdrawing from it was missed. That was when the young man Sultan Salim killed his father ; that would have been a fair opportunity to have freed Zanzibar from the subsidy, because the Sultan represented that it was a hard case that he should pay it to his nephew, a parricide, who had murdered his (the Sultan’s) brother. G 4 894. Supposing Sir fV. Coghlan. 64 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Sir ly, Coghlan. <24 July 1871. 894. Supposing its reconsideration came before the Imperial or the Indian Government, do you think it should be decided on its own merits or mixed up with the slave question?—On its own merits, I think ; though I was reporting on the slave traffic, my principal business was the ad justment of affairs between the two Sultans. The slave traffic was merely a matter thrown .in. 895. Mr. Kinnaird!\ It was not for want of representation, I think, from the Indian Govern ment that that opportunity was missed ; it was the Home Government who neglected the oppor tunity ?—I understand (in fact, some papers were sent to me on the subject) that the Governor General decided that it must be paid. 896. His view being that it was a dynastic arrangement ?—Yes. 897. When you returned to Aden, in 1863, three years subsequent to your report, did any additional evidence come before you at all to alter your report?—Nothing at all: in fact, the only way in which the question of the slave trade was mentioned to me on that occasion was by a complaint from some of the native merchants, who said that their traffic was interfered with by the cruisers ; they did not complain of the opera tion of the law ; they did not complain of vessels being interfered with which really carried slaves; but they said, in some cases, vessels which car ried no slaves were condemned, and with them all evidence of their character ; therefore, they said we are afraid to send our ships to sea. 898. Do you believe, from your residence in the East, that a very large legitimate trade would grow up, if the slave trade was put down?—I have no doubt that there would be a large de velopment of trade on that coast. 899. Have you any suggestions apart from your report to make, as to the best mode of sup pressing the slave trade ?—Obviously the first would be to get the Sultan of Zanzibar to cancel the treaty by which he is allowed to carry slaves within his own dominions. 900. If he agreed only to have one port of export, which could be watched, would not that greatly facilitate the suppression of the trade ?—It would be still better to have none ; Sultan Majid, the one who died a few months ago, agreed with me that it should be so; he said, I will do anything you please, only I request you to remember that this forms a sixth part of my revenue. 901. If our Government undertook to free him from that liability to pay 8,000 Z. a year, would he agree to the treaty being altered, and abolish the slave trade?—I should, think he would for less than that ; he said to me that this formed one-sixth part of his revenue; say that 19,000 slaves were imported into Zanzibar ; upon that 19,000 he got two dollars a head, that is 38,000 dollars, that would be 7,000 Z. or 8,000 Z. 902. Would that, in your opinion, be a very good mode of stopping the slave trade ?—I think so ; General Eigby is a better authority upon that subject than I am. 903. Would not the relieving him from the payment of the amount of the subsidy be much cheaper than keejiing a large squadron on the coast ?—Yes. 904. Mr. ./. Talhot.~\ Would it prevent the necessity of keeping a squadron on the coast?— Perhaps not altogether, because people would be found to break the law ; in fact, Europeans would do it. One of the greatest slave trafficker^ of my day was a Spaniard ; I saw his vessel cap' tured with^860 slaves on board. 905. Mr. Crum-Ewing.~\ Where was he taking them to ?—I saw the vessel just after she wa= captured at the Mauritius. 906. Were they taking them to Cuba?—Yes. 907. Mr. Kitinaird.l What date was that?— About August or September I860; she was ^ large ship, captured by the Brisk.” 908. Have you any reason to believe that ther® is even now a trade in slaves from the East Coasl of Africa to Cuba ?—I have no means of forming an opinion upon that. 909. Sir J. Hay.~\ Is not the great difficult) in stopping the slave trade there more than any other place ; the difficulty in distinguishing between domestic slaves and slaves intended fot sale in foreign ports ?—That would be a difficult)' to naval officers, but during the time that I w»’ at Aden there was no difficulty of that sort! almost all the country craft that came into tb^ harbour were navigated by slaves ; we nevot thought of interfering with them ; but if a vessel had come in with slaves for sale, we should nt once have seized her, 910. Mr. Crum~EwÙ7g.'\ You are of opinio^ that we cannot terminate the subsidy now paid to the Imaum of Muscat ?—I think not 911. Is there no termination to it at all?-" When I made the award, I looked to a perio«^ when the two Governments would fall into onO hand as before, under the father; that was alwa)'^ looked to as a possible contingency. That, oí course, would have smoothed the difficulty oí once. 912. Mr. jP. TVynd]iam.~\ Do you think thoi the Sultan of Zanzibar is likely now to be satis' tied with the same sum that you think wouD have satisfied him previously as a compensatio^ for giving up the slave trade ?—I think so. ^ found him tractable. 913. You have no reason to believe that tb^ trade is more valuable to him now ?—No. 914. Mr. Crum-Eicirg.~\ The Imaum of MuS' cat would look to the Sultan of Zanzibar in tb^ first instance for the payment of his subsidy?-^ Yes; there is no longer an Imaum of Muscat! he is the Sultan of Muscat ; of course he wouD look to his brother, but it is morally guarantee*^ j by the British Government. 915. Mr. Kennaway.'] Did the Sultan of ZaH' zibar, in any conversation he had with you with reference to the slave trade, contemplate the po5' ' sibility of its being put down ?—Yes, I put tb^ : question to him, and you will find a reference it in my report. 916. Did he see any difficulty in its being pn^ down ?—No ; he said I will do whatever yo^l please, only give me your support, by which 0* course I understood he meant money. 917. Chairman.'] Not merely moral support- ' —No ; I quite understood he meant by that, that ' he wanted to be indemnified. 918. Mr. Kennaioay.] Would he have be^^ satisfied with a few old arms ?—No, he had pleut) of them. 919. Chairman.] Ig there anything you w'isb to add to the evidence you have given ?—I lua/ mention that, so far as the native chiefs withi*^ t the Gulf of Aden are concerned, I made a treat/ with, I think, every one of them ; I visited evef) ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OE AFRICA). 65 port on both skies of the Gulf of Aden, and I ^oink I failed only in one ; that was at Tajura ; I '' as politely received, but the governor intimated me that the Sultan of Constantinople was his master. 920. Did those treaties give us authority to seize ships having slaves on board ?—Yes; those treaties are all printed (see pp. 184-186 in No. XLIX,, New Series, Bombay Government Records, 1859). Rev. HORACE Waller, called in ; and Examined. 921. C/mirman.] I believe '^^Orgyman in England ?—I am_ you are now a 922. Have you been on the East Coast of p^h'ica ?—I joined the Universities’ Mission to ^Gntral Africa at the end of the year 1860, and I there till the year 1864, when I returned to ‘'is country and took Holy orders. 923. In what })art of Africa tvere you ?—On i'e River Zambezi and in the neighbourhood of ^^ke Shirwa. I 924. You remained there for four years ?— “ that part very nearly three years. 925. What distance were you from Zanzibar ? A verv considerable distance to the southward ofk. ^ . 926. Towards Nyassa?—To the south of Lake ^yassa, within 100 miles of Lake Nyassa, in the part of the country from which slaves were prin cipally collected to be sent down to the coast, and also down the River Zambezi into the Portuguese ^minions. 927. Were there very large exports of slaves ‘oin that part of the country?—At that time the Imports were very large, perhaps they had never ^Gn so large before in that part of Africa. The '''Pole of the country to the north of the Zambezi ''as for the first time invaded by sla^e traders, )mo took advantage of Dr. Livingstone’s pre- '.‘Ous explorations, using his good name and fair ^atne amongst the natives, and saying that they were 'Pe same sort of white people that they had pre- Uously seen ; and in that way the natives allowed .^oin to come into their country. Before that ‘me no Portuguese had ever been into that part the country. I may state that the slave trade I'^t Was opened out there was of two descriptions, the first place, the Kaffir tribes to the south the) River Zambezi had been fighting for a ^y^at number of years amongst themselves. No .“'es are taken from the Kaffir tribes for the I “Vc trade which we ha's e under consideration, ‘tit owing to the hardships of warfare nearly all the 'pmen and children had disappeared from those l^tPes, and the Kaffirs were most anxious to replen- .?P “nd strengthen the tribes, and therefore they told jke Portuguese that they no longer wanted mus- ^cts which burst, and with which they were very 'tteP cheated, but they would prefer to have ^^men and children sent to them. The Portu- ^“ese thereupon collected all the women and ^ ‘Idren they could in the highlands bordering .^P® River Shire, and sent them down to Tette, p.“ch is the principal Portuguese port on the iVer Zambezi, whence they were sent to the J^“fiir tribes in the interior of the country, and ^j'Ped away for ivory and gold dust. Then Smn there was at that time another very large of slaves to the mouth of the River Zam- ^ Quillimane, another of the Portuguese ^l^'^leuients. The French engagées system was C“ ill full force, and a large export of slaves going on from Quillimane. Besides those Was also a trade carried on to the north by the slaves for which trade were taken P-116. from this jiart of (he country to Kilwa to be ex ported to Zanzibar, and they were also taken in very large numbers to Mozambique, w hence they were exported to the Comoro Islands and to Madagascar, and some of them to Réunion. 928. Sir J. Hay.l Slaves of all sexes ?—Of all sexes. 929. ièir li. Aiisti'utherr\ And of all ages ?—In a gang of 84 slaves that Dr. Livingstone and two or three of us liberated, there may have been seven women of 21 years of age ; there may have been 10 men of 19 years of age, and the rest were boys and girls of from 17 dnwn to six or seven. I must explain that for those Kaffirs the Portuguese collected women and children only; it w as useless sending them young men of 18 or 20 ; the Kaffirs wished for women and children only. The slaves collected for the French én- gagées system would be principally of the age of 18 to 25, because they could be put on the plan tations at once, but in all slave gangs by far the largest proportion consists of children. The slave dealers prefer children because they are not so troublesome to drive, they are much easier caught if they attempt to escape, and they very soon settle down in their occupations, and they do not pine as slaves of greater age would. 930. Cltairman.^ When you say children wdiat age do you mean?—From seven years of age upwards; you will find in every slave gang a great many children of seven to 10 years of age ; they are, perhaps, the most valuable slaves that can be captured. 931. Sir R. Anstrutherr\ Can you form any idea of the proportion of children that have been exported lately ?—I know from letters which I have received from Dr. Livingstone, and which I would have brought had I known I was going to be examined to-day, that the same de vastation is going on up to the latest dates ; he has been through an immense tract of country w hich is now entirely depopulated ; on all sides there are signs of this slave trade having swept aw ay the whole of the population. 932. Chairmaji.'] Where is that?—The country between the East of Lake Nyassa and the coast. 933. How far is Nyassa from the coast?—I should say 300 or 350 miles. 934. Do you mean that all the country, from the coast to Lake Nyassa, is depopulated ?—It is depopulated to within a short distance of Lake Nyassa. 935. You referred just now to slaves collected for the purpose of being employed on the French engagées system ; that has entirely ceased now, has not it?—The French engagées system has entirely ceased, but it was so profitable a trade that the Portuguese on the River Zambezi sold oft nearly all the slaves they had on their farms to supply it, and therefore during the latter part of the time that I was in the country they were getting fresh slaves down for the cultivation of their farms ; and the whole of the country in w hich w e were was depopulated for their trade. I 936. That Sir W, Coghlan. 24 July 1871. Rev. H. Waller. 66 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rct. H. Waller. 24 July 1871- &36. That was not for export?—Not for export at that time, but ii the opportunity offered they would have exported those slaves. 937. If they could have got for them such a price as would have compensated them for the loss of their labour on their estates ?—Yes. 938. Our attention is rather directed to that portion of the trade which you have described as being carried on by the Northern Arabs ?—If you will allow me I should very much like to avail myself of the opportunity of describing the cruelties I have seen connected with the collecting of the slaves. I think I am not asking too much to be allowed to state this, because I know that many of the slaves taken from the part of the country we were in find their way to Mozambique, and that many of them find their way to Zanzibar. Dr. Livingstone recognised slaves at Zanzibar that had been brought from that part of the country, and I have recognised at Mozambique some who had recently been taken from the highlands, and indeed the slaves themselves told us where they had seen us, so that we could at once identify them as having been drawn from the country we had been in. I think that attention should be prominently called to the condition of those un fortunate people in their transit from the interior, because, though I can quite see that one’s mouth is rather closed as to the status of a slave when he gets to an Arab master, that has nothing to do with the sufferings connected with his capture. It is true that a slave is well treated by his Arab master ; as has been well observed, a man will not illtreat his slave so as to hurt him, any more than he w ill his horse, but life is so cheap in the interior of the country that this rule does not hold good at all, as far as regards what takes place before the slave is finally sold. When I first went there in 1861 (and the state of things was even worse when I left in 1864), the ordi- nary price of a slave was two yards of calico ; that is to say, for a boy 10 years of age : a woman would fetch something more if she was likely to be sold to the Kaffirs, or if she was likely to go on to one of the Portuguese farms, or to go to any of the Portuguese in Mozam bique ; she might have fetched eight yards of calico ; but the price varied very much. The process of catching the slaves is this : the slave dealer goes into the country with so many mus kets, and so many pieces of calico, and he finds out the most powerful chief, and he gives him spirits and keeps him in a state of semi-drunkenness the whole time, and tells him he must have more slaves ; he gives him muskets and powder on account, and the man immediately finds out an opportunity to settle some old outstanding quar rel with some other chief, and therefore a war breaks out. As soon as war breaks out, favour able conditions are created for the carrying on of the slave trade, because famine is sure to fol low in a country where the people are dependent on one w^et season for tilling the ground, for it is only during the wet season that corn can be sown. Then a chief without food and without the means of buying food, will sell off his people very cheaply indeed. Captures are made in war. Kidnapping is prevalent all over the country ; which leads again to all sorts of petty disputes and retaliation, and the more disturbed the country is, the cheaper slaves become ; so cheap do they at last become, that I have known children of tiie age of from eight to 10 years bought for j less corn than would go into one of our hats, i and you may easily imagine where they are i bought so cheaply, and where they fetch so large , a price on the coast, it pays the slave dealer very ■ well to collect as many as he can, knowing that , he must lose a certain proportion on the way, but ; also knowing that the remnant he saves will pay ‘ him a very large profit. It is like sending up for a large block of ice to London in the hot weather ; : you know that a certain amount will melt away before it reaches you in the country as it travels down; but that which remains will be quite suffi' | cient for your wants. 939. Chairman?^ Can you give us any idea of the comparative price of a slave on the coast, and in the interior where they are bought ?—I ' ascertained the price of slaves at Mozambique, and I found they were worth there about eight dollars, the same slaves having been bought in i the interior for a few yards of calico. I 940. Sir R. Ansirutker?^ What is the propor- ; tion of waste of life m the transit ? —It is very , difficult to say what is the waste of life in the transit without having travelled with a slave caravan the whole way. Sickness may break out; they may cross a part of the country where there is verj little food, and then many die of famine. Then, again, if there is anything like insubordination in the slave gang, the axe and knife are used very freely indeed, and an indis- i criminate slaughter takes place amongst all those i who are strong enough to be at all obstreperous, i We liberated a gang of 84 slaves one morning, : and within a few miles of the place where we ; liberated them we were shown places in the bush ; where slaves had been killed only that morning ; j one poor woman had a child on her back which | she had recently given birth to, and which she | was too weak to carry further, and the slave j dealer took it by the heels and dashed its brains ! against a tree ; another woman was ill herselfj I and could not keep in the line, and the slave dealer dashed her brains out with the axe, and she was cut out of the slave thong. They are | all united in a long string, the men being yoked I in heavy forked sticks, which are kept on theit ¡ necks from the time they are captured till the time they are delivered to the slave shipper, some times for six weeks and sometimes even three months at a time. 941. Chairman.'] What is the time generally occupied in the transit to the coast ?—It varies ; the slave gang is made up as the dealers travel about ; they do not collect all the slaves at one place and go straight to the coast, the slaves are marched to and fro in the country, to a chief here ; and to another there, wherever the dealers hear that slaves are to be sold, and then they are all ' eventually taken to the coast. The travelling is very slow ; I should say it is no uncommon thing for a slave gang to be some three months from the time it is first formed to the time it reaches the coast. The loss of life is very terrible indeed, owing to the hardships of the transit, and owing to the brutality of the drivers. 942. Dr. Livingstone, in one of his letters, ; estimates that about one-fifth reach the coast ’■> ! do you think that that would be a fair average ^ ¡ I should say that one-fifth do reach the coast, | perhaps more ; but I would also state this, that | the Doctor believes that for every slave that comes to the coast perhaps 10 lives are lost in th^ interior. 67 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Interior, and I would have that distinctly borne ^n mind ; that is in y own opinion and the opinion niany others who have the best means of of ^’^rining a judgment on the matter 943. That is to say, taking into account the n^es lost in warfare ?—Taking into account the hves lost in warfare, and in the famine that suc- ^^Gds, and those that are lost from the disease ^Idch always accompanies famine there ; I never Saw cholera break out, but I have seen a species dysentery sweep off whole villages at a bine. y 944. Brought about by want of proper food?— .^Gs, and the want of proper food has originated the disturbed state of the country ; drought '"'ill very often prevail for a long time in the Country, which, of course, aggravates the state things very much ; the yassa or Mahganja fribe are very timid, and they suffer exceed ingly. 945. Dr. Livingstone mentions one part of the Country which at one time he found well culti- ^^ted, and where a great quantity of cotton was gïown, and which on a subsequent visit he found ^htirely depopulated ?—Yes, that is the country am speaking of in which so great a change took place. Many of the Doctor’s statements have been discredited, but he is not a man to exaggerate in nny respect ; I know that contrary opinions about country have been stated, and it has been bjnted that he has coloured things rather too i^Jighly, but when I was there I had opportunities Seeing the remains of villages in all directions, Pc population of which had been entirely swept ^Way ; I have seen as many as three villages .lining in one morning within two hours, and I l^ave seen hundreds of captives carried a,way from ^hose villages. 946. The villages are set on fire, and, in the ^cnfuslon, the men, women, and children are ^^Ptured?—Yes. 947. M ithin what time did that change take P^ace from its being a flourishing cotton-growing ^cuutry to its being depopulated ?—In about two years. j .948. Do you remember in what year Dr. bivingstone saw it in its flourishing condition ?— fhink the Doctor came home to England and ^presented the flourishing state of affairs in 1859, We found the altered state of things in 1861 ; . inhabitants of that district were a very indus- ^^cus and intelligent race ; they had an immense ^^antity of iron all through the country ; coal was found there, and gold ; and copper taken away to the coast in the form of '"alachite. have been swept away ?—Entirely cpt away. I may say that the country was ^ftierly so thickly populated that you might b’aveiled for 70 or 80 miles, and have come a village at every two miles ; in many places Would have found a village at every half L ^ It is thoroughly well watered, and it is qJdly necessary in any case to take any precau- po^ water. Another proof of the great ^ Pulation in the hill country is this : that there game to be found at all, with the excep- y cf a few guinea fowl Sir R. AnstrutherS\ The consequence of ® depopulation is that all this land is lying ^—The Doctor, in one of his last letters to speaks of having to cross a tract of 120 miles Q they found not a human being of any kind. All this land that I am speaking of is perfectly swept of its inhabitants, and I have no hesitation in saying that every bit of this damage and misery has been caused by the slave trade. 951. ChairmanP\ Where are the slaves ob tained from now ?—The slaves are now brought from great distances in the interior. The belt of country between the Lakes and the East Coast is denuded of its inhabitants, and, therefore, they have to be brought from the west side of Lake Nyassa ; they are transferred across the lake in Arab dhows ; there are settlements of Arabs on both sides of the lake, and the Doctor in his travels has given very accurate accounts of the slave trade crossing the lake. 952. To what power are those Arabs subject ? —They are not subject to any one ; they are perfectly lawless; they have no master at all; the greater part of the slaves that go to Zanzibar now are brought from the vicinity of that lake, the great proportion of them from the west side of the lake, simply because the rest of the coun try is depopulated. 953. Of course the further the slave dealers haA e to go inland for the slaves, the greater the waste of life ?— The cheaper they are to buy, and the greater the loss of life there is in bringing them down to the coast. 954. You do not know anything as to what is going on now, I presume, except from the letters of Dr. Livingstone ?—I am in constant corre spondence with Dr. Kirk ; and I may state that Mr. Young, who went up to search for Dr. Livingstone in 1867, went through the greater part of the country I am speaking of, as far as the middle of Lake Nyassa, and according to his account the same state of things was going on at that time. I have since heard from more recent accounts that it is still going on, and, in fact, it must go on as long as slaves are exported from the East Coast. 955. Sir J. Hay.^ Are those slave dealers of whom you are speaking Portuguese subjects, or Arabs?—Most of them are Portuguese subjects ; some of them are Arabs. 956. Have the Portuguese Government no means of restraining them ?—I speak of things as they were ; I can only say that the Portuguese who were sent out there, were sent out to shift for themselves ; the Home Government did not wish to hear anything more of them, and the slave trade was never interfered with in any way except on paper. 957. Mr. J. Talbot,'I Did you accompany Dr. Livingstone on any j)art of his travels ?—Not as one of his expedition, I went out with Bishop Mackenzie, but I was with Dr. Livingstone, off and on, for nearly four years ; I joined him be cause we wished to save the lives of a great many of those poor meg and children who had been liberated by us, and the Doctor and myself were working together for that purpose for some time; eventually he sent me down to the Cape with them, and a great many of them are there at the present time. 958. Chairma7i.'] Have you any suggestion to offer to the Committee with the view of suppres sing the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa? —Having listened with much interest to the evidence which has been given here, I should like to suggest that which seems to me to be one very good plan, and which I think might be adopted. The suggestion has been made that vice consuls I 2 should Rev. H. Waller, 24 July 1871. 68 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. H. Waller. 24 July 1871. should he placed at different parts of the coast to watch the slave trade, and to aid the fleet, as they certainly would be able to do in a most valuable way. General Rigby thinks that it would be difficult to get men to undertake that office, on account of the unhealthiness of the coast, but I think that difficulty might be removed in a measure, by having what I have heard called a Floating-consul that is a consul who should have a yacht at his command, and who should ply between, say, Zanzibar and Madagascar ; he might spend some part of his time at Kilwa, and some part of his time in Mozambique harbour ; he might cross to Johanna, where a large slave trade is going on, and he might cruise along the coast of Madagascar if need be, though, perhaps that would be too large a field. At all events, I think the danger to a man’s life would be obviated by his being able to move about. To put a man in a very unhealthy place is not only likely to kill him in a short time, but it makes him non-efficient very quickly indeed. The result of two or three attacks of fever is very serious ; if the man is not moved away, he, in some cases, becomes morbid in his ideas, and, in other cases, he becomes exceedingly nervous. In some cases I have known men become really demented as long as they have been within the reach of the malaria that has made them ill. It is necessary, in that country, to be moving about. You may undergo any hardships as long as you move about, and are in active employ ment; but once be stationary in an unhealthy place (and there is no place so unhealtliy as a small Arab town), and your life is very much hazarded. I would add thaf I think there are also other advantages in such a plan. I think the slave dealers would then never know where to expect this officer ; he would be master of his own actions and movements much better than he would if he had to be dependent on calling upon a man-of-war to take him from one place to another. I do not think the expense of such a sei vice would be very great; it would be a popular service, and many men would be found who would enter heart and soul into it. 959. Do not you think the same service could be performed by one of the fleet cruising about in the same way from poVt to port?—I think not so well, because I attach importance to the vice- consul being enabled to reside on shoie for a short time, by which means he would be able to obtain information which he otherwise could not obtain. The floating-consul might go to any of those ports, and remain a short time at them ; and then, without the necessity of asking any one’s leave, he might weigh anchor the next morning, and communicate with any of the fleet. 960. Have you any other suggestion to make with a view to putting a stop to this slave trade ? — I will simply add this ; I have seen a good deal of the Arabs in the Comoro Islands, and other places, and I should certainly advise that we should deal with them with a strong hand in pre ference to any dallying wdth them ; I would put the utmost pressure upon the Sultan of Zanzibar at once ; I should show him that though we might be taking away from him shillings by stopping his slave trade, yet that the vast increase in the legitimate trade that there must be in the course of a few years would be putting back pounds into his pocket. He is now a beggar set upon horseback ; he is a man of enormous income ; and from what General Rigby has said, he is a man with whom I think strong action would have more effect than any paper w'arfare in the way of treaties, and so forth. 961. You have probably seen a great deal to enable you to form an opinion as to what would be the increase of commercial intercourse if the slave trade w ere abolished ?—I know most of the merchants connected with the trade on the East Coast, and I get letters constantly from Dr. Kirk at Zanzibar ; I also know Dr. Steere, who has resided there some time, and Mr. Alington who was there ; I knew Mr. Thornton who was with Baron Von Der Decken ; and I have indirectly had very many opportunities of knowing how the trade of Zanzibar is increasing daily. 962. Do you think that the merchants resident there are anxious to have the slave trade put a stop to?—I think they are certainly. When the northern Arabs come down with the monsoon to carry away the slaves to Arabia and the Persian Gulf, there is no security for the life of Europeans in Zanzibar, and if a better state of things were established, if safety could bo ensured, I am sure they would all be very glad. I cannot conceive that Europeans could have twm opinions about it. 963. They are not themselves at all connected w ith the slave trade, are they ?—Kot at present. I cannot say that such was the case a few years ago. I know that a great commotion existed at Zanzibar, and also in the Comoro Islands, from the fact that Englishmen were very large em ployers of slave labour, but that has been put a stop to by the Foreign Office. 964. \ ou think now there is a very general feeling among the merchants there that their interests .would be promoted by the suppression of the slave trade ?—I am sorry I cannot back my opinion by evidence upon that point, but there are gentlemen in this country (one gentle man especially whose house is connected with Zanzibar, a member of the firm of Wiseman and ' Company, one of the leading merchants there) who, I am sure, could offer you better information on the subject than I can. 965. Mr. Crum-EwingCaptain Fraser had a large number of slaves, had he not?—Yes; the fact of Captain Fraser employing slaves led to everlasting murmuring on the part of the natives. One morning they wmuld see us burning the dhows which were engaged in the slave trade, and the next morning they would see an English man working factories and plantations with those slaves safely landed ; it was a question which puzzled far more acute people than they were. The same thing existed at the Comoro Islands ; it was a mere sham and delusion; the poor slaves ! were hired in gangs from their Arab master; tliR j Arab master was called in by the English em ployer, who, merely as a matter of form, said Now mind all these people are to be free • labourers on my plantation. I will hand over their wages to you. But, of course, they were not handed over. It was encouraging the slave trade. | 966. Sir R. A7istriither.~\ As far as the slaves were concerned, they were as much slaves after the transaction as before ? Yes. 967. Mr. Crum- Ewing.After they were manumitted, did not they remain with Colonel Fraser of their own accord?—I am not sure about that; I know at the time it was a oreat scandal. ^ 968. Sit ox SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 69 y 968. Sir J. Hay.'] That was in the island of ^^Qzibar ?—Yes. 1 969. Mr. Crum-Ewing.] Does Wiseman’s trade witli the interior of Africa?—I am aware, but I know that a ship has just come T^^Oie direct from Zanzibar for them ; the chief ^fade between Zanzibar and Europe comes arougli a Hamburg house. 1 970. Sir R. AustrutUer.] independently of ^•ïiane considerations, are not you of opinion ^^at commercially it would be well worth our ^^ile to make an outlay for the purpose of sup- Dessing the slave trade, and putting a stop to depopulation of large tracts of country which How going on ?—I cannot speak too strongly that [loint ; a great part of the East Coast Africa is useless for any purposes of commerce ^.Present. Of export you may say there is no- except a few hides from the northern part, ''Vhere the Somalis are in power, slaves, ivory, and ? little gold dust ; nothing else comes from the ^^lerior. I have no doubt were the slave trade ^^"^pped a very large trade with Europe might ®Mng up at Zanzibar, because the produce from eastern part of Africa must inevitably come ^'H'ougb Zanzibar. Zanzibar would become a ^Gcond Singapore or Kurrachee for that part of World, more especially now the Suez Canal opened ; and, I think, it should be our policy ^11 considerations to try and get a stop put to horrible loss of life ; commercially it would A of the greatest importance to us. According 7 the accounts of the recent discoveries of Dr. hivingstone and others, we have in the interior of ^^t part of Africa a country equal in resources to part of India, and I believe more healthy as ? ^Hle ; the sea-board and the rivers are unhealthy, .^t when you get some distance from the coast you to a lovely table land, and it is a country ^hich, from what I saw, and from what I know other men who have travelled there, is Acourf in beauty to hardly any in the world, and , is also a most productive country. Iron ^^Ounds in all directions ; in fact the Portuguese all their iron from there. Coal is to be found ; ^ad f have seen myself in large quantities, and ^^tton can be grown to any extent. I have Very large quantities of cotton there. 971. In fact, apart from all humane considera- ^•^Hs, you think it would be for our interest to an outlay for the suppression of this trade? ^les; but independently of our interest I think Englishmen, as a people so blessed as we are, M as a people who profess to put down the trade in different parts of the world, our ^^Gpiost duty is to stop this frightful loss of life, ^^ficularly when we consider that there are only Q ®W treaties which have never been abided by in Way. The plainer we make things for the the better; hitherto there has been a vast ^Hnt of confusion ; they do not know* what we and I candidly confess that such transac- as those I spoke of, in which Englishmen had to do with the slave trade, give them q to complain of us, and give rise to compli - j I ^Hs. I have seen a French ship lying at the of Johanna, crammed with slaves, with Qf 9 of our men-of-wmr within a cable’s length an 1 the poor creatures jumping overboard swimming to us to protect them ; and the would say to us, there is a Frenchman full of slaves, if it was one of our ships you burn her directly ; why do not you go and ^•116. take her? All these things lead to complications. Rev. and the sooner they are simplified by action pur II. Waller, et simple the better. ” TT 972. Mr. Gilpin.] Have you yourself seen the dhows going dow n the river laden with slaves ?— ^ D * Not dhows, but canoes. I have seen 20 or more in a day, laden w ith slaves, going down the River Shire into the Portuguese dominions. 973. Sir R. Avstruther.] When wms that ?— In 1864. 974. As to the healthiness of the coast, does not it depend principally upon the habits of the European settlers there ; would not a man who was tolerably sober and correct in his habits have a better chance of keeping himself in health than a man of Intemperate habits ?—It used to be said on the West Coast that a stock of tombstones should be kept at Sierra Leone for the use of those that died there, and that one sentence w ould describe all their deaths,‘‘brandy and water.” That really has a good deal to do with it, but I must state this, that a man who lives in an un healthy place very soon becomes demoralised in mind and body, and he is very likely to take to an unwholesome way of living. I think it would not be safe for a man to stay there long ; but, in connection with your question, I should like to state from information I have received from Dr. Kirk recently, that he is decidedly of opinion that a station might be found on the mainland near to Zanzibar, wdiere Europeans could live in perfect health, and where, if it were necessary, liberated slaves could be sent to be kept under safe supervision. 975. Chairman.] What place is that?—Near to Dar Seelam ; Dr. Steere will be before you to-morrow, and he will be able to give you more information upon that subject than I can. 976. Mr. Gilpin.] To what extent were British subjects and British protected subjects in the habit of holding slaves when you were in Zanzibar ?—I was not in Zanzibar, and I am not able to answer that question. 977. You have probably not seen that paper with reference to British protected subjects (handing to the Witness the Draft Report of the Foreign Office Committee, vide Appendix)!:—I know that the question of the status of British protected subjects at Zanzibar is a very vital question ; they are now, owing to our very lax treatment of the question, throwing off their allegiance to the British Government in order that they may claim that of the Arabs, and so engage in the slave trade and be slaveholders. 978. Mr. J. Talhot.] With regard to the de populated country between the coast and Lake Nyassa, which you say is like a desert, you think it could be again made very productive ?—Of course it must take some time for the remnants of those tribes which have been driven north, south, east, and west to come back to their old country. 979. Do you think that there is still pojnila- tion sufficient in that part of Africa to re-inhabit that country and to re-cultivate it?—Without doubt there is population sufficient in the neigh bourhood of the lakes ; I may state this, as a peculiar feature of the depopulation going on in that part of the country, that when destruction and disturbance come, the natives are obliged t:o make for either a lake or a river, because, as I have stated, no corn can be sown except during the wet season in the highlands ; but I 3 there Rev. H. Waller. 24 July iSjl.” MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE there is always a certain amount of swamp land available in the neighbourhood of lakes and rivers, in which corn can be grown at all times of the year. When we were in the highlands, in 1863 and 1864, in the neighbourhood of the Shire, all the population which was not swept off accumulated at the river ; and it was a very frightful state of things there, because the people flocked to the river, perfectly famished and per fectly mad with hunger, and they risked their lives for the sake of a few heads of corn. The river all day long was carrying down the dead bodies of those who had been fighting amono-st themselves, like starving dogs quarrelling over a bone. The postulation is very dense indeed on Lake Nyassa at present. 980. Some of that pojtulation would, in the course of time, sjtread over the dejtopulated dis trict ?—Yes, if there was anything like peace. 981. Mr. FowlerIs not the water on the coast very dangerous to drink ?—I do not believe it has the effect attributed to it ; I have drunk the vilest water possible, and yet remained in most perfect health ; if a man in bad health drinks bad water, or bad beer, or anything else, it may kill him ; I do not believe as some people do, that a draught of bad water will be sure to bring on fever or dysentry. 982. ^ Sir R. Anstruther^ With regard to the probability of the depopulated district becoming again inhabited, the fertility of the soil, and the salubrity of the climate, which induced peojile to go there, and cultivate the soil in time past, would operate as inducements to people to go there again, would they not?—Yes; this part of the country is full of little streams ; in fact, it was some time before I knew what the native word for thirst was, though you may hear the word for hunger from morning to night. I neve^ saw a better watered country in my life (when you get on the low lands, in fact, you have too much Avater), and where you have water, you are sure to have plenty of cultivation. We hear of African deserts, but that term only applies to the extreme South and the extreme North of Africa; there is not an approach to a desert in the interior at all, it is a very fertile country throuo-hout. 983. Mr. Kinnaird.'\ You referred just now to the suggestion that a European settlement might be established at some point near the coast?-' I referred to a suggestion in a letter I recently received from Dr. Kirk ; he found it necessary to make a journey for one or two days into the interior of the country to push on some of the porters Avho were conveying provisions to Dr- Livingstone, and he then passed through a part of the country, which he found exceedinWy healthy and fertile, and which he thought could be very well inhabited by any Europeans. 984. You have no suggestion to make to the Committee further than you have made, as to the policy of establishing a coast settlement for Europeans ?—Seeing that it must be obvious to all of us, that it would help us out of a difficulty if we could provide for these liberated slaves, h Avould be a most important thing if a European settlement could be established near Zanzibar, where they could be carefully looked after ; and I consider it most fortunate that Dr. Kirk has, in his opinion, discovered a place recently where such a settlement could be formed. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 71 Tuesday^ 2bth July 1871. MEMBERS PRESENT: Sir Robert Anstruther. Lord Frederick Cavendish. Mr. Crum-Ewing. Mr. Robert Fowler. Mr. Gilpin. Mr. Russell Gurney. Sir John Hay. Mr. Kennaway. Mr. Kinnaird. Mr. Shaw Lefevre. Mr. O’Conor. Mr. John Talbot. Right Honourable RUSSELL GURNEY, in the Chair. Rev. Edward Steere, ll.d., called in ; and Examined. ^85. Mr. J. Talbot.'] I THINK you were resident Zanzibar for some time ?—For four years. . 986. You went out with the Universities Mis- did you not?—Yes; immediately after ^shop Mackenzie’s death. 987. In what position were you in whilst you resident in Zanzibar ?—I was a missionary r^plain to Bishop Tozer; I was one of the mis- ^^^îiaries, in fact. . 988. Bishop Tozer succeeded Bishop Macken- p 989. And he changed the field of the mission the Zambezi River to the town of Zanzi- • 990. Before you went to Zanzibar, you had been to L Portuguese territory ?—Yes ; we first went Zambezi, and then finding that the original th ^ mission was desolate, we looked out for t^^^^atural centre of the country, and we moved ^anzibar with the remnant of the mission, i 991. How are the slaves obtained which are to Zanzibar?—I know very little of }vay in which slaves are obtained in the but my impression is, that they are ¡11 always bought, and that the desolation ^oe interior does not arise directly from the trade, nor is it occasioned with the view Ci:j^®^Pply slaves ; but it is not an uncommon oc- ^ ®ï^ce in Africa to have a marauding tribe dç^^P^ûg over a large district, and practically slg^^^ying the district for the time being. The ^ have talked to in Zanzibar have almost sold by their relations, or by their mas hy the interior. The great hardships caused trade seem to lie first of all in the march ^ud then in the passage at sea. I have Oj. ^ told several times of whole caravans of 200 ^ having died between the place where ^^6re bought in the interior and the coast ; ^ilw ^ regards the passage by sea, even between loet ^ Zanzibar, there was a dhow very lately 80 ^hird of the slaves on board ; there were /o^vn overboard, either dead or dying, be- Kilwa and Zanzibar. ' Sir i?. Anstruther.'] How many days 0.1^®j® it from Kilwa to Zanzibar?—Between one and three. If a dhow is kept out three days a very large proportion of the slaves invariably die ; it is not customary to give any food on the voyage except a little uncooked rice. 993. Mr. J. Talbot.^ lYe have heard some very dreadful descriptions of the sufferings which the slaves undergo in their land journey from the place where they are captured to the port where they are exported ; do you confirm those state ments ?—Yes, entirely. The great difficulty is to get them to the coast at all. 994. I understand that you do not agree en tirely with what has been stated by former wit nesses, that the country has been depopulated in order to obtain those slaves ?—No. 995. But you think that the country has been depopulated by wars, and that the result of those wars has been the capture of slaves?—Sometimes, but not always. Very often the effect of wars has been, that no slaves have come from the country. Till lately more than half the slaves in Zanzibar came from the neighbourhood of Lake Nyassa; and since the country has been desolated, no slaves have come from it. When the country was at peace there was a large exportation of slaves, but when the war and deso lation began the exportation of slaves ceased. 996. Do you confirm the statement that was made yesterday, that the country between Lake Nyassa and the sea is almost entirely depopu lated ?—Yes, I have heard that stated over and over again. Marauders, whom Dr. Livingstone calls Mazitu, and the people of Zanzibar call Maviti, have spread over the whole country, one chief only having stood against them. Those marauders came even to Kilwa, upon which the Sultan of Zanzibar sent an armed force to defend Kilwa ; a part of the Sultan of Zanzibar’s force went out against them, and many were killed, a few only escaping back to Kilwa. Some of the town’s people were then sent out to treat with them, and they were sent back without an answer, and with their hands cut off. 997. Are you able to confirm the statements which have been made to us as to the great fer- 1 4 tility Rev. E. 8 teere y i'5 July 1871. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE IÎCV. H(et7'e, LLD. 25 July 1C71.* tility of tliat country between Lake Nyassa and the sea ?—I have never traversed the country. 998. With regard to the state of things in Zanzibar itself, which is the part of tlie country you are most acquainted with, what is the condi tion of the emancipated slaves who are living at Zanzibar ?—They are exactly in the position of free men anywhere; they get their living by trading and work. 999. Is there any attempt made to re-enslavc them ?—]^ot generally ; they run some risk if they are imprudent and incautious ; sometimes a man will sell himself, but, as a rule, they get their living in one way or other, and no one molests them. 1000. Is their condition very much better as fieed men than it was as slaves?—A.s to eating and drinking I should think not much better. 1001. It is only in having their liberty that they are better off?—Only iu having their liberty. The greatest evil of the state of slavery is the moral degradation. 1002. With regard to the children, you took some interest in the condition of the slaves in Zanzioar, I believe ?—Yes, we had some children handed over to us who had been taken out of a slave dhow. The education of those children was our first work in Zanzibar, seven or eight years ago. We began with five and have now nearly ninety. The first five all came from the borders of Lake iSlyassa, and they were very in telligent, Our difficulty at starting was in regard to the language, and it took some time to get over that. We began with the ordinary instruction which is given in a national school in England, and we found them take it with very great rapidity ; they were much more acute than our English children would be in a rural school, and their moral character was excellent. Since I have come back I hear that they have gone on acquiring more and more knowledge, and the best possible accounts are given of them ; some of them are now 20 years of age. 1003. They have grown up into intelligent men and women, able to take care of themselves and able to earn an honest living?—Yes. Wc have had one or two cases which turned out badly, but, as a rule, we have been very satisfied with the results. 1004. ^ Is there any demoralisation amongst the young female slaves ?—You may say that in Zan zibar morality is unknown, and that, for the most part, the slaves arc not married at all. 1005. With regard to those whom you edu cated, some were girls and some were boys ?— Some were girls and some were boys. 1006. With regard to the girls, do you think 3 on instilled into their minds a proper feeling in that respect ?—I think so. I think they have a strong moral feeling. 1 do not think there is in them any lack of original morality, but, I think, owing to the existence of slavery in Zanzibar, the general state of morality among the natives is ex tremely low, so that if you only look outside your own house you find every kind of evil going on. 1007. You knew the late Sultan of Zanzibar ? —Yes; and the present Sultan of Zanzibar also. 1008. The late Sultan was really anxious to put down the slave trade, was he not ?—Yo, I should think not. I should think the present Sultan much more trustworthy than the last was. Seyyid Majid was an effete voluptuary himself, a man entirely given up to his jileasures and worn out by them, and he was always willing to pa) ; money for tlie sake of putting an end to aH) ' trouble. 1009. Toil think that the present Sultan, properly approached, would be willing to co operate with us in suppressing the slave trade ?'^ I think with regard to the foreign slave trad^ probably he would. 1010. Is it, or not, the case that a great pad of his revenue is derived from the tax on slaves^ —The custom^ duty on slaves forms a materia^ part of the customs duties. j 1011. Would you propose to compensate hii^ for the loss of tliat duty ?—lie does not osteO' sibly receive any duty upon slaves going Arabia, but only upon the slaves carried froa’ place to place within his own dominions. 1012. On the slaves landed in Zanzibar?—Oa the slaves landed in Zanzibar and on those eX' ported from Zanzibar, exported in a dhow suf' posed to be going to one of his own ports. 1013. So that he does not openly encouragé the slave trade ?—^ ot in the least ; he professe* to put it down. Every now and then he burns a dhow, and imprisons the master of the dhoi'> and takes away all the slaves. Seyyid Majid usc^ to divide the slaves so taken amongst his friend?' 1014. Had you any opportunity of forming opinion as to the energy of our naval force wff^' ' regard to the suppression of the slave trade whe^ you were in Zanzibar ?—Yes ; there are exeef' tiens, but, generally speaking, I think the nav)' did all they could, but I do not think they wef^ at all able to do what they might have done? I think large vessels are wholly unfitted for tl><^ Avork of chasing those dhows ; then Avhen a young officer is sent out w ith some seamen in a boah nobody ever knows exactly what is done, and many tales are told among the natives as to w ind is done, Avhich are simply incredible, but there n little doubt that Avhen a boat’s crew- goes aw'a) they follow- their ow n devices l ery much indeed? and, no doubt, they harrass legitimate commercé very much. 1015. Chat is, they take possession of vessel* that are in legitimate trade ?—Yes ; they stof? and search, and detain, and sometimes burnl’ them. 1016. Under the supposition that they ai'ß slave dhoAVs ?—Yes. 1017. Could you suggest any means of inn | proving that state of things for the future ?—Mí j impression is that small vessels of light dran | should be employed, which could follow- tin’ dhows into the shalloAvs, and they ou^ht to very fast sailers, because uoav the dhows alivays outsail our boats ; if you could folio"' them into the shallows with small vessels I ha"^ no doubt a great deal of the trade might stopped. ® 1018. Generally, do you look forward w'id' | hope to the suppression of the slave trade in it' . Avorst form on the East Coast of Africa I thinl^ it may be done if the English Government b minded to do it. 1019. If the English Government is minde^ think no material opposition Avoid" be offered by the natii e princes ?—No. 'I What w ould you suggest th"^ the English GoA erninent should do, supposing the) had a inind to do it ?—It is a question for a nav"' man what means should be taken ; I thiab? probably, the best w ay Avoidd be to Avatch tb^ : Arabi^tt 73 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Arabian coast, and take the slavers as they arrived ; then as regards liberated slaves, I think ^kat the slaves that are landed should be landed Zanzibar rather than any other place, because, if yon take a freed slave and put him in any other country, you put him amongst strangers in ^ country the climate of which will probably Hot agree with him, and where, at first, he will be Htterly useless to those he lands amongst ; but if you put him down at Zanzibar you put him where ke will find a number of men of his own nation, ivho understand him and live in the way that he kas been used to, and yon put him in a place ivhere he will be able to get a living. 1021. As to the disposition of the ships, you «ay you would have them watch the Arab ports? I think that would be the best arrangement H'ith a view to suppressing the trade. 1022. Large vessels would do that ?—Possibly they would do that better than small ones. 1023. And the small vessels you spoke of H'ould be best adapted for pursuing the dhows in the shallows ?—Yes, on the African coast. 1024. Is there anything else which you think Hiight be done by the Government in order to «how their determination to put an end to the trade ?—It would be a A ery great thing if the treaty that Avas talked of at one time, Avere made ''vith the Sultan to prohibit the export of slaves H'ithin the Sultan’s dominions, except Avithin a ^rroAv compass ; I think betAveen Mombas and ■klar Selam, or some such district, because the «laA’es that go to Arabia, are almost ahvays «kipped for Lamoo ; a great number are shipped from Zanzibar for Lamoo, and what I understand lo be the course is that they pay the customs duty Hpon the slaA es to go to Lamoo, and they get Passes, AA liich they shoAv till they reach the lati tude of Lamoo, and then they make the best of their Avay to Arabia. 1025. Under the treaty is there a poAver of Exporting slaves from Zanzibar to Lamoo?—Yes, ^t Avas so in my time ; it Avas, generally speaking, l^^e rule that no slave Avent from anyAvhere but ^anzibar, and as a rule they had been brought troin Kihva to Zanzibar; some going from Kihva Madagascar, and to the Comoro Islands. 1026. What is the change now ?—At present fvilAva is not the great port, because the country kas been ravaged behind it by the Maviti ; they ^Ome more from Bagamoyo opposite Zanzibar. 1027. Sir J. flay.] Do I rightly understand J'ou to say that the slaves from Zanzibar bound Arabia are cleared at the Zanzibar custom- kouse as being bound for Lamoo ?—Yes 1028. And Avith that false destination they ^' ade the cruisers as far north as Lamoo, and A go to the open sea and steer for the coast of Arabia ?—Yes. 1029. Chairman.^ Do you think the appoint- ^l^Ht of vice-consuls at one or tAVO of those ports ^long the coast Avould tend to facilitate the sup- p’ession of the trade ?—I think it Avould be use- j I do not think it is at all a matter of first kecessity. 1030. Do yon not think that the appointment ^ those vice-consuls Avould be very useful as a ^eans of obtaining influence along the coast and ® H means of furnishing information to the naval thcers ?—The difficulty Avould be as to Avho ^^onld be the vice-consuls. Persons uoaa'^ 1ÍA ing in lose toAvns Avould be more likely to mislead than help, ft)3l. If we could get honest and efficient 0.116. vice-consuls, do you think their agency Avould be very important ?—It would be very valuable. 1032. Is there any dijfficulty Avith respect to obtaining proper interpreters upon whom naval officers can depend ?—The greatest possible diffi culty. The interpreters I knew when I Avas in Zanzibar Avere all of them men Avho would not hesitate to take a bribe from the commander of a slave dhoAv and mislead the cruisers. It was universally said that one man. Juma, Avho is now dead, and Avho was one of the chief interpreters, was in the habit of communicating Avith slave dhoAvs, and arranging that a certain number should be taken and that the rest should escape. 1033. The naval officers are very much de pendent on the interpreters ?—Entirely, because very feAv of them understand Arabic, and you may say none of them understand the Suaheli language, the language of the coast. 1034. Does any mode of supplying that want occur to you ?—I have published a Suaheli voca bulary by Avhich, perhaps, officers might acquire some knowledge of that dialect. 1035. You have spoken of the depopulation as being caused by Avar, which has not been origi nated for the sake of obtaining slaves ; have you any reason to doubt the evidence Ave have had as to Avars being proAoked by the slave dealers for the purpose of getting those slaves ?— I do not know Avhat the evidence is, but I never heard of such a Avar. 1036. You have not heard'of arms being sup plied to some of the tribes, in order to give them success in Avar for that purpose ?—This kind of thing Avill happen, as happened in the Nyamwezi country ; there was a dispute there as to the succession, and the Arabs sided Avith one party ; there Avas then a great desolation of country, but the number of slaves procured by that means Avas very small ; as to supplying muskets, the sale of arms is part of the regular trade of a caravan. 1037. You do not agree AAÚth those accounts Avhich Ave have heard, that the course to Avhich I haA'e referred is the ordinary course by Avhich slaves are obtained ?—No, I doubt it very much; when first I Avent up the Zambezi, I was sur prised to find that the direction of the slave trade was into the interior, and not doAvn to the coast, and then, again, I was surprised to find that the slaves found (by Dr. Livingstone) in the hands of the traders during a desolating Avar did not belong to the conquered tribe, but to the victori ous one ; they had been in many instances sold by their OAvn relations. 1038. That Avould not account for the large number of slaves brought to the coast?—There are an enormous number of slaves in the in terior ; the trade has been going on for a thousand years. 1039. If 20,000 arrive at the coast, something like 100,000 must have been obtained, because it is estimated that about a fifth reach the coast ? —There must be a A ery large number collected. The Turkish slave dealers Sir Samuel Baker met Avith are talked of in Zanzibar as men who do that, Avho stir up Avars for the sake of earrying off slaves Avithont buying them, and the Zanzibar men express their abhorrence of such pro ceedings. ^ 1040. I am not referring so much to the Zan zibar men as to the northern Arabs, Avho come doAvn Avith the monsoon for slaves?—All the tracle goes through Zanzibar hands ; the northern K Arabs Rev. E. Steere, LLD. 25 July 1871. 74 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. E. Steere, LL.D. 25 July 1871. Arabs who come in the monsoon time come to Zanzibar^ and there stop. 1041. They do not negotiate with the dealers on the mainland?—Not with the people on the mainland ; they kidnap slaves in Zanzibar, and sometimes take them off the plantations; they procure them by any means they can, in Zanzibar and immediately on the coast. 1042. What was your experience as to the healthiness of Zanzibar ?—I was quite as well myself in Zanzibar as I should have been in England. 1043. You were in the town ?—Yes. 1044. Can you speak to the healthiness of the country ?—I have no reason to think that the climate of the country is worse ; we all thought that the mainland opposite, particularly at Dar Seelam, was likely to be more healthy than Zanzibar itself. I have been at Dar Seelam, which is very finely situated ; it has an excellent harbour, and there are some very fine buildings ; but T am told that it is now to be abandoned. It was always thought that Seyyid Majid intended it as a place of security against his brother, the Imaum of Muscat, the town not being so accessible from the sea as Zanzibar is. 1045. What proportion of the slaves brought to Zanzibar are children ?—Among the slaves I have seen landed from the dhows at Zanzibar there has not been a large proportion of children : I should think, taking one with another, you would get the ordinary proportion of children to grown people. 1046. What is the ordinary proportion ?—A sixth, I would say, were children ; but almost all the slaves are young people. 1047. I mean between the ages of six and ten ? —About a sixth of the slaves I have seen landed in Zanzibar would be under 10, but of the cargoes I have seen taken from vessels going to Arabia, the proportion of children has been very much larger ; in some cases they seemed to be almost all children. 1048. Did you see the boats in Zanzibar taking slaves on board for export ?—I used to see the dhows coming from Kilwa with slaves ; they used to go round our house close to our windows, the deck of the dhow woud be entirely covered with slaves squatting side by side, so closely packed that it was impossible for them to move ; there would be sometimes 200 to 300 in a large open boat. 1049. Would that be about the ordinary number carried in a dhow ?—I think they always aim at getting as many as 200 into the dhow. 1050. Of course then there would be con siderable mortality before they reached Arabia? —No doubt the mortality must be enormous. 1051. Did you see those dhows lying in wait in the harbour for a convenient opportunity of escaping our cruisers ?—It was all done perfectly openly ; the trade was legitimate to Mombaza and Lamoo, and there was not the slightest attempt at interfering with it. 1052. Have you an}; reason to suppose that any considerable proportion of those slaves that are taken to Lamoo are taken to remain there ? —No, I should think a very small proportion in deed go to Lamoo to remain there. 1053. It is a mere blind?—It is a mere blind. 1054. As to nine-tenths would you say?—As to nine-tenths I should think. There is besides this, a slave trade which is illegitimate in the eyes of the Arabs at Zanzibar ; that is conducted chiefly by the northern Arabs that come from the Persian Gulf, who kidnap and steal their slaves, and who avoid paying the customs duties on them. The ordinary slave carriers are from Sur near Ras al Hadd ; the northern Arabs or Shemali are Wahabees from Ras al Kheymah, near Cape Mussandum. 1055. Hotv do they get off from Zanzibar? — They generally sail in the night; they have houses in the town ; it is notorious in what parts of the town they make their stay while they are collecting their slaves, and in the back parts of those premises they gather the slaves ; then when they have a good opportunity they slip them on board the dhows secretly at night and the dhow goes out to sea. 1056. Are there a large number of dhows en gaged in that particular trade ? — There have been generally a large number of them every season. 1057. Have ymu any idea of the number of dhows engaged in that trade in the course of a year ?—There is so much secrecy about it that I do not think anybody can tell accurately ; there is a certain build of dhow one knows, and one used to see eight or ten of them in the harbour at a time, I do not know how many of them there would be in the course of a year. 1058. You saw many dhows in the harbour at a time, which in the night would load their slaves and go away ?—Dhows which everybody knew were there for piratical purposes if the opportu nity offered. 1059. Would they carry off a great number of slaves?—They would carry as many as they could on board ; there was one taken by the “ Wasp ” that had, I think, 380 on board. 1060. Do you look forward to any considera ble increase of commercial intercourse at Zanzi bar, supposing the slave trade were put down ?— Yes, I think commerce will go on increasing, and I think commerce tends to suppress the slave trade ; the legitimate commerce of Zanzibar is so large that the slave trade is being rather squeezed out by it. 1061. Do you think that the export of slaves is now decreasing rather than increasing ?—■ Ifes. 1062. For how long has that been the case?— It has been chiefly, I suppose, since cloves began to be planted in Zanzibar. 1063. That has given rise to a great trade ?— To a very great trade. 1064. Does not that render it their interest rather to prevent the slave trade ?—The Zanzibar people feel, as a rule, that the slave trade is a disreputable occupation, and they say among themselves “money made by the slave trade never prospers. ” 1065. They think it injurious to the interests of the state?—No, I do not say they think that, because the whole life of an Arab is bound up with the employment of slaves : all their domestic arrangements would be overthrown by the aboli tion of slavery. 1066. I am speaking of the slave trade, and not slavery ?—T on always find that the Arabs are anxious to supply their friends and relations with the slaves they want, and they consider it a laudable thing to do so ; but they consider the slave trade generally to be disreputable. 1067. Is there any idea growing up in Zanzi bar that they want the labour of the negroes themselves, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 75 ^kemgelves, and that, therefore, it is inexpedient that account to export them ?—I think the dumber of slaves that have come into Zanzibar to within the last few years has been so large, |Kat any considerable want of labour has not oeen felt; but during the time I was in Zan zibar, the price of labour was constantly rising, ^ûd I have been told since I came away that it bas increased very much. There has been an ^%mense quantity of building going on in Zan zibar. The town was computed, some 10 years %o, to have 100,000 inhabitants in it, and every thing that goes into and out of that ])art of Africa goes through it, so that the trade is enormous, ^nd the number of men wanted for every kind occupation is very great. 1068. Mr. Crum-Ewing.^ T olio wing up the Suggestion with regard to the establishment of ^ice-consuls along the coast, do you think that ^Uother good plan would be to purchase the Sovereignty of Zanzibar ; do you suppose that the Sultan would be disposed to sell the sovereignty ? —No, I think not. I think it is possible that the the late Seyyid Majid might have been so dis posed, but Í am certain that Syed Burghash would Uever entertain the idea for a moment. 1069. You do not think the cruisers do much good on the coast at present ?—They certainly oheck the slave trade to a certain extent. 1070. You do not think they do as much good they might do?—PSo; it does not appear to Uie that the navy has ever seriously given its Uiind to the suppression of the trade as a great object. I mean to include the authorities at home as well as the officers on the station. 1071. You mentioned that the young officers follow their own devices when they are sent out With the boats ; do you mean that they amuse themselves ?—I hey go on shore, and they cer tainly leave behind them the impression of having insulted the natives. They were accused in one Case of carrying off slaves from the plantations, and bringing them down as having been taken out of ^ dhow ; such things as these one does not believe at all ; but I have very little doubt that when they iand they sometimes get intoxicated, and that they then behave in a very rough and irregular way. 1072. Sir R. Anstruther.'] Do you state that cu hearsay or do you state it from your own knowledge ?—I state it as what I was told by the Natives ; I do not state it as being within my own knowledge. 1073. Is it a statement in which you place »ny confidence yourself ?—Yes, I thoroughly believe it. 1074. Sir J. Hay.'] That does not apply to the officers ?—Not to the officers generally. 1075. Mr. Crum-Ewing.] But to some of the young men ?—Midshipmen or young lieutenants ; the whole thing is sometimes treated as a lark, h believe that wrong and irregular things are ^oue, partly because I know that leave to go cn shore in Zanzibar at one time was forbidden cn account of what men had done when on ®hore on leave. 1076. You lived in the town of Zanzibar?— 4es. 1077. Are there many factories in the island? ■^No. 1078. Is not there a sugar factory ?—There ^us a large sugar establishment projected by Captain Fraser, who had a very fine plantation ^nd very fine machinery, but up to the time f left they had produced a very small quantity 0.116. of sugar, if any at all ; then in the town itself there was a cocoa-nut oil factory with a steam mill, also started by Captain Fraser. 1079. That was a more profitable concern than the other, was it not?—Yes, much more profitable, I think ; I think it had every element of success about it, and the natives were found quite equal to working the machinery. 1080. A great many people were employed in those factories, I believe ?■—Yes, he employed a very large number. 1081. hat was the status of those persons ? — They were hired, I think ; you cannot always tell in Zanzibar whether the labourers that you see in any particular employment are slaves or free men, because it is common for a man to pay his master two dollars a month, and to shift for himself, hiring himself out for whatever employ ment he can get ; there are men every day sitting in the market to let themselves as labourers, a large number being free, and a large number being slaves ; but the workmen on the sugar planta tion were almost all slaves newly arrived, and there was a considerable question as to the ])ro- priety of their being so employed. 1082. Did not some orders go out from this country to manumit them ?—I know that a great deal was done and said about them ; what exact orders went out, I do not know ; I know it was said, that Captain Fraser being in want of labour met some natives in the town, with whom he made a contract for labour, and paid them in advance, whereupon they went to the slave market, and bought slaves, which slaves were ‘ sent out to the plantation ; I do not myself vouch for the accuracy of that statement. 1083. It is some time since you left Zanzibar ? —Two and a half, or three years ; I have had letters lately from Bishop Tozer, and also from Dr. Christie, a physician, practising in Zanzibar, in which they say, that they are very anxious that some provision should be made for sick slaves and children after they are liberated, and landed in the town ; they think that something more than a certificate of freedom should be given to them. The certificate is a good security if the person is well known, but it is no security for a stranger. 1084. Have not liberated slaves been taken to the Mauritius ?—Yes, a large number have been taken to the Mauritius ; I know nothing of that myself, but it was commonly reported that they would not have any more there, that they could not employ them ; they get much better labourers from India ; an untaught savage is use less for years. 1085. Lord F. Cavendish.] What security could you give to a freed slave besides his cer tificate ?—His certificate is a very good security if he is a known person. 1086. These freed slaves not being known persons, what security would you suggest in their case ?—They might be protected if a kind of barracks or home were established where they could be lodged for a time, so that they might come under the eyes of the people belonging to the consulate, and be recognised. 1087. M ould you recommend their being placed under the protection of the British Go vernment?—Yes; they should certainly be under the protection of the British Government. 1088. You think precautions might be taken to' provide for the safety of freed slaves in Zan zibar ?—Yes ; certainly. K 2 Rev. E. Steere, LL.D. 2.5 July 1871. 1089. Do 76 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. E. Steerc, XtL«D« 25 July 1871. 1089. Do you think it practicable for our cruisers to do anything against the foreign slave trade as long as the domestic slave trade is allowed ?— I think by watching the Arabian coast, they could do a great deal. 1090. But you do not think they could do much by cruising off the African coast ?—I heard just now, that the slave dhows had changed their usual course, but hitherto all the slave dhows used to hug the African coast all the way up from Zanzibar, so that if you watched a moderate section of sea on any part of the coast, you could stop the whole trade ; then if you took it north of Lamoo, you could not be baffled by false passes. 1091. We have had two views presented to us of the Arab character ; one, that they are men with whom it is possible to negoitate fairly, and who will abide by treaties; the other, that it is only possible to deal with them with a strong hand ; what is your opinion upon that subject ? —Speaking of the Arabs as the governing body in Zanzibar, I think you can treat with them as you can with any Eastern nation. Syed Bur gh ash is a man who, if he openly pledged him self to anything, would carry it out. 1092. Should you recommend dealing with him on the basis of the remission of the subsidy to the Imaum of Muscat, and so endeavour to induce him to make further engagements against the slave trade, or should you use strong pressure ? —I think the Muscat subsidy is felt to be a great hardship, and that he would be willing to co operate with us if we procured him a remission of it. 1093. Chairman.^ If we were to undertake to pay it for him as long as he complied with our requisitions and demands ?—I should think that if we offered to do that it would be felt as a thing that really did call for honâ fide exertion on his part. 1094. Do you think he would really honestly work in conjunction with us then?-—Yes, I think he would ; as a rule, the M uscat and Zanzibar governments have not been on good terms ; the shipping of slaves to anywhere beyond Ras al H add or in the Persian Gulf is reckoned as an advantage to the Muscat people, and therefore the Zanzibar Government are rather inclined to hinder than to promote it. 1095. Lord F. Cavendish.'] Do you think that the Sultan of Zanzibar could put a stop to the foreign trade if he wished ?—Yes. 1096. In spite of the Northern Arabs ?—Yes, they are no power to a brave man. 1097. We have been told that the Northern Arabs kidnap the Sultan’s own slaves?—Yes. Syed Majid used to pay them a large number of dollars every year to keep quiet. 1098. You think Syed Burgash is not afraid of them ?—I think he would not pay them ; they do not go in such force that they could be formi dable against an energetic opposition. 1099. Mr. O Conor.Do you know how many slaves are required for Zanzibar itself?—No ; 1 know that the mortality is very large indeed, and the reproduction is almost nothing. 1100. Are those slaves easily obtained ?—They used to come from Kilwa in very large numbers. I am told, since the trade from Kilwa has been stopped they are much dearer ; they used to cost from 5 dollars to 20 dollars. 1101. \ou say they are well treated in Zan zibar itself?—Ae a rule; there are all kinds of masters ; some starve their slaves, and some beat them ; but, as a rule, they fare very well. | 1102. If there were a greater difflculty in ob- ; taining them would not the masters treat them ; with greater care ?—I do not think it would : make much difference ; when one sees the utter | recklessness there is in merely taking slaves from I Kilwa to Zanzibar, one has not much reason to i think that any consideration of the value of the : slaves would operate on their minds in their i treatment of them. i 1103. What would be the effect if the slave | trade were suddenly abolished in Zanzibar alto gether ?—I think there would be a disposition to | employ something else besides manual labour. I ! do not think it would 1 ave any^ great immediate ■ effect. I 1104. Would they be able to obtain free la- i bourers to carry on their ordinary work ? A large part of the work is done by free labour ! now. I 1105. One of the witnesses said that if the slave trade were suddenly abolished it would cause a revolution ?—It would be very likely to cause a revolution in this way : that the leading i men would feel that the Sultan was betraying ' them, and, therefore, probably he would lose his flower, because the Sultan has no power as against his great men. 1106. Mr. Kenna%vay.'\ I see Dr. Livingstone, in a letter dated 11th June 1866, speaks'of the j utter powerlessness of the Sultan of Zanzibar to ! withstand the slaving propensities of the pirates j and kidnappers who annually infest his island | and seas ?—I think that that might apply to I Seyyid Majid. I should think it was rather exag- | gerated even in regard to him, but I do not think I it would apply to the present Sultan at all. I | think the Sultan of Zanzibar has the power to ! put a stop to it altogether. , _ HOT. With regard to the depopulation of the j district which has been referred to, I see Dr. ' Livingstone in a letter dated 20th August 1866, says, that the coast .Yrabs come up with plenty of ammunition and calico to the tribe ealled ! Wayao, or Ajawa, and say that they want slaves. j Marauding parties immediately start off to the | Manganja or Wanyassa villages, and, having plenty oí powder and guns, overpower and bring back the chief portion of the inhabitants?— That is not according to anything I have heard. 1108. Have you any reason to believe that that is not the case?—I have never heard any thing to confirm it, and all I have heard has tended to contradict it. 1109. Mr. J. Talhot.'\ With regard to the healthiness of Zanzibar, you think the town itself ' is not unhealthy ?—I think it is not more un healthy than a low-lying tropical town o-enerally ^ will be. 1110. We have been told that the neio-hbour- hood of the town is exceedingly unhealthy ; you do not confirm that ?—There are parts of it which are exceedingly unhealthy ; if you choose your ; locality I do not think it is so. 1111. Was not there a sanitarium established 1 a few miles out of Zanzibar, to which some of ' your missionaries were sent?—No; they were ' sent to the Seychelles; the Seychelles are the 1 natural sanatarium of that part of the world ; \ several Europeans went to Dari Salaam for the sake ^ of their health, and found great benefit ; but in certain stages of the fever any change IS a benefit. 1112. With 77 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 1 ^12. With regard to the freed slaves, you DO difficulty in finding labour for them ?—I ^^Dld think not in moderation. I should think I hundreds could be very well accommodated die town of Zanzibar itself. ^^^113. There would be no danger of what is .^^^^times alleged as one of the difficulties in j ding down the slave trade, that if you free a I ß many slaves you merely liberate them from I to something worse in reality, namely, I Jj'^^^iition ?—No ; when a man had time to turn ! ^‘Diself round at Zanzibar he would find abun- ^^nt employment ; as the slaves set free by their dve masters do now. ^ Ul4. You would recommend that those that ere freed should be, first of all, put under the Í etection of the British flag, so that they might time to turn themselves round and find em- 1 eyineut for themselves?—So that they might ^ an opportunity of seeing what they could ^Dd so that they might come under the eyes ^ ^De people belonging to the British consulate, who might recognise them. • ^15. You think they would have no difficulty ^ finding occupation for themselves after so re- lining for a short time under the protection of ^^ British fiag?—I think not; when I was in ^^^Dzibar there were almost always more labourers ^nted than could be got. ^^^Il6. With regard to the upper classes in the j.) ^n of Zanzibar, they are very well to do, are not?—Yes, there are verv rich people fi^ed in Zanzibar. ^17. And their needs are easily satisfied, are they ?—Yes. ^,118. A very small income goes a long way? fiwo dollars a month used to be said to be the §nlar pay for a slave to his master, and the fv^ter out of that is supposed to furnish him with and lodging, and to get a profit. Il9. And even the master himself lives at a ®^all cost ?—Yes, except as to luxuries. j^tl2o. Provisions are cheap?—Generally, a ^ has a piece of land in the country on which g] S^ows his own provisions, and which his own 2l - His living costs him very little ?—Very ^dr. Kennaxoayi\ Would not you say Dr. Livingstone was likely to be correctly informed on this slave traffic?—Yes, Dr. Living stone ought to be an authority. 1123. Would not you say that the certainty of obtaining a market for the prisoners made in war tends generally to encourage wars between various tribes ?—That would be the case if wars produced slaves, but I do not think that ordinary wars do produce slaves; 1 think they produce desolation. 1124. How do you think that the slaves that are brought to the coast are obtained ?—I think most of them are born slaves ; they are sold by their masters, and in some cases by their relations. 1125. Sir R. Anstruther.'] How would you account for the depopulation that is admitted to have taken place between Lake Nyassa and the coast. Is it entirely owing to war ?—War and plundering; the Maviti have come down and carried oif everything eatable from the country, and the inhabitants have either fled or starved. 1126. Chairman.~\ You spoke of the ease with which some few hundreds of liberated slaves might be provided for in Zanzibar, but suppose the slave trade were to be entirely put down, the liberated slaves for the first year or two would amount to a great many thousands ?—Yes ; in that case it would be necessary to give them the means of cultivating land and getting a living from the land directly in that way. 1127. In Zanzibar could that be done?— Be yond all doubt. Dar Seelam would probably be the best spot. 1128. Could they be put under the pro tection of the British Consul there ?—As much there as in Zanzibar, the intercourse is easy between the two places; it is about 40 miles from Zanzibar. 1129. It would be necessary to have some resident officer there for their protection, would it not ?—There should be a superintendent : it would not be necessary to make a regular British settlement ; it would be sufficient to have a super intendent with authority from the Arab Sultan. 1130. Mr. Kennmvajjr\ If you look at page 53 of the Correspondence for 1870, Class B,, you will see several statements made by slaves cap tured by a particular ship, from which it appears that the greater number of those slaves state that they were captured in war?—I should like to know more about those cases, perhaps an unusual proportion happened to have been taken in war Rev. E. Steere, XiL.D« 25 July 1871. Rear Admiral Charles F. Hillyar, c.b., called in ; and Examined. L ^^1. Sir J. Hay7\ You were for some time ^lUander-in-Chief of the Squadron on the J I* Indian Station ?—I was. w ^2. Between what dates ?—From the early . nf 1866 to July 1867 ; about 18 months. (ijj, ^^3. During that time your attention was to the su¡)pression of the slave trade on far Coast of Africa ?—Almost entirely, so the duties of the station were concerned. ^'^4- You had had previous experience in the sort of duty on the West Coast of Africa? large experience having been in two Oij ,^®sive flagships for a period of four years jj^_West Coast. ^9.1’i were at the capture of Lagos, were strong measures were taken for the sup- of the slave trade ?—Yes. thß _ Looking at the experience you had in Q^^rvice on the West Coast of Africa, which was eventually successful in suppressing the Rear Adm. slave trade there, can you make any suggestions C.F.Hillyar^ to the Committee as to the best mode of sup- c.b. " ^ pressing the trade on the East Coast, supposing the country were determined to put it down, and the duty were imposed upon you of suppressing it ?—Firstly, I should largely increase the naval force on the coast, which was, during the period I commanded the station, quite inadequate for the duties it had to perform. 1137. What number of vessels had you for that special service?—Nominally five or six, besides the flagship ; but two of them were under repair part of the time in 1867, so that really there were only from three to four on the coast. 1138. That was for blockading a coast of nearly 4,000 miles?—Yes. 1139. Did you conduct your operations in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar principally, or at the K 3 ports 78 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rear Adm. C.F.Hillyar, C.B. 25 July 1871. ports of arrival in the Persian Gulf and Arabia? — The force was so small at my disposal that I stationed the ships where they were most likely to stop the passage of the dhows. 1140. Where were they stationed? — One vessel was oif Socotra, and another one along the coast of Arabia. 1141. The other three being near Zanzibar? — Two ivere in dock at Bombay, so that I had only three disposable vessels during the principal time of the slave trade, which is during March, April, and May. 1142. Have you any recollection of how many captures of dhows you effected?—It might easily be seen by my letters in the Blue Book of 1867 ; speaking from recollection, I should say we captured about 1,200 slaves in the twelvemonth. 114.3. Had you very much difficulty in dis criminating between dhows that were legally permitted to convey slaves for the home use of Zanzibar and its dependencies, and those which were bound to Arabia, and which you were en titled to capture ?—The difficulty of course aris ing from our not being entitled to capture vessels employed on the coast within the limits within which the slave trade was allowed to be carried on. Captain Bedingfield wrote a very strong letter on the subject, and so did the senior officer at Zanzibar. 1144. During the part of the year when that trade was allowed it became extremely difficult for naval officers to suppress the illegal trade ?— Yes. 1145. Those limits extended from Kilwa to Damoo ?—Yes. 1146. During your command within those waters, dhows may have nominally cleared at the custom house of Zanzibar for those ports, which were really intending to proceed on a longer voyage ? —No, I do not think they could have proceeded on a longer voyage without laying in a stock of water or slave fittings on a more ex tensive scale. 1147. They would touch at the Port of Lamoo as the previous witness has said, and they would then proceed on?—Yes; they could not have proceeded on their voyage without touching at Lamoo or some other port. 1148. Vessels going to Lamoo and intending apparently, according to the custom-house clearance, to land the slaves there, intended really to lay in provisions at Lamoo and evade your squadron and proceed on a longer voyage ? —Their great object was to evade the squadron; they are up to every dodge you can think of. 1149. Do you think that many vessels did evade the squadron in that way ?—I should say for every one captured seven or eight escaped ; I should say more, perhaps. 1150. I suppose, with your experience of the West Coast of Africa, you feel that the export of slaves there could hardly have been stopped by our squadron if it had not been for the treaties with Brazil and the operations on the coast of Cuba at the same time ?—Certainly not without the treaty with the Brazils. 1151. Therefore, would it not seem to you that to enter into treaties with Persia and with Muscat would be the course to pursue to stop the slave trade, rather than the imperfect operations now carried on on the coast of Zanzibar?—No, I think the treaties which have been generally entered into have had very little effect in stopping the slave trade. I think the slave trade with the Brazils has been mainly stopped by the vok^ OÍ the country, the people disapproving of th^ importation of slaves ; of course the difficultly" attending tlie passage of the slaves and the ship ping the slaves on the West Coast had soiR^' thing to do with it. The death blow to the slaV^’ trade on the West Coast of Africa was the cap ture and retention of Lagos. ! 1152. Looking to that, do you think that th^j occupation of Zanzibar, or some other arrangé] ! ment that would give us the control there, woul*^^! be the proper mode to stop the slave trade on th^| East Coast ?—I have no doubt that the occupé' tion of Zanzibar, or the cession of Zanzibar the British Government, would very material!.' tend to suppress the slave trade on the Ea=‘ Coast. I think it is the focus of the slave trat!*-1 on the East Coast much the same as Lagos aVíi' j on the West Coast. 1153. You do not anticipate at present th^^ : any operations on our part will stop the slaV^ ; trade so long as it is the interest of the Sultai’ : of Zanzibar to continue it ?—As long as th*^ | Sultan of Zanzibar derives his main revenii^ 1 from the slave trade, I think he will encourag*- ’ it, either openly or under the rose. 1154. With reference to the number of ship you would think it necessary to employ, if yo'* were sent there for the speeial purpose of stop' ping the slave trade on the coast of Arabia aO'^ on the East Coast of Africa, will you indicate h] the Committee what number of ships you wouk‘ think necessary for that purpose, and the class 0! ship ?—I should say a dozen ships of the cla?“' that are at present on the South East Coas^ j which have been highly reported on as efficiei^^ vessels ; the same description of vessels that at' j at present employed. i 1155. You think 12 would be enough ?—Ye^' | 1156. Both for the coast of Africa and th^i coast of Arabia ?—Yes, those vessels should j supplied with good boats, and should be special!.' ' fitted out for the suppression of the slave trade- 1157. Chairman.] With steam launches?-^ Steam launches are a most valuable auxiliary- : 1158. Sir J. Hay.^ Have you any suggestion* to make to the Committee with reference to oP future policy in carrying out the desire of tlb' country to suppress the slave trade there ?--^| have every reason to believe from what I ha''’ heard, since I gave up the command of tM squadron in the East Indies, that the slave trad'’ has been on the decrease, and that it is not ne^j so active at Zanzibar as it was in 1867, and 186^ when certainly the exportation of slaves coul^ not have been less than 20,000 annually. 1159. Do you attribute that decrease to legi^^' mate commerce, or to the operations of tb^ squadron ?—I should say to both, the squadr'^^' has been very active ; there has been a mo'^ efficient force employed, and the vessels ha''’ been of a superior description. 1160. Chairman.'] You spoke as if the receipt' from slaves were the main revenue of the Sultai'" we have had evidence to show that it is not abo'' a sixth part of his whole revenue ?—I am spea^ ing of what it was, four years makes a gi'^f difference ; there has been a rapid increase trade, generally, in Zanzibar ; I was alluding my impression of what was the state of thio0' four or five years ago, when I understood it his principal source of revenue. 1161. Sir R. Anstruther.] Evidence was gi''^^| by the last witness as to the misconduct of )y 79 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). ^ charge of the boats ; was that ever brought to Jcur notice as commander of the station?—Cer- ^inly not; I should say that the officers in harge of the boats displayed great zeal, and ^onderful perseverance in carrying out the duties i*^cy had to perform ; and I had every reason to ^ Satisfied with the captains under my command, A? ''Veil as with the state of discipline of the merent ships. Il62. It was given in evidence before, that of those officers are engaged in very Ijhluons duties away from their ships for many ^^ys in a severe climate?—Yes, most arduous • and they have many difficulties to contend ^§9,inst in the way of currents and breezes, in to which they are not accustomed ; the mon- ^crs are very strong sometimes on the coast. ^Cy certainly as a rule perform their duties ^^y creditably to themselves. 116.3. When you were in command did you ^Ve many complaints of the conduct of the men 1 ben on shore at Zanzibar ?—None, to my recol- g. II64. You are not prepared to agree with the Element made by a former witness, that the ^^bduct of the men while on shore at Zanzibar so bad that they had to be prevented from ashore at all ?—The men were prevented going ashore in Zanzibar, to the best of my ^^.^^llection, for fear of their coming in contact j dh the Northern Arabs, who are a very wild, ^b^less race ; to prevent collisions between the ^ ^fthern Arabs and the men, it was not thought ^l^^irable to give the men leave to land on that and they were sent to the Seychelles to ^1 ^nd their holidays and to have their leave. It ^ot on account of their misbehaviour on shore o ^11, but merely to prevent collisions between and the Northern Arabs. ¡^•,ll65. Sir J. Hay.'] The unhealthiness of Zan- also had something to do with the prohi- I presume?—Yes. \yö6. Chairman.] The Seychelles are healthy ? ]jjl67. Mr. Crmn-Eicing.] Will you specify a Y more particularly the tonnage of the dozen ^ ®®els which you think would be requisite ?— ^ew class of corvette, from 1,000 to 1,200 You would have steam launches attached ^se corvettes ?—Y es. Lord F. Cavendish.] Do you consider the employment of such a fleet as you have tj.^'jbuiiended would absolutely put an end to the Rg or only diminish it ?—It would diminish it \vjj^|^^®iderably that it would not be worth the t ^be Northern Arabs to run the risk of st^k^re. It is a regular trade, and if they were Pfied in that way they would give it up. We have been told that it might be P while to make a great effort, and that if ^^de was once absolutely stopped it might be renewed ; is it your opinion that 12 ® would so put an end to the trade as to the prospect of this large fleet not being ^^ontly required?—Wherever there is a there will always be a supply if the ^0^] vvithdrawn, but I should hope that it kiq d be found it would not be profitable to the slaves and send them to the beach prospect of sending them on. The present squadron of seven vessels 0 one out of 20 ; that being so, do you think that 12 vessels would be likely to put an end entirely to the trade ?—No, it would be impossible entirely to do so with such a large extent of coast. 1172. Was the health of the men under your command good?—The health of the men in the cruisers on the South East Coast was good ; but in the flagship, the “ Octavia,” we suffered very severely from an epidemic of small-pox and fever. 1173. What would be the number of the crew which you would recommend for such a fleet ?— About 2,000. 1174. Mr. J. Talbot.] Those steam launches would be able to go into the shallows?—Yes; the steam launches would go into the shallows where there would not be much sea ; the steam launches could not be exposed to the severity of the mon soon. 1175. Do you agree with the last witness that large ships by themselves would not be efficacious in stopping the slave trade ?—You require small ships ; large ships consume more fuel than small ships, and a small ship would do the duty just as well as a large one. 1176. Did you have a proper proportion of those small ships ?—They were all small. 1177. Were they small enough to go into shallow water?—No, they sent their boats in; most of their duties were conducted by their boats ; I gave very strict orders that boats were on no account to land or to attack barracoons unless they had the support of the ships. 1178. No difficulty arose from your not being able to follow the slavers into shallow water ?— We should surprise them in the shallow water if we could; it depended on the captains of the ships and the information they got ; their endeavours were to surprise the slavers ; if the slavers have the slightest hint of our coming, all the flttino-s a re'pitched overboard ; it is only by taking them by surprise that we can capture them. 1179. Did you find any difficulty from the fact of your ships being so large that they were unable to leave deep water, in consequence of which the slavers got into shallow water, and so escaped from the large ship ?—No, I think, as a rule, the slavers ran on shore ; if they were chased by a cruiser along the coast of Arabia there would be a good deal of surf, and the ships could not stand in. 1180. A boat could follow them ?—They were followed by the boats. . 1181. You had enough boats in proportion to the ships ?—Yes, every ship was supplied with her proportion of boats. 1182. Chairman.] Had you any steam launches ?—I had one in the Octavia.” 1183. Sir J. Hay.] W ith regard to the dis position of the captured slaves when liberated, will you state what the process was when dhows were captured?—They were sent to be adjudi cated at Aden, principally ; some went to the Cape of Good Hope. 1184. And the slaves were sent from Aden to Bombay, were they not ?—They were sent to the Seychelles. 1185. Do you think the Seychelles a good place in which to deppsit liberated slaves ?—Yes ; the inhabitants appeared to wish that slaves should be continued to be sent there ; they were found very useful labourers. 1186. Chairman.] Could they absorb any very large number of liberated slaves ?— No, not a K 4 large Rear Adm. C. F. Hillyar, C,B. 25 July 1871. 80 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFOIIE SELECT COMMITTEE Kear Adm. C.F. Hillyar, C.B. 25 July 1871. Major Gen. C. F. Righy. large number; the supply never exceeded the demand. 1187. Sir J. //ny.] Had you any difficulties y/ith the French admiral or the officers of foreign nations in carrying on your duties there ?— Never, quite the reverse. 1188. Was the French admiral supposed tobe engaged in the same service ; it has been said that he was rather supporting the slave trade than suppressing it ; did you find that to be the case? —No; from the intercourse I had with both the French admiral and the officers, they were evi dently bent on carrying out the suppression of the slave trade. I never met with anything ap proaching to misunderstanding. 1189. MlX. Crum-Eioiay.l Does it ever happen that the dhows show tight ?—They are a very plucky set indeed ; they will fight where there is the slightest prospect of success. In one engage ment with the “ Highflyer’s ” boats, they very nearly succeeded in running over the pinnace ; and if it had not been for the dash of one of the officers, who cut the halyards and lowered the sails, it might have fared very badly with tb<- attacking party. 1190. Do not you think that a much smalhj class of vessels than corvettes of 1,000 tons wotiq answer the same purpose as the larger ones, aO*^ cost much less ?—A smaller vessel would not haf^ the advantage of being able to send away boa^' cruising ; small gun-boats would only be able F do the duty^ themselves, without the assistance 0' their boats. 1191. Sir J. Hay.'] Had your squadron smok^' less fuel when you were there ?—Whenever could get it. 1192. Did it make much difference whethd y ou had it or had it not, in betraydng the positiö*^ of the ships ?—I should say it would make a ved. material difference. It was always the object ^ the cruisers to have coal that would not sho^ smoke. I recollect, in one instance, in tk*-’ “ Centaur,” on the West Coast, chasing our o'V'^' smoke, which had banked with the land brec^' before daylight. Major General CTieistophek Palmee Pigby, called in; and further Examined. 1193. Chairman.] You told us that you were four years in Zanzibar ?—Yes. 1194. During that time did you have any complaints made to you respecting the conduct of any of the seamen ?—None at all from any^ native of the country . On one or two occasions complaints, which were proved to be quite frivolous, were made by French shopkeepers there, but there never was one complaint from a native of the country ; on the contrary, there was always the most friendly feeling towards the squadron, both in the Island of Zanzibar and on the coast. The natives showed it on many occa sions. I remember one of the boats of the ‘‘ Gorgon” rvas wrecked on the coast, and two of the crew, natives of the West Coast, were captured and sold into slavery for three bullocks a piece, and one of the native chiefs went and paid the’ ransom for them out of his own pocket, and took eveiy care of them till the “ Gorgon ” came on the coast again, when he returned them. On another oc casion the Gorgon’s ” boats were at Mombaza, and a large number of northern piratical Arabs assembled to attack them, and the natives of the place, Africans and native inhabitants, assembled in such numbers to take the part of the boats’ crew, that the piratical Arabs withdrew without attacking them. 1195. You were, from all ymu saw, perfectly satisfied with the conduct of the seamen on shore?—Yes; under the most trying circum stances the officers and men always behaved in an admirable manner. The officers had unusual hardships to undergo. 1196. Did you ever hear any reports of officers going on shore with their boats and capturing slaves ?—Never. 1197. Mr. Kennaicaj.] Have you any reason to think that the statements made by Dr. Living stone at various times about the horrors of the slave trade, and the depopulation of the country owing to it, are exaggerated?—Not at all; I have read Dr. Livingstone’s letters and works with great interest, and, as far as my knowledge and experience go, I quite agree with all he has stated. 1198. As to the devastation of the country ?— Yes ; I do not think he lias exaggerated it in least. 1199. Chairman.] Or as to the cause of depopulation ?—No. 1200. Mr. Kennaway.] Have you ever coöj. sidered the propriety of establishing depots liberated slaves at the Seychelles ; do you thio^ that would be a suitable place ?—I sent sevei’*^ large captures of slaves from Zanzibar to tk^ Seychelles, and I afteiwvards visited the Seyche^' les myself, and found all the emancipated slav^i thriving and in good condition ; the climate the food, and everything, seemed to suit the''* admirably. 1201. Was there room for a larger number At that time the inhabitants of the Seychelle'- were very anxious indeed to have a supply emancipated slave labour. I went there in tkf “ Gorgon ”, which took there about 80 emaflC^' pated slaves, and a])plication were immediately made for 800 ; ten times the number we brought. 1202. Are you aware whether the same (1^ maud for the labour of emancipated slaves tinues there ?—I have no recent information but I have no doubt the Seychelles could absot^ a very considerable number of free slaves ; in every respect it is the best place to send th^’jj to ; the children could be protected there, could be educated and brought up as Christiai^"| which would be almost impossible on any of the mainland of the East Coast of Africa. _ ' 1203. Mr. Crum-Eicitiy.] In what cultivati^\ or manufacture is labour required there ?—Tk'j ) Seychelles consist of 37 islands, which are w'0*’|< » derfully fertile; they can grow every variety, tropical produce in the greatest abundance, eluding tobacco, coffee, sugar, and spices of kinds. The cloves are double the size they are Zanzibar. The Seychelles have been very neglected ; they have been a dependency of Mauritius, and the Mauritius grudges ev^^ shilling spent on them. On my first visit to d’,, Seychelles I came from Bombay, and I ha^ j. good many Indian servants with me, and tk^-j called the islands Paradise ; they said they no idea that there was such a spot in the w orW' 1204. ' ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 81 ]204. ■^-Tliey slavery ^^bour. Are there any coffee plantations there ? have been nearly all deserted ; since was put a stop to they have had no 1205. Chairman.l All they want is labour then?—Yes, there are 37 islands of different sizes ; some of them are large, and in those they could employ a great many emancipated slaves. Major Gen. C. P. Pigby, 25 July 1871. Captain Philip Colomb, r.n., called in; and Examined. ^ 1206. Sir J. 1: OU were employed for considerable time on the East Coast of :^lHca in the suppression of the slave trade ?— ^es. 1207. ill you state the dates between which Joii were so employed?—Between November and May 1870. 1208. Did you visit all the ports along the Coast?—Not many ports on the African coast. Y'^as employed on the African coast a little, and ^Iso on the Madagascar coast, but chiefly on the ^cast of Arabia. 1209. Did you capture many slavers ?—I cap- six. 1210. Where did you capture them ?—One I ^^ptured in the Persian Gulf, which, I believe, ^Vas very rarely done, the remainder I captured the coast of Arabia, near lias lYadiaka, 700 Diles from Aden. 1211. IVere they all vessels which had come ^^'cin the neighbourhood of Zanzibar?—All ex- ^ept the one captured in the Persian Gulf. 1212. M here had she come from?—She had Coine from the south-eastern corner of the golf, ^^d was crossing to the Persian coast. 1213. She had nothing to do with the East .Cast of Africa slave trade ?—No, except in so she was one of the local slave traders which Y^Ty slaves, originally from Africa, from the ®Cuthern coast of the Persian Gulf to the northern 1214. Have you any suggestions to make to Committee with regard to the best mode of ^Ppressin^ the slave trade on the East Coast of B^ca ?—dhe slaves come from various points tong the coast of Africa, but they are all j ''CRtually concentrated at Pas el Hadd, and by Y' icg a sufficient force there to intercept them, it to me that the trade could be almost entirely jY'bped; to do that, it would be necessary to a considerable force, some six or eight ships probably from 1,000 to 1,200 tons, each ship "Ging well supplied with steam pinnaces or ..Cam launches. Large ships by themselves at . point would be of no avail whatever, because slave vessels hug the shore as they come and long before any boat can reach them gj^cy run ashore and succeed in landing their YY® ’ care nothing about the destruction W dhow so long as they land their cargo. It ^jOuld be necessary in intercepting the trade at point, to keep your steam launches anchored P Y'^tler weigh close in shore so as to interpose a g ^ 'between the beach and the vessels; then, in N ^ Ciase, every dhow which appeared would lu - V ^owmr her sail and give herself up without ^ fi’ouble. lhat is the chief point as to the vYl cy^^ient of the force, but one great disad- Gf which the officers commanding the ships to f] ®flCîadron labour under is this, that on going m .cc station they are not supplied w ith infor- to what had gone before; you are in command of a ship with orders to sup- slave trade, and you have no infbrma- ^lio-l ^'^‘^.^cver as to how to suppress it; you ^ cf course have provided yourself with some of the Blue Books, but you were not sup plied with them, and you were left to gather such hearsay information as you could get from your brother officers; in fact, about the time you w ere leaving the station you were beginning to acquire a knowledge of Avhat you might do. Then the naval officers are entirely in the hands of their interpreters ; they can do nothing with out them ; and, so far as I understand, the inter preters are not to be depended on ; generally speaking, their knowledge of the language is imperfect, and it is only by examining and cross- examining them very diligently that you can really get correct information. 1215. Are better interpreters to be obtained? —I believe not at present, but no doubt in a very short time, if they were properly paid, we could on tain them. 1216. Am I right in taking the result of your evidence to be that you think it desirable that the officers should be employed on the station for a longer period, so that they might gain local ex perience ?—No ; because I do not think that most men can stand more than three years of that sort of work in that climate, but I think that they should have supplied to them the information which has been collected by their predecessors. 1217. You do not anticipate that more active measures or a more numerous squadron in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar would have any ma terial effect in reducing the slave trade ?—I do not think it would have so material an effect as dealing with the ports of debarkation. I would not say it wmuld have no eflect, but it would not have a material effect. 1218. Did you find great difficulty owing to the fact that the home trade in slaves at Zanzibar being legal, the foreign slave trade to the Per sian Gulf, wms able, under the cover of that, to evade the action of the cruisers ?—I think that made the greatest difficulty. I think that threw a great barrier in the way of dealing with the trade about Zanzibar. I think the whole state of things would be altered if all slave trade to and from Zanzibar were made illegal. 1219. Do you think it possible to stop it alto gether by naval operations so long as that mode of evading it is open to the Arab dhows?—No ; but I should say that I doubt whether it would be possible to stop it altogether by any forcible measures. I think the stoppage of it altogether must be done by dealing with the authorities at the ports of embarkation and at the ports of de barkation by means of treaties. 1220. Would you anticipate any great advan tage from treaties?—Yes, because I think when armed with a treaty the naval force can act more efficiently. The treaty does not act so much directly as indirectly by keeping the people in fear. I would not trust altogether to the moral force of treaties in those cases, but treaties give the naval officers a great deal more power than they otherwise would have. 1221. What did you do with those dhows which you captured?—AVe destroyed them im mediately. Captain P. Colomb, K.N. Ml 1222. All 82 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Capta n 1222. All of them ?—All of them. P. Colomb, 1223. What did you do with the slaves?— R.N, The slaves were landed at Aden. 1224. In your own ship ?—In iny own ship. 2,5 July 1225. Had you to proceed to Aden on each 1871. occasion and leave your cruising ground for the purpose of landing the slaves? — No; I kept them on board till my cruising ground was no longer tenable, owing to the setting in of the monsoon. 1226. How many crews of captured slavers had you on board at once ?—Not more than two crews, consisting of about 10 each, but five car goes of slaves. 1227. Consisting altogether of many persons? —In three of them there was one slave in each, in the other two there were 60 and 113, that would be 176 slaves. 1228. Would it have been possible for you to have continued your active exertions, if }ou had been obliged to save the dhows? — Certainly not ; if I had been obliged to save the dhows, I should simply have had to put a stop to my operations; I could not possibly have taken either of those dhows to the ¡^ort of adjudication, I must have let her go. 1229. You think that any proposal to prevent the naval officers, engaged in this service, from destroying the captured dhows, would make it impossible for them to continue the service with any great advantage?—As regards dhows, where there was no question about their being slavers, by reason of their being full, you would, in any case, destroy them. But where you have to act on less direct evidence, and are for this reason called on not to destroy the vessel, but to convey her bodily to the port of adjudication, the practical result is that such vessel would be always let go. 1230. The distances to the ports of adjudica tion are too great ?—Yes. 1231. The expenditure of fuel in towing her would make it quite impossible to take her to one of those ports?—Yes, if the dhow herself would stand the towing which she generally would not. 1232. Do you apprehend that difficulty will arise in carrying on the operations of the squadron from dhows being allowed to go free, which have a few slaves on board ?—If the Arabs understand that vessels with two or three slaves on board are allowed to go free, they will simply give up carrying full cargoes of slaves, and every lawful trader will carry five or six as part of her cargo. 1233. Full dhows on being pursued would not hesitate to put to death a number of slaves in order to avoid capture ?—I should think not. 1234. Mr. Fowleri^ By throwing them into the sea?—It would depend on whether they had a valuable cargo besides their slaves; they certainly would sacrifice the slaves to save a valuable cargo, either by throwing them into the sea, or by knock ing them on the head. 1235. Mr. Kinnnird.~\ They think nothing of knocking them on the head ?—Nothing. 1236. Sir R. Anstruther.^ In what condition were those 60 slaves which you captured ?— As to the 60 some of them were in very good condition, but many of them were horribly emaciated, and in a terrible state ; they had been 23 days at sea; the 113 which were in a dhow which I captured soon afterwards were all in a very excellent condition, they were as plump and as good humoured as possible ; they had been only 14 days at sea from Zanzibar. 1237. How were they stowed ?—Everybody in a dhow is stowed like cattle ; there is no dif ference between the Arab master and the slaves ; the Arab gentlemen and their wives and families going in dhows from Arabia to Zanzibar, have the same accommodation as the slaves have in coming up from Zanzibar. 1238. Are not the slaves bound on board ?— N ever. 1239. Sir J. Hay.'] Are not they ironed or chained?—1 never saw the slightest sign of force, and T never observed that there was the slightest likelihood of force being necessary. 1240. Sir R. ¿\nstruther.] In the case of the Arab and his family coming down to Zanzibar, there is not the same crowding that there is in the case of the slaves being carried from Zanzi' bar ?—No, still the difference w ould hardly strike one. 1241. Mr. CTum-Eu ing.] M hat is the ton' nage of the dhows?—They average about 80 tons ; some run to a much larger size, and a great many are smaller, but 1 suppose the average would be about 80 tons. 1242. How^ are they armed ?—With muskets and fowling pieces, and spears. 1243. Mr. Kinnaird] Where are they built ? —The great mass of them are built at Soor, a town near Bas el Hadd, in Arabia 1244. Chairman.] Have you ever found any difficulty in distinguishing between domestic slaves and slaves for export ?—I found none on the coast of Arabia. J was sometimes two of three days over the examination of the crew' o? the dhows ; but I found when I took time over it, I could always get at the truth. 1245. You carefully examined those on board before you proceeded to destroy the dhow ?-" Always. 1246. With that examination, you found perfectly easy to distinguish betw een legal traffic and illegal traffic ?—Yes, quite easy. 1247. You spoke of placing your fleet on the Arabian coast ; w'ould not it be very desirable, if possible, to save these poor creatures the 40 days voyage ?—Yes, I think it would. 1248. Have you reason to suppose that there is a great loss of life between Zanzibar and the Arabian coast?—Nothing that has come under my own notice leads me to suppose so, but I can easily understand that it might be so. 1249. Of course, all the evidence of deaths on the passage would be removed from any dho^ that you might capture ?—Yes. 1250. Might not a good deal be done in watch' ing the ports of departure ?—Yes ; I suppose h could. 1251. If there were a sufficiently large fleet to w atch them ?—I should think it might ; but yon might yourself form quite as good an opinion upon that point as I could. 1252. You spoke of the want of better inter preters ; would not it be very desirable to have a trained body of interpreters for the use of each captain ?—Most desirable. 1253. Would there be any difficulty in pro- vimng such interpreters at some small expense ^ —None whatever, I should think. 1254. You would then have persons upon whonr you could depend ?—Yes. 1255. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.] You said that i^ three of the vessels you captured, there were only three slaves?—One in each; those were very small vessels. 1256. Were ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 83 1256. Were they vessels engaged in trade?— Yes, in legal trade. 1257. Could you distinguish in those cases ■""hether the one slave on board was a domestic ^lave or a slave for sale ?—Yes. 1258. Would not the presumption he in such ^ case as that, that the slave was a domestic slave?—Yes ; the first presumption is undoubt edly that the slave is a domestic slave ; it is only On close examination that you come to a different Conclusion. 1259. Were the dhows in those cases carrying large cargo ? —A small cargo. 1260. What was the kind of evidence tending to show that they were slaves for sale rather than domestic slaves ?—I used generally to in timate to the captain before the examination began, that if one slave was found to be not a domestic slave, his vessel would be legally Condemned, to which he always agreed. I used to have the captain on board first, and if from his replies, or from different circumstances, I had any suspicion, I used to send immediately tor all the rest of the crew, and separate them from one another at once, and then, on examining them separately, I generally came at the history of the whole transaction. In the case of two of those single slaves, they had been both stolen at Zanzibar^ and the masters of the dhows admitted the fact, and acknowledged that they were pro perly captured. 1261. Sir J. Buy.l In those cases, had there been any other slaves killed, do you think, who had been part of the cargo before?—I should think not. 1262. Mr. Shaic Ze/erm] Were any of the crew domestic slaves ?—Yes, every dhow carries domestic slaves as part of the crew. 1263. Chairman.'] Did you take any of the crew to the place where the dhow was con demned ? — N one. 1264. Mr. Kinnaird.] What became of the Crew when you destroyed the dhow ?—VYe gave them their choice whether they would be landed, or whether they should be transferred to some other vessel, and they generally chose to take a passage in some vessel going to their own place. 1265. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.] Did the domestic slaves in such cases leave their masters?—No. 1266. Mr. Kinnaird.] What class of people are these captains of dhows ; are they superior men ? No, quite the reverse ; in the small dhows they are the ordinary low class Arab. 1267. Have they any knowledge of navigation ? --None ; they follow the land the whole way up from Zanzibar. 1268. You state that on arriving at the station you had no Blue Books placed in your hand, was that the case with the squadron generally ?— Yes. 1269. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.] Looking to the in efficiency of the interpreters, do not you think there is considerable danger in condemning a Vessel for having one slave on board?—No, I do riot think there is if it is carefully done. 1270. Looking to the little reliance which can he placed on the interpreters, do not you think that injustice maybe done in many cases?—I think it is very probable in a small minority of ^^ses. 1271. Particularly looking at the fact that all the crew are domestic slaves as a rule?—Yes; hut a violent disease requires a violent remedy. 1272. Mr. Kinnaird.] Was any request made 0.116. to the commandant of the squadron there to furnish Captain to the captains of the vessels information as to P. Colomb, what had been done before their arrival at the r.x. station ?—I do not know that any official request was made to him ^5 July 1273. You found it a very great drawback that 187^* you had no information, and that you had to buy your experience from day to day ?—An imm nse drawback. Every officer 011 the East Indian station was ordered to make a report every six months on the slave trade as to what he had been doing, and those reports were sent home ; but I am not aware of their having been communicated to succeeding officers of the squadron. 1274. Was there any commendation for, or special notice taken of, aciiviiy on ihe part of any of the officers coiumanding ihe cruisers?— My own experience is that it was a little die other way. 1275. You thought that no encouragement was given you?—I speak, of course, of what happened to myself ; I had one or two letters from the Foreign Office which were not com mendatory, but the reverse. 1276. So that there was rather discouragement than encouragement, in putting down the slave trade ?—So far as my own experience goes. 1277. Practically you believe that our officers, generally speaking, do exercise a very wise dis cretion, and it is your impression that there has been no unnecessary act of cruelty on their part, or any unnecessary destruction of dhows?—None whatever, so far as I could judge, while I was on the station. I thought there was quite as much discretion used as could be ; that when mistakes were made they were mistakes of ignorance, and nothing else, and that there was no want of zeal or want of proper care. 1278. Did you ever trace the fate of those slaves which you landed at Aden?—I never traced the fate of individuals, but hearsay evi dence goes to show that slaves landed at Aden really find their way into Arabia as slaves : at Aden there is no means of disposing of them. They are sent from time to time to Bombay, but the feeling in India was very strong against that step being taken. 1279. Do I rightly gather that your impres sion is, that there is an utter want of system in the whole arrangements for putting down the slave trade, owing to our not giving pro¡ier in structions to the squadron ?—I will not go so far as to say that there is an utter want of system ; but I think the system might be improved. 1280. Have you any suggestions to make to the Committee with respect to those slaves that are landed at Aden, and which find their way back and are recaptured ?—I have always thought that the worst thing that could happen to a slave was to be captured by one of Her Majesty’s ships; because there is no opening for him after that. He spends a happy time on board the ship ; but his after career is quite a doubtful one. 1281. Mr. Shaw Lefevre.] That would be an argument in favour of stopping the trade at the ports of embarkation, rather than at the ports of debarkation?—Yes, possibly. 1282. Having undergone the hardships of the 40 days’ voyage, you think they are better off by remaining uncaptured ?—Yes, 1283. You think that their lot as liberated slaves is rather worse than their lot as slaves in Arabia?—I think so. 1284. Mr. Kinnaird.] Suppose by treaty you L 2 ■ secured Captain P. Colomb R. N. 25 July 1871, o4 MINUTES OP EVIDENCE TAKE secured only one port 'of embarkation for all ^ sla\cs ui the Sultan of Zanzibar's dominions, would not that very much facilitate the suppres sion of the slave trade?—1 should think it would. 128o. Lord F. Ccwenclish.~\ Do all dhows im porting slaves into Arabia and Persia pass the point you mention. Ras el Iladd ?—Yes. 1286. You think a tolerably strong fleet, sta tioned oif that point, would absolutely stop the import into Arabia and Persia?—At first they would ; then as it became known that the ships were stationed there it is not impossible that the slaves might be landed further down the coast. 1287^ Are there ports where they could be landed ?—They would be landed on the beach ; but there is a considerable difficulty about that, because theie is nothing like settled Grovernment on that part of the coast, and I think the number so landed would be small. 1288. Of course if the trade were absolutely stopped, if it were known to the Northern Arab that all the slaves were certain to be seized, the trade would soon come to an end, because it w-ould not pay ; therefore though for a time the slaves might have to undergo the suffering caused by the 40 days’ passage, yet it would diminish the suffering, on the whole ?—You would have fewer slaves, but the trade might still remain brisk, be cause the demand remaining the same in Arabia, as you diminished the supply the price would rise. 1289. If they could not pass Ras el Hadd, where could they be landed ?—You are fighting a sort of battle with people who have great in° terests at stake, and it is quite possible that they might find some means, after a little time, of evading you. 1290. Do you imagine that the ruler of Mus- cat^could put an end to this trade if he wished ? —So far as 1 know, and so far as I have heard, he is in the hands of his great men, and he can not do very much. 1291. If we made it his interest to stop it could he do it ?—I should think so. 1292. Mr. Shaio Lefevre.~\ Are there many points where slaves could be landed along the coast of Arabia, or are they generally landed at one or two special points ?—Nearly all the slaves are landed inside Ras el Hadd, and further up on the Arabian coast inside the Gulf. 1293. Supposing a slaver is pursued near the coast, could it land at any point and deposit its slaves ?—If the slave vessel is between the ship, or the boat and the coast, the slave vessel will always land her slaves on the beach. 1294. Could the slaves be forwarded on to the port of destination from there ?—Yes. 1295. There would be no difficulty in that ?— There would be a difficulty, but it could be done. 1296. And is done ?—Yes. 1297. So that in fact the whole coast is open to the dhows in that way ?—No, it is not, because of the unsettled state of the country ; if they landed their slaves further down the coast than some- wheie CiOse to Ras el Hadd, they w ould never be certain that their cargo wmuld not be captured from them after it w as landed. 1298. AYhat is the extent of coast upon which they could land their slaves with safety ?— Probably, 20 miles. 1299. It would only be necessary to watch r BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE closely those 20 miles?—You wmiild spread a larger circle to seaward than that, but the close watching of the coast wmuld extend over that area. 1300. Are any slaves landed at Mokullah or Shera ?—I think very few ; there are no signs of slaving going on there of late, so far as our%hip9 knew. 1301. Mr. KinnairdJ] Have you any reason to think that any slaves are shipped to Cuba ?—- No. 1302. Mr. J. Tulbot.~^ Are you acnuainted with Zanzibar itself ?—Yes. 1303. IVhat is your opinion as to the healthi ness of Zanzibar ?—I think it is very healthy. 1304. Do you think that occupation is to be found there for liberated slaves ?—I think there would be if Zanzibar belonged to the EnMish. 1305. If its caijabilities were properly de veloped ?—Yes ; but I think that as things stand at present, liberated slaves there would simply be slaves under another name. . 1306. Do you agree wdth a former wdtness that it would be very desirable if some place could be provided under the jirotection of the British flag, at which liberated slaves could be received prior to_ their being absorbed in free labour?—Cer tainly. 1307. T ou think that would be a very good wmy of providing for the gradual suppressimi of the ti acie ? Yes, I think that would be very desirable. 1308. Mr. Fötaler.1 Did you find your health suffer in your service on the coast?—Consider ably; chiefly because it is very arduous work when you are actively engaged in the suppression of the trade. You have to chase vessels, and board them at the rate, perhaps, of 10, 12, 14, or 20 per day ; you are obliged to be perpetually in the sun, and perpetually on the strain, and it tells upon you after a few weeks of it. 1309. It was on that ground you expressed the opinion that three years was long enough for any officer to remain on the station ?—Spelikino- of the station generally, I think three years i1 enough. 1310. Sir J. Hay.~\ Is there anything further which you wmuld wish to state to the Committee? —I should like to mention that there is a trade to Madagascar which is still in a more or less flourishing state ; though we have suppressed it to a considerable extent by the treaty with Ma dagascar, there is still a regular trade from the southern part of A trica, a trade which does not pass through Zanzibar at all. 1311. In the Portuguese territory? Yes, south of it. 1312. South of Cape Delgado?—Yes. 1313. Commander De Kantzow says, in a letter dated 1st October 1869, in Blue Book B. for 1871 : '' The whole coast has been searched by our ship and boats without observiim a slave dhow, and it is but fair to add, without a sio-n of slave-trading”; do you concur in that state ment ?—That might be true, and yet the slave trading might he going on, because, at the same time at Madagascar, the current report was that there were slaves in the interior waiting the de parture of our ships to be sent over, and Captain de^ Kantzow mentions rumours of slave ships being heard of south of his station. 1314. You do not think the Portuo'uese Government has entirely suppressed the 'slave trade on their portion of Southern Africa?—We know 85 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). for certain that slaves from that part of Coast have been imported quite recently into ^dagascar. hß Then, in suggesting that 12 ships should ^o,^.^P^cyed in suppressing the slave trade on the . Uth East Coast of Africa, you did not take t\v^ consideration the slave trade carried on be- ^^cn the Portuguese territory and Madagascar? 5 ^^16. You would contemplate an additional gl^dron for that?—That would require to be t}j^^^‘^tely dealt with ; but I should say I think trade is clearly on the decrease. What number of ships would you think Cssary to perform the service there ?—I should PPose not more than two or three. Two or three, with steam launches, you a ''vould be sufficient to suppress any trade Afp exist between the South East Coast of and Madagascar?—Yes, stationing those Ps on the Madagascar coast. ^ees the importation of free labour into Ck] , rench colony of Reunion add to j our diffi- g^cs at all?—I do not think it does. One tf.^î^ers that it gives a great impetus to the slave oql^c 5 that a certain number of men who are Vç^^^ally brought down as slaves, become con- 1 into free negroes, by some process, find- <1 ffieir way into the French colonies. Have you had any diplomatic diffi- ^cs with the officers of other nations ?— Sg^cr ; our difficulties, I think, might be in c degree removed if encourao-ement was given to legal traders in the Mozambique Channel, to fly English ensigns, and to carry English papers ; at present the great majority of them carry French ¡lapers, and French ensigns, and, of course, there is more or less difficulty in dealing with any vessel carrying French colours ; I believe the Arabs would gladly change their French colours for English if they could. 132L Why do they bear the French National h'lag ?—They obtain French papers from the French Government at Nos Beli, and other settle ments. 1322. Do you think their nationality might easily be converted from French into English ?— I believe the great mass of those flying colours have nothing to say to the French nation. 1323. Mr. Shaw LeftvreJ] By sailing under the French flag, they obtain immunity from search on the part of our cruisers ?—Yes, it has always been said, and no doubt it is true, that the search after the illegal trade does embarrass the legal traders considerably, so that the legal trader pro tects himself by flying the French colours, and the illegal trader, of course, follows suit. 1324. Chairman.'] Do you think we could in duce them to carry English colours instead of French, seeing that they would then be liable to search?—Yes, they would rather have English colours than French. No illegal trader would dare to fly English colours, and there would con sequently be even more immunity from search irom the legal traders flying English colours. A primâfade suspicion attaches to all others. Captain P. Colomb, R.N. 25 July 1871. Mr. Charles Allington, called in; and Examined. ^25. Mr. Kennaway.] AYere you in the vici- Lake Nyassa, in company with Bishop »Sk f5^y~We were living on the banks of the river. Lan you, from your own experience, thg Evidence to the forays made by slavers upon P^^ceful villages in that district?—Yes, I going into a native village near Mollumbala. The slavers were there ^Gfore we got there, and on our approach fli’cd some shots and took to their heels, VIjj Hug away with them some men out of the ol^ M^hen I got to the village there Avas an ^çv^Pief in hiding in the bush, afraid to come village on account of those slavers ; after a little time he came back, and I yillg^^friends Avith him, and we Avalked about the and he told me the loss Avhich had been upon him by the slavers. That is one ^ce in my mind at the present time. Chairman.] Have you any doubt that ^iuie you were in the country there Avere slavers Avho attacked villages Avith the obtaining slaves?—I have not the slightest All the accounts you have received con- you in that vicAV ?—Quite so. oh ' Kinnaird.] You have no doubt that of those raids Avas for the purpose of ®Lves?—Simply for the purpose of getting nothing else. ^30. • Crnm-EwingS] Some of the Avit- nesses have stated that the slave dealers go up Mr. the country and encourage war between two C. AUin^ton. tribes, and then buy the captNes as slaves ; do - you agree Avith that?—It is a common notion . that that is done ; I haA^e no doubt that it is done they want slaves at any price, and if they can get them by exciting Avar between tAVO tribes they, no doubt, adopt that course. 1331. You do not knoAv that of your OAvn knoAvIedge ?—No, I have heard that it is done. 1332. Mr. J. Talbot.] You do not say that it is a common thing for slavers to go and stir up Avar for the purpose of getting slaves ?—It is merely a thing I have heard; I have no knoAv- ledge of it myself. 1333. You have heard that it takes place, but you are not prepared to say that it often takes place?—No, 1 am not. 1334. Chairman.] But from the information you have received you come to the conclusion that it is not an uncommon thing for the slave traders to stir up Avar between tAvo tribes for the purpose of obtaining slaves?—That is a state ment I have heard made more frequently in Eng land than anyAvhero else; but I could not speak to it from my OAvn knowledge. 1335. Is the case you have mentioned the only case of the sort Avhich came under your OAvn ob servation ?—That case is the one strongest in my mind at this moment. I do not think I could tell you any other ; that is a case Avhich I am per fectly ^ clear about. I have no doubt the same thing is going on day after day. •He. L 3 Mr. 86 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. E. Hutchimon, 25 July 1871. Mr. Edward Hutchinson, called in ; and Examined. 1336. Chairman.'] You aie one of the Secre taries of the Church Missionary Society?—I am, 1337. Has your society been instituting in quiries with respect to the suitability of Sey chelles as a place to which to send liberated slaves ?—I may say shortly that the whole of this matter has been before our committee for the last four years ; we have been investigating it thoroughly for that time, and we arrived at this conclusion, that the Seychelles was the most suit able place at which a depot for liberated slaves could be established ; and, in anticipation of the Government agreeing with our view, we sent a missionary there with instructions to purchase a property there, and commence a training institu tion ; we did not do that till we had ascertained from the fullest evidence we could collect upon the subject, that Seychelles was the best place for the purpose. We sent a gentleman from the Mauritius to the Seychelles who sent us a report, an epitome of which I have here, and he also procured for us a report by Mr. Swinburne Ward, the Government Commissioner at the Seychelles, speaking in the most favourable terms of the Seychelles as being suitable for a depot for liberated slaves. 1338. Would your society be prepared to send agents to the Seychelles for the instruction and civilisation of liberated slaves who might be sent there?—We have an agent there now, and he was quite ready to set to work, but a stop was put to the whole matter by the Government refusing to send any more slaves to the Seychelles. If any number of liberated slaves had been sent to the Seychelles we were prepared to have ap plied for a sufficient number of lads and children to train and teach, with the hope, at some future .time, of their returning to Africa. And I say this because the Committee may perhaps not be aware that Dr, Livingstone, when he last went to Africa, took with him nine lads from our insti tution in Bombay ; that is the institution to which the Government of Bombay sent slave children captured in the Indian Ocean ; and from that institution Dr. Livingstone selected nine lads to accompany him in his travels into the interior of Africa, and who are now with him ; and in a Report in 1866, by Dr. Livingstone, which is to be found in the papers before the Committee, he mentions that one of those lads met his own uncle at the very village from which he had been torn as a child, and the uncle, find ing the value that this lad would be to him, having been taught agriculture and carpentry at Nassick, proposed that he should stay with him, but the lad’s answer was, “ No,” he preferred staying with his master. Dr. Livingstone. 1338*. Will you hand in the epitome of the Reports respecting the Seychelles ?—{The Wit ness handed in the same, vide Appendix.) 1339. Is there anything else which you wish to state to the Committee ?—I should like to say that we have given this subject very careful con sideration, and we believe that the recommen dations contained in the Report of the Committee which sat at the Foreign Office are very valuable, but there is one particular in which we dissent from them, and that is, the recommendation con tained in paragraph 64. We dissent entirely from the proposal that those children should be liberated at the Island of Zanzibar, and the^^ handed over to any master fi om whom they migy. take wages ; it is a proposal which we think entirely opposed to the whole policy that Government have hitherto adopted in dealiP- with the slave trade. , . 1340. It was your society principally whi*i drew the attention of the Government to tk^' matter, was it not?—We have pressed this ter upon the Government at various times. years ago we went on a deputation to the Intk*' Office, which resulted in the appointment of fk Foreign Office Committee. 1341. The Bishop of Mauritius brought fk ^ matter before you ?—He brought the matter fore us in 1867, and since that time we have bc^^ perpetually working to bring public opinion ^ bear upon it. 1342. Mr. Kimiaird.] Is there any other pD^.^ besides the Seychelles which would be suita^G for the establishment of schools for the liberal _ slave children ?-—1 might say at the Maurih|\ itself there is a large establishment, which been superintended by our missionaries, there the Mauritius government have done ^vk the Government did at Sierra Leone, nain^*i they have given 6 d. a-head per diem for evß^' child we would take and train. That has carried on for a long time very successfully C deed ; and Governor Barclay, in one of k letters, says, if we could establish a similar in: _ ^ tution at the Seychelles, he has no doubt ik''^ the Mauritius government would make a for the purpose. 1343. Mr. Kennaway.] You would prefer W any settlement of slaves should be under ^ ^ British flag?—We take that position, because liberated slave is a British subject ; the pre¿^¿ Act of Parliament requires that slaves shall l liberated in British dominions ; that is the p^^ from which we start. 1 1344. Do you think, supposing the libet^j^^ slaves were congregated at the Seychelles, would be able to isolate them from the immorak ' of the place ; it has a bad character atpre^ ^, has it not?—It has a bad character; the chelles consists of a group of seven islands, the evidence we have rather leads to the con^ . sion that Mahi would be the best lor our 0^^ tions ; but we have no doubt that we should y able so to train the emancipated slaves as to vent them from being affected by any iminor^k j there may be in the place ; and, moreover, ik are only children ; and it is a point which y) important to bear in mind that a large majority the slaves captured are children. à 1345. Mr. Kumaird.] The Church Missioß^) Society are willing to undertake that work' , Yes. 1346. You only ask the Government to Ijgi' tribute a small payment ?—-Six-pence per - .g per diem would completely cover the exp^k^^i that is what the Government have given Sierra Leone 1347. Mr. J. settlement at Talbot.] Why would not sit^ ^ Zanzibar be satisfactory?— seems to be very little evidence as to the the Sultan could bring to bear to protect k rated slaves there. Besides, from what I k^i)' read I should say that Zanzibar is a verf J healthy place ; the only place where a d^^l' 87 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). be established would be in the interior of island, which General Rigby has told us is ^tremely unhealthy. t ] If the depot were es- ^WisPg(j jjj Zanzibar, would not you be afraid ^^t they might be taken as slaves again ?—That Quid depend on the measures that might be with a view to their protection ; if ample Gasures were taken, and the place became l^^ilised, then the children might be secure, but present the children would be as likely to be ^dnapped as not. 1349. Mr. Fowler.Have you any mission at Zanzibar ?—No. 1350. Mr. J. Talbot.l If they were put under the protection of the British flag at Zanzibar, what objection would there be to their being kept there ?—It is an open question ; if the Government decide on Zanzibar for a depot, no doubt our committee would consider the pro priety of going to Zanzibar. 1351. Mr. Ki.nnaird.\ The experiment at Nas- sick has answered thoroughly, has not it ? —It has been most satisfactory. Rev. Horace Waller, called in ; and further Examined. >.1352. Chairman.^ You have a letter from Livingstone, from which you wish to read j'aille extracts to the Committee? — Yes; this „^tter is dated 1st February 1867 ; he is writing the country of the Chipéta, which he de- ^^^ibes to be five days march from Lake Nyassa on east of it, and he says, ‘‘ I am a perfect bug- to these Coast Arab slave traders. Party ^Iter party, on hearing that the English were ?^Riing along the road, skedaddled away through ^V®h and brake and across pathless forests ; one old party, who had about 800 slaves, and just entering on a depopulated district of 10 pys’ march with them, finding that I had ^§bted on him, came forward and presented ;in ^ and big bag of flour. This man and brother ^^ded a dish of cooked meat on seeing that we really famishing. We had pretty hard lines 150 miles ; could not get food for either love money ; and then the depopulated part ! I .^Coniplished it on the morning of the eighth with four companions ; our food was all ex- l^^iided on the sixth day, and it was in hard blight that this good Samaritan slave trader be- a friend indeed.” He afterwards says, ^•^ear the sea coast the country is covered with ^^iise forest. Further inland the forest is more pen, but you seldom see the horizon ; then the ^Untry becomes undulating, and, from the crests , the earthen waves you may see mountains all Pout. The country about Mataka is Mago- *P®^o magnified ; a perfect rush of running rills flowing southwards and northwards, forming the Liendi and Rovuma, which unite at Ngomano. I counted 15 of these burns in one day’s march.” Further on, speaking of the slave traders, he says, “ Instead of a steamer, which 1 did my best to get on the lake, two Arab dhows ply their calling as slavers. The owner of one has swept a large tract on the western side of people ; at least, so say his own people. I hey kept their craft out of my way lest I should burn them.” In another part of his letter, he says, Some Arabs were fleeing from the resentment of Manganja, who resented their bringing arms and ammunition into the country for their destruction.” He is there re ferring to the plan adopted by the slave dealers of bringing arms and ammunition to set one tribe against the other. I can speak distinctly to the fact of its being the chief aim of the slave traders to set one tribe against the other, in order that they may bring war and the consequent destruction into the country which produces ju^t the state of things that makes slaves cheapest. Then further on, speaking of travelling with the Africans, he says, With them we crossed Kirk’s range, and got among Manganja in the primitive state, working in iron, and spinning buaze, and sowing grain extensively.” Buaze is a fibre used for nets. He is speaking there of a popula tion which had not been visited by the slave traders. ^•116. L 4 Mr. E. Hutchinson. 25 July 1871. Rev. H. Waller. [ 88 1 [ ü9 ] LIST OF APPEN n IX. Appendix, No, 1. Paper handed in by the Honourable C, Vivian, 13 July 1871 : Instructions for the Guidance of Naval Officers employed in the Suppression of the Slave Trade 91 Appendix, No. 2. Paper handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 20 July 1871 : Extract from Letter from Dr. Kirk to Mr. Vivian, dated 10th June 1871 - - - 94 Appendix, No. 3. Paper handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 24 July 1871 : Draft Report upon the Questions regarding the Kutchees in Zanzibar, submitted to the Committee upon the East African Slave Trade 95 Appendix, No. 4. Papers handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 24 July 1871 : Treaties, &c. : Persia : Firman issued by the Shah to Hoossein Khan, Governor of Pars - - - 98 Firman issued by the Shah to the Governor of Ispahan and Persian Arabia - 98 Convention for the Detention and Search of Persian Vessels by British and East India Company’s Cruisers - 99 Persian Gulf : Extract Treaties, &c., between Great Britain and Arab Chieftains of the Persian Gulf, relative to Piracy, the Slave Trade, &c.—1820 - - - - 100 Treaties, &c., between Great Britain and Arab Chieftains of the Persian Gulf, relative to Piracy, Slave Trade, &c.—1838, 1839 100 No. 1.—Agreement with Shaikh Sultan Bin Suggur, Chief of Ras-ool Khymah—Slave Trade - lOo No. 2.-Agreement with Shaikh Sultan bin Suggur, Chief of Ras-ool- Khymah.—Slave Trade 101 Engagement entered into by Sheik Sultan ben Sagger, Chief of Ras el Khyma and Chargah, for the abolition of the African Slave Trade in his Ports - 101 Somalees : Agreement between Great Britain and the Habr Gerhagis, the Habr Taljala, and other Tribes of Somalees, prohibiting the Exportation of Slaves.— Signed at Hour, 14th October 1855 - - - - - - - -102 Extract Agreement of Peace, Friendship, Slave Trade, &c., between Great Britain and the Sheiks of the Habr Owul Tribe of Somalees. — Signed at Berbera, 7th November 1856 - - - - - - - - -102 Muscat and Zanzibar : Agreement with the Sultan of Muscat.—2nd October 1845 103 The Imaum of Muscat to Consul Hamerton, dated 6th May 1850 - - - 104 Declaration between Great Britain and France, engaging reciprocally to respect the Independence of the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar.—Signed at Paris, 10th March 1862 - -- -- -- -- -- 104 Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Commerce (and Slave Trade) between Her Majesty and the Queen of Madagascar 0.116. M 105 [ 9° ] Appendix, No. 5. Papers handed in by Mr. Edward Hutchinson, 25 July 1871 lOö Appendix, No. 6. Letter from the Vicar of Bradford, late Bishop of Mauritius, to the Chairman (handed in by the Chairman), dated 27th July 1871 - uq Appendix, No. 7. Papers relating to the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa Appendix, No. 8. Papers relating to British Arbitration between Muscat and Zanzibar 125 [ 91 J APPENDIX. Appendix, No. 1. PAPER handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian^ 13 July 1871. INSTRUCTIONS for the Guidance of Naval, Officers employed in the Suppression Appendix No. 1. of the Slave Trade. !—' Admiralty, 6 November 1869. The attention of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having been called to serious irregularities and mistakes committed by officers commanding Her Majesty’s ships, employed in the suppression of the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa, their Lordships are pleased to issue the following Order. It is not intended by this Order to alter the slave trade instructions which are now furnished to Her Majesty’s ships, but merely to point out and explain to officers, in the most marked manner, certain provisions of those instructions which, on some occa sions, have been misunderstood or neglected, and to bring to the notice of officers the provisions of the recent Statute, 32 & 33 Viet. c. 75. 1.—As to what Vessels are liable to Capture, Articles 50, 51, and 388. The 50th Article of the General Instructions gives the general rule as follows :— If in the course of the search you are satisfied that the vessel is engaged in or equipped for the slave trade, and that she is subject to your authority, you will proceed to detain her.” The 51st Article gives ancillary rules:—You will be justified in concluding that a vessel is engaged in or equipped for the slave trade “ I. If you find any slaves on board. II. If you find in her outfit any of the equipments hereinafter mentioned ” [then follows an enumeration of the equipments taken from the Statute 2 & 3 Viet. C, 73, 6. 4]. In construing the words in this Article, “ if you find any slaves on board,” reference must be had to the general scope of the instructions, and particularly to the language of the preceding Article, which speaks of the vessel being engaged in or equipped for the slave trade.” Slave trade must, for this purpose, be carefully distinguished from slavery ; with which, as existing in foreign States, or on board foreign ships, not being in British territorial waters. Her Majesty’s Government does not claim, either by treaty or other wise, to interfere. As a fact, slavery, as a legal institution, exists in several States (amongst them Zanzibar) with which Great Britain has treaties for the suppression of slave trade. The mere finding, therefore, of slaves on board a vessel will not justify an officer in detaining Ijer if there are other circumstances which show that these persons are slaves by the law of the country from which the ship has sailed, or to which she belongs, and that they are not being transported for the purpose of being sold as slaves. Thus, for instance, where the slaves found on board are very few in number, are uncon fined, and appear to be on board for the purpose of loading or working the ship, or attending upon the master or the passengers, and there is no other evidence that the vessel is engaged in or equipped for the slave trade. 0.116. M 2 It 92 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 1. 2.—As to Documents found on Board the detained Ships, Articles 58, 69, 85. These Articles which prescribe measures for the preservation and final delivery to the Court of Adjudication of all papers and documents found on board the detained vessels, are to be carried out with perfect fidelity and scrupulous care. The unexplained loss of any such document, and still more its destruction, on any pre text whatsoever, will lay the officer open to very serious imputation. 3.—As to the Destruction of Vessels. Articles 60, 61. These Articles give authority to the officer to destroy a vessel which, on search, he considers to be engaged in or equipped for the slave trade, if, after survey held, it appears that she is not in a sufficiently sea-worthy condition to be sent to a port of adjudication. My Lords cannot, however, too strongly insist that such destruction of a vessel is only to be resorted to as an extreme measure. Nothing will excuse the officer in not sending in the vessel to a port of adjudication, except facts showing satisfactorily that doing so would have involved serious danger to the lives of the prize crew. In addition to this, the 390th Article is to be strictly observed as to Zanzibar vessels; “ If you have detained a Zanzibar vessel upon suspicion, and are unable to send her into the proper port of adjudication, you will not destroy her without (if prac ticable) having first ascertained at the nearest Zanzibar port, by inquiries from Her Majesty’s consul and others, that she was engaged in or equipped for the slave trade.” You are also strictly to observe all similar articles, with respect to vessels of other nationalities, to be found in the Special Instructions. 4.—As to the Port of Adjudication. Articles 63, 65, 389. The two first named of these articles prescribe the general duty of forwarding the detained vessel with as little delay as possible to the port of adjudication, and direct the officer to refer to the special instructions to ascertain the proper port. The 389th Article, referring to Zanzibar vessels only, is as follows:— “ The proper port of adjudicatation for a Zanzibar vessel is the nearest or most accessible port at which a British Admiralty, or Vice Admiralty Court, is estab lished.” Since the issuing of these instructions, certain powers have been conferred on Her Majesty’s consul at Zanzibar, by Order in Council of 9th August 1866, and the statute 32 & 33 Viet. c. 75. The 29th section of the Order in Council is in these words :— “ And it is further ordered that Her Majesty’s consul within the dominion of the Sultan of Zanzibar shall, for and within the said dominions, and for vessels and persons coming within those dominions, and in regard to vessels captured on suspi cion of being engaged in the slave trade within those dominions, have all such jurisdiction as for the time being ordinarily belongs to Courts of Vice Admiralty in Her Majesty’s possessions abroad.” The Act of Parliament extends the consul’s power; for the 2nd section is in these terms:— Her Majesty’s consul at Zanzibar for the time being shall have, and shall be deemed to have always since the commencement of the said Order in Council had, all It is quite otherwise where the slaves are found crowded and chained together, and are obviously being carried as cargo to be sold as slaves. Between these two classes of cases there are intermediate cases ; some of a doubtful character. It must rest with the officer to distinguish to what class any particular case belongs by a careful consideration of all the circumstances ; bearing in mind always this, that it is his duty to detain the vessel if he is reasonably satisfied that she is engaged in or equipped for the slave trade, but not otherwise. Officers must further observe that by the 388th Article of the Instructions, a right is reserved to the subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar of transporting slaves within certain limits therein specified. That right, however, has by a special order of the Sultan, dated 1863, been waived during the months of January, February, March, and April. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA'). 93 all such jurisdiction as ordinarily belongs to Vice Admiralty Courts in Her Majesty’s possessions abroad in regard to vessels captured on suspicion of being engaged in or equipped for the slave trade, in the following cases :— “ 1. Where a Zanzibar vessel shall have been captured in pursuance of any treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar, either within or beyond the dominions of Zanzibar. (( 2. Where the vessel captured shall not be entitled to claim the protection of the flag of any State or Nation.” Officers will therefore observe that— 1. All vessels captured in Zanzibar dominions are to be taken for adjudication to Zanzibar. 2. All Zanzibar vessels, wheresoever captured, and all vessels, wheresoever cap tured, which shall not be entitled to claim the protection of the flag of any State or Nation, are to be sent for adjudication to Zanzibar, if that be the nearest or most accessible port at which a British Admiralty or Vice Admiralty Court is established. In cases where the vessel is run on shore and wrecked, or is destroyed as unseaworthy, the same port of adjudication is— excepting in very special circumstances — to be resorted to for procuring the decree of Court, as that to which the vessel ought to have been sent if in a seaworthy condition when captured. More especially is this to be observed where persons are found on board the vessel. 5.—As to Persons and Pioperty found on Board the Vessel. Articles 66, 67, 77, 78. These Articles prescribe that wherever practicable all persons and things found on board the vessel shall be sent, with as little delay as possible, to the port of adjudication, and, if possible, in the vessel herself. Nothing short of necessity will justify any officer in landing any such persons on the coast, at random, near the place of capture, or in taking them to any port other than the port of adjudication. Their Lordships regret to be obliged to remind naval officers of this simple duty, so clearly imposed upon them, and to have to state that the purpose of taking the captured vessel to the proper port of adjudication is not to procure, as a matter of form, a decree of condemnation, but to obtain a full and fair trial of the case ; at which trial those concerned in the property may have all reasonable facilities to defend their interest. 6.—As to Reporting Captures. Articles 48, 49. Officers commanding Her Majesty’s ships are required by these Articles to furnish a detailed report of every capture, and especially of any circumstances which may have induced them to depart from the appointed course of conduct. In conclusion, their Lordships are most anxious to assist and protect officers in the right performance of their duties in suppressing the slave trade, but they must warn all such officers that if they transgress the instructions on this subject they will fall under their Lordships’ serious displeasure, and that they will also be liable to be called upon to pay heavy costs and damages. By command of their Lordships, Appendix, (signed) V. Lushivgton. 94 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 2. PAPER handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 20 July 1871. Extract from Letter from Dr. Kirk to Mr. Vivian, dated 10 June 1871. Appendix, No. 2. I GET the oddest rumours from the native house here of Jairam Seiojee. Atone time it is that Toorki is to be permitted to take the subsidy, and, if refused, take Zanzibar ; when, for having been allowed to do our dirty work, he is somehow to abolish the slave trade for nothing. Natives laugh at the idea that Bombay is likely to carry it out ; Burgash laughs, and says that he can öfter loorki better terms. In this Burgash is quite mistaken ; we can offer Toorki Zanzibar, and I can secure it to him if he comes with one hundred men ; but 3ve must before then have his written bond to sign our new Treaty, and, more than all, we must have a ship of war, and on his hesitation to ratify, at once present our claims for indemnity under the Commercial Treaty, and remove him if he then longer hesitates. But this is a nasty roundabout and Oriental mode of dealing, and Toorki, who hates us quite as much and loves us quite as little as Burgash or any other one of the family, would feel that he had been made a tool of. My idea is, we had better go boldly at it ourselves ; inform Burgash he acts in bad faith, and that his past behaviour is not such as should induce us to spare him ; that he simply must accede, and that when he does to the total abolition of the slave trade, we will see that the Arabs are quiet. The same day that this is demanded it will be neces sary to follow it up by enforcing the Commercial Treaty which, duly carried out, will cut off about two-thirds of his income. Burgash’s fanaticism was all assumed ; his national tendencies will give way also when he sees the choice between the Throne and bankruptcy. I do trust that soon we may have orders to do something, for it were better to withdraw from the struggle than carry it on as now. There is a very false idea as to the paramount claim of Bombay to the guidance of matters here. True, there are many Kutchees here, but Kutchees at best are not British Indians, and I ])resume, under the new Naturalization Acts, that even British Indians may become Arabs when they please. We hold fully two-thirds of our nominal subjects here against their will ; that is under our jurisdiction, but not under our protection, for they refuse to register. This state of things cannot long continue, for Indians get on so much better here than at home, that none of the Mussulman sects return to their land. Their children, when over 21, even now become Arabs. To the wealthy man, British protection is a thing worth having, but to poor men the Arab regime is better. If, therefore, the Naturalization Acts apply here to Indian and Kutchees, our Bombay interest here is not much, and even now it seems that it is but matter of detail, not of policy, it is a branch that had better be done by a junior officer, and a glance at past history for 10 years will satisfy anyone that England’s policy with the Zanzibar state must all emanate direct from home. Every year other nations are gaining greater interests here, and soon, whatever is done will be closely criticised by Germany and the States, with which Zanzibar is as closely related by treaty as with us. Excuse this long letter, but my wish is, if possible, to urge the necessity of immediate action ; we cannot afford to delay. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA^. 95 Appendix^ No. 3. PAPER handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 24 July 1871. DRAFT REPORT upon the Questions regarding the Kutcheesíu ^a?iziba7-, submitted Appendix No. 3 to the Committee upon the East African Slave Trade. My Lord, _ Foreign Office, April 1870. By your Lordship’s directions we have considered the Papers which have been referred to us as to the right of jurisdiction possessed by Her Majesty’s Government over certain natives of Kutch, resident in Zanzibar, as well over those who have, as over those who have not enrolled themselves on the British Consular Register, in accordance with the provisions of Her Majesty’s Order in Council of the 9th of August 1866. The Order in Council states that “A Register shall be kept by Her Majesty’s Consul of all British subjects, and of all natives of British-protected States in India who may claim British protection, residing within the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar;” and that “ any British subject who shall refuse or neglect to be so enrolled, and who shall not excuse such refusal or neglect to the satisfaction of the Consul, shall not be entitled to be recognised or protected as a British subject in respect to any suit, dispute, or difficulty in which he may have been, or may be, engaged or involved within the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar, at any time when he shall not have been or shall not be so enrolled.” The Kutchees seem to have thought that by neglecting to inscribe themselves on the consular register they were at liberty to elect the Sultan’s protection in lieu of that of Her Majesty’s Government, and so to accomplish their object of placing themselves under the laws of Zanzibar, which permit the acquiring and ho'ding of slaves ; and we observe, from the Papers submitted to us, that the Governments of Bombay and of India, and the political agents at Zanzibar, have taken different views of the question. In 1860, before the Order in Council was passed. Colonel Rigby, after giving a month’s notice of his intention, emancipated without further notice or difficulty all the slaves in the Island of Zanzibar belonging to natives of India under British protection, and he induced the Sultan to issue orders that all slaves belonging to natives of India on the mainland should be at once freed, and that no slaves should in future be sold to them. Colonel Rigby’s proceedings were at that time entirely sanction d and approved by the Bombay Government. Subsequently to the departure of Colonel Rigby from Zanzibar in 1862, and before the arrival of Mr. Churchill in 1867, a distinction was made between Kutchees who had registered themselves at the consulate and those who had not done so, the latter being allowed to place themselves under the Sultan’s protection, and to hold slaves. Mr. Churchill, however, soon after his arrival at Zanzibar, brought the matter to the notice of the Government of Bombay, in a Despatch of 22nd December 1867, in which he says ;— “I learn from an attentive perusal of the instructions, 1st, That up to Colonel Rigby’s departure from Zanzibar, no native of India dared to possess a slave. “ 2. That Colonel Rigby had received the approval of Government in all his proceedings \\ith regard to the emancipation of the slaves above alluded to. 3. That it was af'er Colonel Rigby’s departure that natives of India were allowed to place themselves under the Sultan’s protection.” Mr. Churchill was in doubt as to the course he should pursue with respect to the slave holding natives of India who had declined to avail themselves of the British protectorate, while the Sultan of Zanzibar held “ that had not Mr. Churchill’s predecessors allowed it, Ho native of India would be holding slaves in his dominions, but that having been told that Kutchees and other subjects of British protected States in India might be looked upon in the same light as his Arab subjects, he had allowed them to purchase slaves, and that it Was not fair to punish them for having innocently done what they did not know to be 'vrong.” The opinion of the Bombay Government upon this question was that Her Majesty’s Government had no right to interfere with those subjects of the Rao of Kutch who had not ^vailed themselves of the option of registering their names as entitled to British protection, Hr, at all events that, if we could interfere, it must be by agreement with the Rao of Kutch, Hnd after granting the owners compensation for the loss of their slaves, but they held that 0.116. M 4 British 96 APPENDIX TO KEPOKT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appeudix, No. 3. British subjects, residing in Zanzibar, could not exempt themselves from British law by taking service with the Sultan.” They thus drew a distinction between the position of non-registering Kutchecs and non registering British subjects. The question was then referred to the Government of India, who stated their opinion that “ the result of the permission to the subjects of Kutch to register themselves before the Biitish Consul, though undoubtedly well meant, appears to have been unfortunate, as it would seem that the Kutchees, not registered, have conceived the notion that they are emancipated from all control and interference, and that the Sultan himself favours these pretensions. Mr. Churchill should be instructed to inform the Sultan that the Government of India by no means recognises such claims, and the tiatiers from Kutch should be plainly told that, although the retention by them of domestic slaves in their households may for a time be tolerated, all attempts at purchasing, selling, or tiafficking in slaves will be summarily put down, and that the Government will not entertain any claim for redress or com pensation.” Acting upon these instructions, Mr. Churchill issued a public notice, that all Kutchees and natives of India in Zanzibar should present themselves at the British Consulate with lists of their slaves, under pain of punishment ; and he actually punished a man who disregarded the notice by a fine of 500 dollars. These proceedings gave offence to the Sultan, who protested that the non-regi-tered natives of India were, by the admission of Mr. Churchill’s predecessors, under his Highness’s protection, and as such, screened from the interference of the British Government. The matter was temporarily compromised by Mr. Churchill undertaking not to interfere with the slaves then in the possession of the Kutchees, provided they were forbidden to buy or sell any more; and the Sultan (hereupon referred the question for the authoritative decision of Her Majesty’s Government, and thus the matter stands at present. We have reviewed the case at length for the purpose of showing why doubts have arisen as to the powers of Her Majesty’s Government, and our reasons for recommending, as we shall do, that while the Kutchees should not be permitted to hold slaves in future, due con sideration should be shown and allowance made, for the circumstances under which they have conceived themselves justified in acquiring their slaves. We think that the case resolves itself into the following simple questions :— 1. Has Her Majesty’s Government the right to exercise jurisdiction over British subjects resident in Zanzibar? 2. is it necessary to the exercise of such jurisdiction that they should have enrolled them selves on the British Consular register? 3. Is there any distinction to be drawn in respect of such jurisdiction between British born subjects and natives of Indian States under the protection of the British Government, such as Kutch ? As regards the first and second questions, it seems clear that whether by treaty, usage, or sufferance. Her Majesty has, and exercises with the consent of the Sovereign of Zanzibar, juiisdiction overall British subjects resident in Zanzibar; and we do not think that the provisions of the Order in Council requiring all British subjects to register them selves at the British Consulate under certain penalties can be held to entiile those who do not so enrol themselves to withdraw themselves entirely from British protection, or to deprive Her Majesty of all jurisdiction over them. Our opinion upon the third qm stion is influenced by the proclamation of the Rao of Kutch to his subjects of the 24th April 1869, which states, “ It is therefore hereby ordered, that if you persist in the traffic in slaves, the Biitish Government will, by virtue of my afore said permission, treating you who reside at Zanzibar as its own subjects, liberate all slaves from your possession, &c.;” and we consider that in view of this proclamation, natives of Kutch must, so far as regards slave traffic, be regarded as British subjects. As it is clearly unlawful for a British subject to hold or traffic in slaves, either in Zanzibar or in any other country, it is consequently unlawful for a Kutchee to do so. If we are right in assuming that Her Majesty’s Government have jurisdiction over all British subjects or natives of Kutch under British protection, whether registered or not, it follows that they have the power, if they chose to exercise it, of at once insisting on the liberation of all slaves held by such persons, without previous notice of compensation; and also, under the powers given by the Order in Council of 1866, and its accompanying rules and regulations, of punishing in Zanzibar itself any such person fiir refusing to obey the Consul’s order to release their slaves. But, looking to the fact that the Kutchees have, with the implied sanction of the British Authorities, been permitted to hold slaves for domestic service since the year 1862, it would in our opinion be a harsh measure to order the immediate release of all their slaves without compensation to their owners. In our opinion it would be only fair to give the Kutchees a reasonable time, say three years, to make their preparations. The period might be left to the discretion of the Indian Government, and proper notice should be given accordingly ; but if at the end of such term as may be decided upon, any Kutchee should be found holding slaves, they should be imme diately emancipated without compensation, and the Kutchee punished for holding them. In the meantime no Kutchee should be allowed on any pretence whatever to acquire any fresh slaves, but only to hold those they already possess. We ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 97 We also think that, as the British Consul enforces his orders upon British subjects within Appendix, No. 3, the territories of Zanzibar by the process and officers or the Consular Court, under the ' regulations atiached to Her Majesty’s Order in Council, he is entitled to enforce his orders upon Kutchees by the same means, and in the same manner, and we think that the same considerations apply to any other natives of India who may be in precisely the same posi tion as the Kutchees. This authority, however, can in our opinion only be exercised over British subjects and over Kutchees and other Indian subjects who are placed in the same position as British subjects, but not over those who have legally become subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar. We recommend that instiactions in this sense sliould be sent to Her Majesty’s Consul in Zanzibar, and that he should be told to inform the Sultan of the decision of Her Majesty’s Government upon the question ; but as it appears that his Highness has been misled as to the position of the non-registering Kutchees, and has acquired the conviction that they are under his protection, and not amenable to tlie jurisdiction of the British Government, we would recommend that the measures which we have suggested should, if possible, be put in force with his consent and sanction, and that he should be invited to initiate them, or to co-operate with Her Majesty’s Consul in carrying them into effect. N 0.116. 98 APPENDIX TO EEPOET FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 4. PAPERS handed in by the Honourable C. Vivian, 24 July 187J. Appendix, No. 4. TREATIES, &c. PERSIA. Firman issued by the Shah to Hoossein Khan, Governor of Pars. (Translation.) June 1848. To the hi^h in rank, the pillar of nobility, Hoossein Khan, the Compiroller of State Affairs and Governor of Furs, who has been exalted and supported by the distino-uished favours of his Majesty the Shah, &c., be it known, that it is a long time since a request for the abolition of the importation of negroes by sea has been made on the part of the ministers of the British Government to the ministers and authorities of this kintrdom. But their request during this long period has not met with an answer or our consintT But in consequence of the favour entertained by our august Sovereign towards the high in rank, the sincere well-wisher of the State, the chosen among Christian nobles &c. Colonel Farrant, Charge d’Aflaires of the English Government, on account of the respectful conduct and manner of proceeding which he has made manifest, and purely for the regard we entertain for him, we have accepted and complied with his request. We have ordained that hereafter that high in rank shall warn all mercliants and persons parsing to and fro to discontinue to bring negroes by sea alone, and that they shall not export or import negroes except by land, which is by no means forbidden. That high in rank will be held responsible for the fulfilment of the orders contained in this communication. Written in the month of Rejjeb 1264. June 1848. Hoossein Khan. 2\e Shah. Firman issued by the Shah to the Governor of Ispahan and Persian Arabia. (Translation.) m .1 , , , , . June 1848» lo the high in rank, the superior of generals, the esteemed of the Sovereign, Meerza JNebbee Khan, Chief of the Civil Law Court, and Governor of Ispahan, who has been honoured by the favour of the pure mind of the King of kings. be It known that at this time the high in rank, the noble and exalted, possessed of dignity, the pillar of the Christian nobles, the cream of the great men of Christendom tbp undoubted well-wisher of the State, Colonel Farrant, Charge d’Affaires of the exalted Government of England, who enjoys the unbounded favour of his Majesty the Shah whos resplendent mind is desirous to gratify him, having made a friendly request on the part^of the ministers of his exalted Government to the ministers of his Majesty the Shah that with a view to preserve the existing friendship between the two exalted^ States a decree should be issued irom the source of magnificence, the Shah, that hereafter the importation or the negro tribes by sea should be forbidden, and this traffic be abolished. ^ in consequence of this, it is ordered and ordained that, that high in rank, after peiusin- this firman, which is equal to a decree of fate, will feel it incumbent on him to is.sue positiv and strict injunctions to the whole of the dealers in slaves who trade by sea, that hence forth ; 99 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). forth by sea alone the importation and exportation of negroes into the Persian dominions is entirely forbidden, but not by land. Not a single individual will be permitted to bring negroes by sea without being subjected to severe punishment. That high in rank must in this matter give peremptory orders throughout his Govern ment, and not be remiss. Written in the month of Rejjeb 1264. June 1848. Meerza Nebbee Khan. The Shah. Convention for the Detention and Search of Persian Vessels by British and East India Company’s Cruisers. (Translation.) Shevval 1267 (August 1851). The Persian Government agrees that the ships of war of the British Government and of the East India Company shall, in order to prevent the chance of negro slaves, male and female, being imported, be permitted, for the period of 11 years, to search Persian mer chant vessels, in the manner detailed in this document, with the exception of Persian Government vessels, not being vessels the propeity of meicbants or the property of Persian subjects; with those Government vessels there is tobe no interference whatsoever. The Persian Govern rent agrees that in no manner whatever shall any negro slave be imported in the vessels e , tOe Persian Government. The agreement is this : I. That in giving this permission to search mercantile vessels and those of subjects, the search shall, from the first to the last, be effected with the co-operation, intervention, and knowledge of Persian officers, who are to be on board vessels of the English Govern ment. II. The merchant vessels shall not be detained longer than is necessary to effect ihe seanh for slaves. If slaves should be found in any of those vessels, the British authorities are to take possession of them and carry them away, without detaining or causing them (that is, the people of the ship importing slaves) any other damage besides that of depriving them of the slaves. The vessel itself (in which the slaves have been imported) shall, by the co-operation and knowledge of the officers of the Persian Government who are on board of the British cruisers, be delivered to the authorities of the Persian ports, who are there on the part of the Persian Government, and the authorities of this (the Persian) Govern ment are to punish and fine in a manner suitable to the crime he has committed, the owner of that slaving vessel who has acted in contravention of the commands of his Majesty the King cf Persia, by importing slaves. The British ships of war are not in any manner to interfere with the Persian trading vessels, without the co-operatiou of the Persian Government officers : but the Persian Government officers also must not, on their part, be remiss in the duty committed to them. This convention is to be in force for a period of 11 years, and after these 11 years have expired and the stipulated period has elapsed, if the Persian vessels shall be interfered with for even a single day beyond the 11 years, it will be opposed to the course of friendship with the Persian Government and to the maintenance of her rights, and this Government will make a demand for satisfaction. III. If the slaves who have been heretofore in Persia, and are now there, should from the present date and henceforward wish to proceed by sea on a pilgrimage to Mecca or to India, or travel by sea, they must, with the knowledge of the British liesident in Bushire, piocute a passport from the officer at the head of the Persian passport office in Bushire, and no exceptions shall thereafter be taken to any slave holding a passport. The pas?^port (regulation) obtained with the knowledge of the British sident at Bushire, is, like the other stipulations written above, to be for a period of 11 years. This agreement of [the right of] search, and the appointment of the Persian Govern ment officers (to be on board the British cruisers) will first come in force on the 1st of Rebbee-ool-evvel, 1268 = 1 January 1852. From the date of this document to the above date, there is no right of search. The articles written in this document have, from first to last, been agreed to by both parties, and confirmed by the Ministers of both Governments, and nothing is to be done in contravention thereof. Written in the month of Shevval 1267 (August 1851). Justin Shell, Her Britannic Majesty’s Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of Persia. Meerza 'Tehkee Khan, Ameer-i-Nizara of the Persian Government. N 2 Appendix, No. 4. 0.116. 100 APPENDIX TO KEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 4, _ XIII. The high contracting parties hereby renew the agreement entered into by them in the month of August 1851* (Shawal 1267), for the suppression of the slave trade in the Persian Gulf, and engage further that the said agreement shall continue in force after the date at which it expires, that is, after the month of August 1862, for the further space of 10 years, and for so long afterwards as neither of the high contracting parties shall, by a formal declaration, annul it ; such declaration not to take effect untiTone year after it is made. PERSIAN GULF. Extract Treaties, &c. between Great Britain and Arab Chieftains of the Persian Gulf, relative to Piracy, the ¡Slave Trade, &c., 1820. (Translation.) IX. The carrying off of slaves, men, women, or children, from the coast of Africa or elsewheie, and the transporting them in vessels, is plunder and piracy ; and the friendly Arabs sh;ill do nothing of this nature. X. The vessels of the friendly Arabs bearing (heir flag above described, shall enter into all the British ports, and into the ports of the allies of the British, so far as they shall be able to effect it, and they shall buy and sell therein; and if any shall attack "them, the British Government shall take notice of it. XI. These conditions aforesaid shall be common to all tribes and persons who shall hereafter adhere thereto, in the same manner as to those who adhere to them at the time present. Issued at Bas ul Khyma, in triplicate, at mid-day, on Saturday the 22nd of the month, of Rebi-ul-Awal, in the year of the Hegira, 1235 (corresponding to the 8lh of January 1820), and signed by the contracting parties. ” W. Grant Keir, Major General. (l.s.) of Arab Chiefs. TREATIES, &c. between Great Britain and Arab Chieftains of the Persian Gulf, relative to Piracy, Slave Trade, &.c.—1838, 1839.* 1^0. 1.—Agreement with Shaikh Sultan Bin Suggur, Chief of Ras-ool-Khymah.— Slave Trade. Shargah, 17 April 1838. In the event of vessels connected with my ports, or belonging to my subjects, coming under the suspicion of being employed in the carrying off (literally “ stealing ”) and embarkation of slaves, men, w<imen, or children, I, Sultan bin Suggur, Shaildi of the Joasmee tribe, do hereby agree to their being detained and searched whenever and wherever they may be fallen in with on the seas by the cruisers of the British Government, and further, that upon its being ascertained that the crews liave carried ofl‘(literally “stolen”) and embarked slaves, their vessels shall be liable to seizure and confiscation by the afore said cruisers. Dated Shargah, 17th April 1838, A.i)., A.H. 1254, Mahomed a mera. correspondiug with the 22nd M oh or rum (l.s.) Sultan bin Suggur. Presented to the House of Lords, 1852 ; and to the House of Commons, 1856. r Í ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 101 No. 2.—Agreement with Shaikh Suitan bin Suggur, Ciiief of ilas-ool-Khyiiiah.— Slave Trade. Appendix, No, 4. Ras-ool-Khymah, 3 July 1839. I, Sultan BIN Suggur, Shaikh of the Joasmce tribe, do hereby’declare that 1 bind and pledge myself to the British Government in the folhjwing engagements :— 1st. Tiiat the Government cruisers, whenever they meet anv vessels belonging to myself, or my sutjccis, beyond a direct line drawn from Cape Delgarlo, passing two degrees seaward 0Í the island ot Socotra, and ending at Cape Gnadel, and shall suspect that such vessel is engaged in the slave trade, the said cruisers are permitted to detain and search it. 2nd. Should it, on examination, be proved that any vessel belonging to myself], or my subjects, is carrying slaves, whether men, women, or children, for sale beyond the aforesaid line, then the Government cruisers shall srize and confíscale such vessel and her cargo; but if the aforesaid vc'S« 1 shall pass beyond the afhresaid line, owing to stress of weather, or other case of necessity not under control, then she shall not be seized. 3rd. As the selling of males and females, whether grown up or younii, who are “ horr,” or free, is contrary to the Mahomed an religion, and wheieas the Soomalee tribe is included in the ‘^ahiar,” or Iree, I, Su tan bin Suggur, do hereby agree that the sale of males and females, whether young or old, of the Soomalee tribe, shall be considered as piracy, and that after four months from this date all those of my people convicted as being concerned in such an act shall be punished the same as pirates. (l.s.) Sultan bin Suggur. A similar agreement to the above was entered into by Shaikh Khalifa bin Shukliboot, on the 1st July 1839, and by Shaikh Mukhtoom of Debaye, and Shaikh Abdoollah bin Bashid of Amulgavine, on the 2nd of the same month. Engagement entered into by Sheik Sultan ben Sugger, Chief of Ras el Khyma and Chargah, for the Abolition of the African Slave Trade in his Ports. (Translation.) 30 April 1847. It laving been intimated to me by Major Hennell, the Resident of the Persi in Galf, that certain conventions have lately been entered into by his Highness the I ma urn of Muscat, and other Powers, with the British Government, for the purpose of preventing the exportation of slaves from the coa>ts of Afiica and elsewhere ; and it having, moreover, been explained to me, that in order to the lull attainment of the objects contemplated by the aforesaid conventions, the concurrence and co-operation of the chiefs of the several ports situated on the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf are required: accordingly, 1, Sheik Sultan ben Sugger, Chief of the .Toasmee trine, with a view to strengthen the bonds of friendship existing between me and the British Government, do hereby^engage to prohibit the expor tation of slaves from the coast i f Africa and elsewhere, on bodrd of my vessels and those belonging to my subjects or dependents, such prohibitiun to take effect from the 1st day of Moharrem, 1824, a.h. (10th D. cember 1847, a.d.) And I do further consent, that whenever the cruisers of the British Government fall in wilh any of my vessels, or those belonging to my subjects or dependents, suspected of being engaged in the slave trade, they may detain and search them, and in case of their finding that any of the vessels aforesaid have vi tiated the engagements, by the exportation of slaves from the coast of Africa or elsewhere, upon any pretext whatsoever, they (the Government cruiseis) shall seize and confiscate the same. Dated this 14tli day of Jemadee-ul-evvel 1823, a.h., or 30th day of April 1847, a.d. (l.s.) Seal of Sheik Sultan hen Sugger. Debaye.—Sheik Monkhtoom’s engagement is dated 14 Jemadee-ul-evvel 1263, or 30 April 1847. Ejinan. — She\k Abdool Azeez’s engagement is dated 15 Jemadee-ul-evvel 1263, or 1 Muy 1847. Amulgaveen.—Sheik Abdoolah ben Rashid’s engagement is dated 15 Jemadee-ul-evvel 1263, or 1 May 1847. Abooihabee.—Sheik Saeed ben Zahnon’s engagement is dated 17 Jemadee-ul-evvel 1263 or 3 May 1847. '' ' Bahrein.—Sheik Mahomed ben Klialeefa’s engagement is dated 22 Jemadee-ul-evvel or 8 May 1847. 0.116. N 3 102 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. S O M A L E E S. AGREEMENT between Great Britain and the Habr Gerhasis, the Habr Taljala, and othrr Tribes ot Sumalees, prohibiting the Exportation of Slaves.—Si'^ned at Hour 14 October 185,0. ' In the name of the Most Merciful God, and Hirn we implore. Ihe reason of waiting this bond i<, that influenced by iiiotives of humanity, anrl by a desire to conform to the principle on which the Great English Government is conducted, we lend a willing ear to the proposals of our sincere friend Brigadier W. M. C ghlan, Governor of Aden, that we shall covenant with him and with each other to abolish and prohibit the exportation ot slaves fom any part of Africa to any other place in Africa or Asia, or elsewhere, under our authority. We, whose names and seals are set to this bond, do therefore, in the sight of God and of men, solemnly proclaim our intentions to prohibit the exportai ion of slaves from Africa by every means in our power; we will export none ourselves, nor will we permit our subjects to do so, and any vessel found carrying slaves shall be seized and confiscated, and the slaves shall be leleased. ’ Peace. Signatures. r Sultan Manasir bin Boo Bekr bin Mehdi, the Oulaki, Witnessed by' Syud Mahomed I done at Hour, dated 14th October 1855. bin Abder Rahman el Tiifeii. | Sult„n Aboo Bekr bin Abiloolla bm Mehdi, the Oulaki ; t same date and place. Witne>-sed by Omar bin Ahmed bin Syud Ba-Shitioh. Similar engagements entered into by Ah Mahomed Zaid, elder of Habr Gerhagis, tribe of Soomalees, at Mait; the 5lh Suffer 1272, corresponding with the 17ih October 1855. Hirsee Ali Mabomed, elder of the Habr Gerhagis, tribe of Soomalees, at Mait; done the 5th Suffer L 1272, corresponding with the 17th October 1855. Mahmood Mahomed, elder of the Habr Taljala tribe, at Hais, ; 5th Suffer 1272 corre sponding with the 17th October 1855. ' Aboo Bekr bin Mabomed, elder of the Habr Taljala tribe, at Racooda ; done the 5th Suffer 1272, corresponding with the 17th October 1855. Abdoo Omar, elder of the Habr'Taljala tribe, at Unkor; done the 6th day of Suffer 1272, corresponding with the 18th Octolier 1855 Ali Ahmed, elder of the Habr Taljala tribe, at Unkor ; done the 6th Suffer 1272 corre sponding witli the 18th October 1855. ’ Hassun Yousef, elder of the Habr Taljala tribe, at Kurrum ; done the 6th day of Suffer 1272, corresponding with the 18th October 1855. Mahomed Leban, Chief of the Habr d’aljala tribe, at Kurrum; done the 6th Suffer 1272, corresponding with the 18th October 1855. Yousef 0thman, elder of the Habr Toljala tribe, at Ain Tarad ; done the 7th Suffer 1272 corresponding with the 19th October 1855. Ahmed Aboo Bekr Mahomed Leban, elder of the Habr Taljala tribe, at Ain Tarad • done the 7th Suffer 1272, corresponding with 19th October 1855. * Extract Agreement of Peace, Friendship, Slave Trade, &c., between Great Britain and the Sheiks of the Habr Owul Tribe of ^owa/ees. — Signed at Berbera 7th November 1856. ’ IV. The traffic in slaves throughout the, Habr Owul territories, including the port of Berbera, shall cease for ever, and any slave or slaves who, contrary to this eno-ao-ement shall be introduced into the said territories, shall be delivered up to the British and the Commander of any vessel of Her Majesty’s or the Honourable East India Company’s Navy shall have the power of demanding the surrender of such slave or slaves, and of supportino- the demand by force of arms if necessary. ’ ' V. The Political Resident at Aden shall have the power to send an Ao-ent to reside at Berbera during the season of the fair, should he deem such a course necessary, to see that the provisions of this Agreement are observed, and sucli Agent shall be treated with the respect and consideration due to the representative of the British Government. VI. That ON SLAVE TKADE (EAST COAST OF AFEICA). IO3 VI That on a solemn promise being given by the elders of the Habr Owul faithfully to Appendix No abide by the Articles of this Agreement, and to cause the rest of the tribe to do so likewise - V- and to deliver up to the Political Resident at Aden any party who may violate it the blockade of the Habr Owul coast shall be raised, and perpetual friendship shall exist between the British and the Habr Owul. Done at Berbera this 7th day of November 1HÕ6, of the Christian era, corre sponding with the 8th day ot Rubee-ool-Awul, 1272 of the Hegira. Their + + + + + + + + + + marks. Mahomed Arraleh, Ahmed AH ßoukeri^ Noor Farrah, Ahmed Ghalid, Mahomed Wai$, Miiggnn Mahomed^ Robhlie Hassah, Ate y ah Hilder, Farrah Benin, Ayal Yoonus. Ayal Ahmed. Makahil. Awadth Shermarki, Ayal Hamood. Signed in my presence, at Berbera, on the 7th November 1856, W. M. Coghlan, Political Resident, Aden, 9 November 1856. R. L. Playfair, Assistant Political Resident, Aden. Ratified by the Right Honourable the Governor General in Council at Fort William, this 23rd day of January 1857. ' Canning. Geo. Anson. J. Dorin. J. Low. J. P. Grant. B. Peacock. By order, G. F. Edmonsione, Secretary to the Government of India. MUSCAT AND ZANZIBAR. Agreement with the Sultan of Muscat. 2 October 1845. Agreement between Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and his Highness Saeed Saeed bin Sultan, the Sultan of Muscat, for the termi M^scat^^ of slaves from the African dominions of his Highness the Sultan of wishes ol Her Majesty and of the Biuish nation, and in furtherance of the dictates of humanity, which have heielotoie induced him to enter into engagements with Great Britain Iieland, her heirs and successors, have agreed upon and con cluded the tollo wing articles. ^ ^ severest penalties, the export o^filavef fim^tós AfriS dZSJ^jTtotsiiròrdlrMo his officers to prevent and suppress such trade. I enidties, the Importation of sZls wZuiJp'mTof AMca into Cpos^sIwiTin As^Ind tonse his utmost influence with all the chiefs of Arabia, ihe Red Sea, and the Persian tmitoHei!^'' manner to prevent the introduction of slaves from Africa into their respective 0.116. ^ A III. His 104 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appeadix, No. 4. III. I Iis Highness the Sultan of Muscat grants to the ships of Her Majesty’s navy, as well as those of the East India Company, permission to seize and confiscate any vessels the property of his Highness or of his subjects carrying on slave trade, excepting such only as are engaged in the transport of slaves from one part to another of his own dominions in Africa, between the port of La moo to the north, and its dependencies, the northern limit of which is the north point of Kuyhoo Island, in 1° 57' south latitude, and the port of Keelvva to the south, and its dependencies, the sou them limit of which is the Songa Manara, or Pagoda Point, in 9° 2' south latitude, including the Islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mon fea. IV. This agreement to commence and have effect from the 1st day of Januaiy 1847 of the year of Christ, and the 15th day of the month of Mohunum 1283 of the Hejira. Done at Zanzibar, this 2nd day of October 1845 of the year of Christ, and 29th day of Ilamzan 1261 of the Hejira. Saeed Saeed Bin Sultan, Iniaum of Muscat. Atkins Hamerton, Captain, On behalf of Her Majesty the Queen of Great Hritain and Ireland, Her heirs and succeesors. The Imaum of Muscat to Consul Hamerton, dated 6th May 1870. Confiding in the Almighty. 6 May 1850. From the confiding slave of God’s mercy, Saeed Ben Sultan. To the dignified and exalted, and true friend, the kind and respected Major Hamerton, Her Majesty the Queen of England’s Consul, may God preserve him, and render his times fortunate and happy. Your excellent letter has reached, and your friend understood all you have mentioned, and with reference to the people of that quarter (place) from Songa Manara to Tonghe, you say you wish permission for the ships of war of Her Majesty the Queen of England to enter the creeks, rivers, and harbours in which slaves are sold in violation of orders. My dear friend, we, and all belonging to us, even our countries, are at the disposal of Her Majesty, and should the men-of-war of Her Majesty the Queen of England require to enter the creeks, rivers, and ports, we are willing they should enter; we object not ; and all ships or vessels found in tho e places to whomsoever belonging, if engaged in the slave trade, may be seized, and all barracoons or places erected for carrying on the slave trade, may be burned or destroyed. We have no wish to the contrary of yours, and with respect to the Banyan, we will send and have him seized. Whatever you require of us we are leady. The sign is with you. Dated 23rd day of Jamadee-ul-Akhir, 1266 (6 May 1850). The humble and vveak Fakir Saeed (with Ins own hand). DECLARATION between Great Britain and France, engaging reciprocally to respect the Independence of the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar.*—Signed at Paris, 10th March 1862. Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and His Majesty the Emperor of the French, taking into consideration the importance of maintain ing the independence of His Highness the Sultan of Muscat and of His Highness the Sultan of Zanzibar, have thought it right to engage reciprocally to respect the independence of these Sovereigns. The undersigned. Her Britannic Majesty’s Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Court of France, and the Minister Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, being furnished with the necessary powers, hereby declare, in consequence, that their said Majesties take reciprocally that engagement. In witness whereof, the undersigned have signed the present Declaration, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms. Done at Paris, the 10th March 1862. (l.s.) Cowley. (l.s.) E. Thuuvenel. * Signed also in the French language. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 105 Appendix, No. 4, Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Commerce (and Slave Trade), between Her Majesty and —— the Queen of Madagascar. Signed, in the English and Malagasy Languages, at Antananarivo, 27 June 1865. [Ratifications exchanged at Antananarivo, 5 July 1866.] (Extract). Article XVI.—Her Majesty the Queen of ilie United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar hereby engage to use every means in their power for the suppression of piracy within the seas, straits, and rivers subject to their respective control or influence ; and Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar engages not to grant either asylum or protection to any persons or vessels engaged in piraticarpursuits ; and in no case will she permit ships, slaves, or merchandise captured by pirates to be intro duced into her dominions, or to be exposed therein for sale. And Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar concedes to Her Britannic Majesty the right of investing her officers and other duly constituted authorities with the power of entering at all time”, with her vessels of war, or other vessels duly empowered, the ports, rivers, and creeks within the dominions of Her M ajesty the Queen of Madagascar, in order to capture all vessels engaged in piracy and to seize and to reserve for the judgment of the proper authorities, all persons offendin(^ against the two contracting powers in this respect. Article XVII.—Her Britannic Majesty and Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar being greatly desirous of effecting the total abolition of the trade in slaves. Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar engages to do all in her power to prevent all such traffic on the part of her subjects, and to prohibit all persons residing within her dominions, or subject to her, from countenancing or taking any share in such trade. No persons from beyond sea shall be landed, purchased, or sold as slaves in any part of Madagascar. And Her "Majesty the Queen of Madagascar consents that British cruisers shall have the right of searching any Malagash or Arab vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade, whether under sail or at anchor in the waters of Madagascar. Her Majesty the Queen of Mada gascar further consents, that if any such vessels shall prove to be engaged in the slave trade, such vessels and their crews shall be dealt with by the cruisers of Her Britannic Majesty as if such persons and their vessels had been engaged in a piratical undertaking. J (L.S.) Seal of the Queen oj Madagascar T. C. Pakenham, Her Majesty's Consul for Madagascar. Painimaharavo, Chief Secretary of State, 16 Vtra. A ndriantsitohaina, 16 Vtra. Ravahatraj Leliibeny Andbj. Rafaralahihemalo, Leholona lehibe. 0.116. O 106 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 5. Appendix, No. 5. PAPERS handed in by Mr. Edward Hutchinson, 25 July 1871. Reverend S. Hobbs to E. Hutchinson, Esq. ( Extract.) Mahé, 19 May 1869. 1. The opinion I formerly expressed as to the eligibility of these islands for missionary eíForts on beiialf of the liberated slaves was only partially favourable, but what 1 have seen and heard since coming here inclines me to recommend this locality mucti more stronglv than I anticipated. 3. It is about six years since the cargoes of rescued slaves began to be deposited at Seychelles, and the number ! n ought here from that time to the present is, within a few more or less, 2,000. In most instances the mortality on the first arrival of a cargo has been large, the unhap[>y creatures being in a diseased and emaciated condition, but after the first few weeks they become healthy and strong, and no more liable to sickness than the rest of the population. I cannot ascertain the precise number now on the island, but judge from what Dr. Brooks says, that 20 per cent, is the very maximum to be deducted on account of mortality, so that the present total must be 1,600 at the lowest estimate. 4. It was lately rumoured in Mauritius that the people of Seychelles were complaining that the rescued Africans were more troublesome than profitable, on account of their indolence and their propensity to stealing. These reports prove to be unfounded About 180 were brought here last month by the “ Nymph,” and all are already disposed of, the iniiabitants readily paying 30 s. a head to reimburse the Government for clothing and pro visions, and other expenses incurred on their account on their arrival. The last importation before this was one of nearly 300 brought by the “ Daphne” in December last, who had to be kept 80 days in quarantine, and being in consequence both more expensive and also less able-bodied, were not applied for so readily, whence probably arose the rumour I have just mentioned. Mr. Ward anticipates the arrival, before long, of much larger numbers than hitherto. 5. Mr. Ward said his instructions were, in the event of more coming here than sufficient for the wants of employers, to send the surplus on to Mauritius. Then I gave him a brief sketch of what I understood to have been the system pursued at Sierra Leone 40 or 50 years ago, viz., the formation of little townships, which were placed under the direction of missionaries, when the negroes, alter a short time, supported themselves by their indepen dent labour. At first he seemed to think that serious difficulties would stand in the way of such an experiment here, but he appears to have been reflecting upon it since, and to be now more inclined to look upon it as practicable. 8. Both Mr. Ward and Dr. Brooks expressed an opinion that the society would do wisely in adopting Mahé as the basis of their work, more especially because of the perfect salubrity of these islands, and the insalubrity of Mombas. The temperature at present is very agreeable, this being the beginning of the cool season. At other times the heat is severe, but all seasons are considered to be equally healthy. Sufferers from fever coming here from Mauritius for change are almost without exception speedily and completely cured. 9. The expense of boarding for school children might, I believe, be made very light from the beginning, and after a short time reduced almost to nil. There is no necessity to give rice, which the Indians in Mauritius require, and which is a very heavy expense, Ijeing all imported. Here the rations served out to labourers consist almost exclusively of maize, manive, ai d other productions of the country, which can be produced in any quantity, if sufficient land be secured, and a few adult labourers kept for its cultivation. The school children should be trained from the first to assist, and soon might do all the work that has to be done. 11. When a cargo arrives the adults are all hired out on contract for three or five years, according to the wish of the employer, who is bound to keep them until the expiration of the period, paying them wages on a rising scale according to age, the highest rate being 14 s. per mensem, besides rations. I have no doubt they could be made over to a mission ary on modified terms, especially if application from the inhabitants should fail. Much would depend upon the disposition of the Civil Commissioner, and that of Mr. Ward is in the highest degree favourable to the scheme. 12. I think ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 107 12. I tliink the cost of a property sufficiently extensive for all purposes, if it were not Appendix, No, 5. Purchased in haste, would be so moderate as to lender it needless to concern ourselves about free giants from the Government. I am not prepared to point out the exact locality most suitable for our purpose, but I think there would be many advantages in fixing it at a distance of four or five miles at least from Port Victoria, and that the western side of the island may be more suitable that the eastern. 13. You are aware that two or three cargoes of rescued slaves were discharged at Mauri lilis seven or eight years ago, and the children sent to Powder Mills Asylum. A very large proportion of them soon died, and many were after cards carried off by the epidemic. I think some of the survivors might be seat over here as soon as the mission is begun and would be very useful in helping to teadi English to the African children, and ■in assisting the nev\ missionaries to acquire their resp ctive languages. I will c nfer with Ansorge on my return to Mauritius, and ask him to point out any whom he may be able to recommend for this service, so as to have them in readiness when they are wanted. 14. A fact that offers créât promise of success in the endeavour to form the Africans into a settled and orderly little community, is that the males and females hitherto brought here are about equal. Mr. Vandin has solemnized some lew marriages and baptized several infants born in the island. Amongst other happy results to be hoped for, from the labours of a missionary amongst them, it may reasonably be expected that their settlement in families will become much more geueral than it will be if they are h ft to themselves, like “sheep without a shepherd.” 15. The communication between Seychelles and Zanzibar is at present very uncertain and irregular. S. Ward, Esq., to the Reverend S. Hobbs. (Extract.) Seychelles, 22 May 1869. 2. I'he number of Africans who have been brought here by tier Majesty’s cruisers amounts to nearly 2,000, quite sufficient for the local demand for labour. The increase of the ^ frican population cannot well be asceitained, as no distinction has been made by the civil status between Creoles and Africans. I be latter, once distributed, are classed as British subjects, and absorbed into the general popul.ition. But there is no doubt that the Africans brought here have increased and multiplied to a very considerable extent. This, however, does not affect the (¡uestion in which the society is interested, except so far as showing that the climate of these islands is very h althy, and peculiarly well adapted to the African constitution. At Zanzibar, the African races do not reproduce themselves at all. From what I have heard resj.ecting the East Coast, there appears to be no spot at which it would be either desirable or practicable that an establishment for the regeneration and education of captured Afiicaus could be set on foot. These islands present every ad vantage with respect to proximity, climate, and poaer of control, and should the society determine upon trying the experiment here, I think that it would be eminently successful. 3. It is, of course, impossible to give any idea of the number of slaves likely to be brought here, but I cannot look forward to any reduction in the amount of captured dhows. More have been taken by our cruisers during the past 12 months than in any previous year, partly owing to the withdrawal of the whole East African squadron during the Abyssinian war, and partly owing to the limited number of ships in the squadron, a quite inadequate number for the proper protection of the coast, am! for anything approaching to the suppression of the slave trade. On an average four dhows out of five run their cargoes successfully, so that, judging by ihe numerous captures, the amount of slaves exported to Arabia and Persia must he very large indeed. During the last five months, 451 slaves have bei n brought here bv Her Majesty’s ships “Daphne” and “Nymph,” and a con siderable quantity have been taken to Aden. 4. From the southern limits of the “ soi-disant ” Portuguese Settlement, slave trade is always carried on to the fullest extent, permission to trade m slaves being always, I am given to understand, considered a ¡lart of the salary of a Portuguese official. Most of that infamous traffic is now in the hands of the Arabs, and a very considerable trade is earned on with Magotte, Nossibe, and Madagascar, in which latter country almost any number of slaves can be absorbed. The major portion of these Africans are conveyed in dhows under French colours, and carrying French papers issued from Magotte or Nossibe. Our cruisers cannot touch these French dhows, although when overhauled they may be found full of unmisiakeable slaves. One, with several slaves on board, was boarded by the “ Nymph.” The papers were French, given for one year, during which time many trips might be made, but no one on board spoke a word of the language, or could read the papers. 5. The above remarks, however, only refer to the main question of slave trade on the East Coast generally, and I have offered them only vvnh a view to show the society that in all probability very many more Africans will be brought to these islands, and that any 0.116. G 2 arrangements ! ,1 - 108 APPENDIX TO EEPOKT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 5. arrangements made for their culture and amelioration will be most beneficial. I cannot foresee any ditficulty with respect, to such arrangements, beyond time and money, the usual essentials. With funds, there will be no difficulty in purchasing a property in this island which will perfectly answer the desired purpose. This property, if properly looked after will pay itself, so that no loss can accrue to the society. " ^ 6. Land in Seychelles is almost daily increasing in value, more especially land situated within a reasonable distance of the harbour and town. Plots that six years ago would not have brought a dollar per acre are now selling, owing to the road being carried throuo-fi them, at 30 L per acre, and every year the value is increasing. A cocoauut plantatimi though slow, is very sure, the oil being absolutely necessary for soap manufactories, and the price unaffected by the introduction of mineral oils. An estate in full bearing, if well managed, gives 3 s. per tree profit per annum. 7. A considerable tract of land (for Seychelles, where the only flat land is on the small plateau at the base of the mountains) is now at the disposition of the Government, a flat portion bordered by the sea, and watered by two streams, in all about 25 or 30 acres, at a distance of about a mile and a-half from the town. This is almost the only spot where the establishment of a missionary town for Africans could be carried out without a heavy outlay ; but this land will be in the market very shortly, many applications havino- been received already for portions of it. ° 8. A great many people have come here during the past two years from Mauritius and Reunion, driven from the former island by the fever, and from the latter by ihe collapse of commerce. They are all anxious to buy properties and settle here, and their advent neces sarily raises the price of land. When the Suez Canal is opened, there is no doubt that the Seychelles will assume a much more important geographical aspect than they have ever hitherto arrived at. I have already heard of a proposed French East African Company anxious to establish its head quarters here, and there is no doubt that for brevity of transit the direct line from Australia, overland, should pass by Seychelles. 9. I have pnnted out these matters for the consideration of the society in order to show that not only may we expect large numbers of liberated Africans at almost any moment, but that, if any arrangements are going to be made it would be advisable to make them with as little delay as possible, on economical grounds, so far as the requisition of land is concerned. The suppression of the slave trade on the East Coast is further off than ever. The power of the Sultan of Zanzibar is becoming annually less, and he has now no control at all over the northern Arabs, who periodically resort to Zanzibar for the avowed’purpose of dealing in slaves. By the last advices there were over 3,000 of them in that island. Reverend S. Hobbs to E. Hutchinson, Esq. (Extract.) Mauritius, 29 June 1869. 8. Since my return I have seen the Governor, who enters very cordially into the subject of your plans for the re-captured Africans. I was under the impression that I had ex plained to his Excellency before I went away the object of my journey, but I find I omitted to do so, and he sent a despatch to the authorities at home by last mail, representing that there appeared to be no more demand for labourers at Seychelles, and that some other”place must be found to set down future captures. He expressed regret that he had been in ignorance of our society’s intentions, but said he would write again by this mail to inform the Home Government about them. So everything really appears ready for us to begin operations. After I had finished my report, I accompanied Mr. Vandin on a visit to “the Praslin,” about 20 miles from Mahe, and there saw a deserted property which appeared to me pre-eminently suitable for our purpose. Reverend S. Hobbs to E. Hutchinson, Esq. (Extract.) Mauritius, 28 July 1869. I AM not yet able to give you any further information about the property “Pasquier,” mentioned in my last letter. We may however perhaps obtain from the Government a grant of the whole of “ lie Carieuse,” which is two or three miles distant from Praslin, and forms the other side of a beautiful and well-sheltered bay, where the cruizers could anchor and land their cargoes in perfect security. I have just seen a gentleman who was lately for a short time acting magistrate at Seychelles, and he tells me lie believes the Government will soon discontinue to make use of that island. It has been used for many years as an asylum for lepers. There are only two or three now remaining there, and it is at present used for paupers in general, for whom the Government will probably appoint a more con venient locality. 1 sent your letter for the perusal of the Governor, and a few days afterwards received it back with a kind note, which I have the pleasure of enclosing, in which Ins Excellency replies to your inquiries. 1 believe that almost any number of Alricans would find employment here, provided they were previously trained to habits of industry as field labourers, or were expert workmen in any other branches of skill. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 109 Governor Barhly to the Reverend -S’. Hobbs. Appendix, No. 5. (Extract.) 16 July 1869. I AM glad to see that the Church Missionary Society are disposed to take into serious consideration the transfer of their stations from the East Coast of Africa to Seychelles. With regard to assistance from the Mauritius Government, you are aware that I have already written home to urge that the expense occasioned by these captured slaves ou^ht to be borne by Imperial funds. This Government, however, would do anything in its power as to a grant of land, and if a school were started, it would of course be entitled to the usual grant-in-aid. As respecting the scope for trained labour on this island, it is as you know practically unlimited, though of late Indian labourers have been very much preferred by the planters to such Africans as were brought here. I may however mention that one gentleman has applied for a permission to bring down from Aden by the mail steamers some of the slaves who have been just liberated there from the dhows captured by the “Daphne” and “ Nymph.” Since these captures I learn from Mr. Ward that the former vessel has landed 52 more rescued slaves at Mahé, who were on his hands when he wrote. You will thus see that an ample field is like'y to be presented for the benevolent efforts of the society. 0 3 0.116. lio APPENDIX TO EEPOßT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 6. LETTER from the Vicar of Bradford, late Bishop of Mauritius, to the Chairman (handed in by the Chairman), dated 27 July 1871. Appendix, No. 6. Vicarage, Bradford, York, Mydearbir, 27 July 1871. I HAVE been so deeply impresseu with the proofs of the misery and loss of human life inflicted by the East African slave trade which were brought before me in various ways during nearly 13 years of residence in Mauritius, and visits to the Seychelles and other islands in the Indian Ocean, that I feel constrained to address you on the subject, in your connection with the Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to consider’it. Personal intercourse with ex-slaves in all parts of Mauritius, and the Seychelles Islands, brought out evidence of the most startling character of the atrocities perpetrated by those who conducted the slave trade before the abolition of slavery. One old man had carried with him through life the burden of the recollection, that when torn away from his mother as a child, he did not cry, because those who cried were killed ; but that in his heart he had cried a great deal; and with some variety of detail the account generally given of the manner and circumstances of their capture, and of the number of those who were slain was sadly simihir in most cases. Until 1860,1 and those who laboured with me fm their good derived comfort from the thought that we were ministering to the wants and sorrows of a generation which was passing away, leaving their places to he filled up by those who had been born in a land of freedom. But on returning to Mauritius early in 1861 I found that a large number of rescued slaves, between 400 and 500, had been landed there, taken from the brigantine ‘‘ Immunnelá ” and from that time until the close of 1867, when I left the Colony, there was a repetition of such arrivals at Port Louis, and at Port Victoria in the Seychelles, which revived the memory oí the traffic in slaves of former times, and supplied proof, as painful as it was emphatic, thnt the atrocities of former years were re-enacted on the eastern side of the Continent of Africa, the merchants being chiefly Arabs, whose principal emporium for the sale of their victims was Makhedah. From minute and repeated conversations with the rescued slaves I find that the accounts given in a book published by Sir Fowell Buxton, 32 years ago, can be paralleled in almost every respect. The de>ciiption of the sudden attack on the villages by night ; the capture of the inhabit ants ; the slaughter of those who were too old to be of use; and the ruthless tearing away of the children and young people, is too generally given, and is too consistent with the fact of the arrival of large cargoe-=, mostly of children or very young persons, to admit of doubt on the matter. Then the miseries of the downward march, described so fully by Dr. Livingstone, and confirmed by the revolting account published in the Blue Book, in 1867. While the in tolerable sufferings of the fold or pen into which they are put have been described in a pub lished pamphlet as they were told to me by its author, whose views on the slave trade differed widely from mine. “ Then they were as naked as on the day of their birtli ; some of them with a lono- fork attached to their neck, so arranger! that it was impossible for them to step forward others were chained together in parcels (ff 20 . . . The keeper of this den utters á hoarse cry ; it is the order for the merchandise to stand up ; but many do not obey. The chains are too short ; the dead and the dying prevent the living from rising. The dead can say nothing, but what do the dying say ? They say that they are dyino- of huno-er Let us look at some of the details : Who is the creature that holds tightly iif her arufs a shapeless object, covered with filthy leaves ? On looking close you see it is a woman holding to her dried-up breast the child of which she has just been delivered . . And the man who is working with his hands a piece of mud, uhich he is continually puttin«- to his eye, what is the matter with him? Our guide tells us ‘ He is a troublesome fellow who set a bad example by throwing himself at my feei this morning, and savins- with a loud voice, “ I am dying of hunger !” I gave him a blow which burst his eye ; he Is henceforth good for nothing;’ and he added, with a sinister look, ^ He won’t be hungry long.’” But one of the most touching proofs of the misery attending this iniquitous traffic is supplied by the fact of the large number of deaths which often take place among the liberated children and youths of both sexes, even after they have had the kind treatment which is given them on board British men-of-war ; and, notvvitlistanding every attention given them, after their landing, in the Government asylum, or by the masters to whom they become engaged as domestic servants. A gentleman residing near me in Mauritius lost ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Ill lost, within a few weeks, four boys, whom he had engaged as servants in his house and Appendix, No. 6. grounds; another lost three out of four; and from one set of 83, no less than 47 were dead ' in three weeks at the Powder Mills Asylum ; the most affecting circumstance in their sorrow being that as they lay upon their dying beds the one word which they uttered with plaintive wailings was the word Mother, mo’h-'r!” Their mothers either being many thousand miles away, or having been put to death when their children had been stolen from them. When, at a subsequent period, the cholera attacked the inmates there was a perfect panic among the Africans ; because while many of the Indian inmates survived, the Africans almost invariably succumbed to the attack. The extent to which this fearful traffic is carried on; the depopulation which it causes; and the wide-spread -desolation of fertile lands, must be wed known to you from other testimony. But there is one point on which abundant proof has been given me from the rescued Africans in Mauritius, viz., their bein^ brought from places near to a sea of fresh water, with mountains beyond it, and their having to travel a very long way before they reached the sea ; a plain corroboration of the statements of General Rigby and others as to the depopulation and consequent desolation, caused mainly, if not entirely, to the operations of the slave trade. It is evident that in the state of utter uncertainty and confusion caused by the raids of the slave dealers any powerful tribe would have the opportunity of attacking and plundering weaker neighbours for purposes of its own ; and, though in some cases the depredations committed by such a tribe may not be directly connected with the s ave trade, yet those who persistently carry on tha traffic year after after year are responsible for the utterly demoralised and weakened condition of other tribes which invites such predatory aggression by its inability to withstand them. With reference to the measures to be adopted for the benefit of the captured slave, I can testify from personal observation to tiie humanising, civilising, and Christianising effeens of the industrial schools established in connection with the Church of England in Mauritius, and very especially the Powder Mills Asylum, a Government establishment under that superintendence. Any extension of that system would lead to a proportionate increase in the numbi r of skilled arlizans, respectable domestic servants, teachers, and catechists, and to a preparation of men who might return to the Continent of Africa as some of tht most efficient helpers in the work of civilising the people and stimulating lawful trade. The beneficial results obtained by the labours of the Church Missionary Society on the western coasts supply the strongest encouragement for the application of the same benevo lent principles and methoils of action on the east. The proportion to make Zanzibar the de¡ 6i is one which I would respectiully bat earnestly deprecate, for the following reasens. In the fiist place, because of the impracti- cabiliiy of upholding an institution containing liberated n groes in the midst of a popula tion of slaves of the same race, brought in most instances from the same localities. Secondly, from the difficulty vvhich would be raised in the w iy of all efforts to evangelise those whose rescue by a Christian nation involves the obligation to endeavour to impart to them them the knowledge of Christianity, Thirdly, because the establishment of a depot for free labour at Zanzibar, providing a regular supply of natives to work in Reunion and elsewhere, would directly had to the very same operations in the interior of Africa, against which the late Earl of Chirem'on, as Foreign Secretary, remonstrati d so strongly some years ago. The system of the “ libres engages ” led to most of the bad consequences of tl.e slave trade in the interior of Africa itself. An Arab chief on being told tliat it was not slavery but free labour, replied to this effect; “ All same ting to me. Old time you call it slavery ; now you call it free labour ; 1 go catch men, sell; you give the money ; all right.” And it surely would be a strange result of British interference for supplying the slave trade that the plantations should be worked by labourers procured by us from the hold of slave ships, and then placed beyond the reach of our piotection. About 60 natives of the Kingsmill group of islands to the north-east of Sydney, were disposed of as free labourers in 1857, in Bourbon, realising to the kidnappers about 40 1. each, for a soi-disant engagement of five or seven years ; but to the best of my knowledge no trace of them has been obtainable since. The c( rrespondence <m the subject is most probably at the Foreign Office. One important item in all consideration of repressive measures is the fact that such immense profit is made on every slave landed in Arabia. In one case of capture by the boats of the “ Highflyer,” it was ascertained that the cost of each slave landed at Makedar , would be from seven to nine dollars, while the price realised for the sale would be from 60 to 90 dollars. Such a fact proves the necessity of peremptory measures of repression. I remain, &c. (signed) Vincent IF. Ryan, Right Hon. Russell Gurney. Bishop. 0.116. 04 112 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. /. Appendix, No. 7. [pAPERg RELATING TO THE SLAVE TRADE ON THE EAST COAST OF AFRICA. Slave trade in the Portuguese Settle ment of East Africa. (Secret Department.—No. 14 of 1860.) Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. From Brigadier W M. Coghlan, in charge, Muscat Zanzibar Commission, to H. L. Anderson, Bsquire, Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay; dated Aden, 1 November 1860. ^ Sir, directed by Government to avail myself of the opportunities which w'ould be afforded me, while in charge of the Muscat Zanzibar Commission, to inquire into the actual state of the slave trade on the East Coast of Africa, and it possible to suggest some more effectual means for its extirpation than those now in force, Í have the honour to submit, for the information of the Honourable the Governor in Council the hdlowing general report on the subject, comprising therein the result of my recent inquiries at Afuscat, and of those lately instituted at Zanzibar. 2. Whether owing to a falling off in the supply of slaves on the West Coast of Africa, or to the vigilance cf Her Majesty’s cruisers on that station, or to the comparative immu nity with which It has been found that the traffic can be pursued on the opposite side of the continent, it is unquestionable that the exporiation of slaves from the Portug-uese territories on the East Coast of Africa has greatly increased within the last few years. (Í According to an extract pub'ished in the ^‘Anti-Slavery Reporter (Supplement). 1 July 1859,’ the senior naval officer on that station had reported that, “ he has reason “ to believe no slaver has been fitted out on the East Coast, or taken away slaves round the “ (^pe of Good H(ipe for the last three years.” Such an assurance of the extinction of the traffic, if coriectly quoted, may have justified a less watchful surveillance. I am not able to state that any such relaxation has actually occurred ; but I believe that until within the last three months no slaver has been captured on the East Coast of Africa for the last six yeais, aiid the impression has become general that the traffic on this side may be carried on with perfect safety. An American merchant, who had resided long at Zanzibar, published his opinion to that effect in one of the United States journals; and the captain of the Spanish slaver, captured two months ago by Her Majesty’s ship “ Lyra,” off the Island of Montea, stated th.at he had received the strongest assurance of there bein^ no British cruisers stationed on the Bast Coast of Africa to interfere with his proceedingsT 4. The officird reports of Mr. M'Leod, late British Consul, will have apprised Her Maiestv'a Government of the extent to which the slave trade was being prosecuted between the Portuguese settlements on that coast and different ports of Soutli America during his resi dence at Mozambique, and also of a similar traffic, which under the title of French Fr^e Labour Emigration” was being carried on simultaneously between those settlements and La Reunion. 5. The information since obtained by Colonel Rigby, Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar, fully conoboiates Mr. M‘Leod s statements. In September, of last year, he reported that “ an extensive trade was being carried on at Eboo, situated on the East Coast of Africa within the Portuguese territories, in about 12° south latitude, with the full knowledge of “ the Portuguese authorities at that port,” And in proof thereof he adduces the fact of at least four large vessels being engaged at the time in embarking cargoes of slaves from that vicinity. 6. As further evidence bearing on the same point, I may adduce the capture of two large dippei-built vessels, under bpanish colours, within the last four months; one taken by Her Majesty s sliip Brisk, in the Mozambique Channel, with 864 slaves on board, obtained froni the Portuguese territories, and the other (already referred to), cantured bv Her Majesty’s ship “ Lyra,” fully fitted out and provisioned as a slaver. In all probabilHv this vessel, having found some difficulty in securing a ready cargo within the Portuouese settle ments, had come up as high as the Island of Mon fea, confident of obtaining as many slavers as were required from the African territories dependent on Zanzibar. ^ '8, owing to the absence of any British agents on the coast, to secure accurate information of the lull extent to which this nefarious traffic prevails within the n«vri settlements, the foregoing facts are sufficient to prove that it has long been fpw vp«.r' emboldened by impunity, its agents have within the last few yeais gieatly increased their slave transactions in those parts. 8. Further, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 113 8. Further, it is equally certain, consirlering the penalties attached by the Portuguese Appendix, No. 7. Government to any participation in the foreign slave trade, that such transactions could ! not be carried on in their African territories without the countenance of the local authori- ti( g. Their connivance is fully known to all the Arab and other traders on the coast, and I found the concurrent testimony in perfect accord with the statement of Colonel Bigby, that at the “ Portuguese settlements the slave trade is carried on in the most shameless “ manner, all the Portuguese authorities aiding and abetting it, and dividing their nefa- rious gains.’' 9. Moreover, by all accounts, the cruelties of the traffic in the hands of the Portuguese equal in atrocity those so well known to accompany it on the Western Coast, and its late increase among them is fast desiroying the last faint traces of civilisation left in their once prosperous settlements on the East Coast of Africa. Large tracts of fertile country are becoming depopulated, and the remains of the serai-barbarous tribes in the neighbourhood are being driven to a state of desperation, which threatens at no distant period to be the scourge and ruin of their degenerate and inhuman masters. 10. It will be for Her Majesty’s Ministers to decide on the pro|niety of bringing to the notice of the Portuguese Government the culpable conduct of its representatives on the East Coast i.f Africa in thus fostering the slave trade. But if, as is to be feared, no permanently favourable result is likely to follow any such intervention, owing to the weakness of the Imperial Government, and the utter disorganisation of its East African settlements, I venture to urge that no time be lost in strengihening the Cape squadron with a sufficient number of steam vessels, specially adapted for the service, to watch the Portuguese coast from Delagoa Bay to Cape Delgado. The fertile and salubrious island of Johanna, three degrees south of Delgado, witl\ its secure anchorage, and its reigning sultan decidedly favourable to our interests, would form an eligible haven for the cruisers on the north ; whilst the hitherto neglected British possession of the southern portion of Delagoa Bay might constitute a convenient station for those destined to watch the line of Portuguese coast from that point to the mouths of the Zambesi. 11. I believe the opinion is gaining ground that the notorious insalubrity of the Portu guese town of Lorenço Marques, near Delagoa Bay, is not so much owing to the climate of that portion of Africa as to its ill-chosen site. On the other hand Iniack Island, form ing the southern arm of the bay, and within British limits, is represented as being a very healthy spot, entirely beyond the poisonous miasmata of the adjacent rivers, and frequently resorted to by the natives as a sanatarium. It appears to me desirable, independently of the suggestion contained in the foregoing paragraph, that a fair trial should be made of the climate of this locality. The position is admirably adapted for trade, whilst the two navi gable rivers in its immediate neighbourhood, the Mapoota and the Manice, are said to give access to the Zula country and to the territories of the Transvaal Bepublic. Should the result be favourable, Iniack Island would bid fair to become an important commercial emporium, whilst the adjoining country of Tembe (also British territory), might afford an eligible settlement whereon to locate the slaves captured by our cruisers on the coast. In short, the healthiness of the climate once proved, a British station in Delagoa Bay might occupy, on this side of Africa, a position analogous to that of Sierra Leone on the Western Coast ; and should the scheme proposed be found feasible, benevolent societies at home would not be backward to crown the humane efforts of the Government, in behalf of the liberated Africans, by corresponding endeavours to impart to them the blessings of a Christian civilisation. 12. In the event, however, of Delagoa Bay being found unadapted for the object here suggested, there are fortunately several other British settlements in these seas where any number of liberated slaves might find a ready asylum, together with the means of obtaining their own livelihood, as well as of being at the same time within the reach of Christian instruction, ^atal, 25Ö miles to the south, is in urgent want of labourers. The Seychelles, with their rich soil, are comparatively waste from the same cause; and the Mauritius, where the 800 slaves lately captured by Her Majesty’s ship Brisk ” were gladly received, could find remunerative employment for some additional thousands of workmen on the prosperous sugar plantations of that island. 13. If I hesitate to apologise for the foregoing suggestions touching the disposal of slaves captured by our cruisers on the east coast of Afiica, it is owing to the conviction that they will not be regarded as superflu us, and that Her Majesty’s Government is as deeply inte rested in the after condition and welfare of such as acquire their freedom by British inter vention, as it is in rescuing them, in the first instance, from the miseries of an inhuman bondage. 14. But if the suppression of slavery in the Portuguese settlements is an object most desirable in itself, its importance is enhanc ed in view of any attempt on our part to abolish the traffic in the adjoining African territories dependent on Zanzibar. The fact of a neigh bouring Christian people, known to be extensively engaged in the trade, is at once a pre cedent and a strong ground of apology to the slave-dealing Mahomedans. No formal aixfii- ment, indeed, is based on that plea; but hints as to our consistency in so strongly uro-mo- them to forego the practice, and doubts as to the disinterestedness of our motives in the Solicitation, whilst our co-religionists are allowed to pursue the same course with compa- 0.116. P rative Appendix, No 7. Slave trade at Zan zibar and its African dependencies. 114 APPENDIX TO KEPOET FKOM SELECT COMMITTEE rative impunity, are frequently dropped by Mussulmans of those parts in all discussions regarding the abolition of the slave trade. Submitting this remark as an additional argu ment in support of the energetic measures recommended for the suppression of the traffic in the Portuguese settlements, I pass on to consider the slave trade as it now prevails at Zan zibar and its African dependencies. 15. The African dominions of his late Highness Syud Saeed extend from Mukdeesha, on the north, to Cape Delgado on the south, at which latter point they are conterminous with the Portuguese territories. According to Article I. of the existing Treaty, made with the late Imam in October 1845, “ His Highness the Sultan of Muscat engages to prohibit, under the severest penalties, the importation of slaves from any part of Africa into his “ possessions in Asia, and to use his utmost influence with all the chiefs of Arabia, the Red “ Sea, and the Persian Gulf, in like manner to prevent the introduction of slaves from Africa “ hito their respective territories.” But by the tenor of Article III. the prohibition con tained in the first Article is virtually considerably modified. Thereby His Hichness the “ Sultan of Muscat grants to the ships of Her Majesty’s Navy, as well as to those of the “ East India Company, permission to seize and confiscate any vessels the property of his “ Highness or of his subjects carrying on slave trade, excepting only such as are engaged in the transport of slaves from one port to another of his own dominions in Africa, “ between the port ol Lamoo to the north and its dependencies, the northern limit of which “ is the north point of Kanghoo Island, in 1° 57" south latitude, and the port of Kilwa to the south and its dependencies, the southern limit of which is the Longa Muñara or “ Pagoda Point, in 9® 2" south latitude, including the Islands of Zanzibar" Pemba and “ Monfea.” 16. In spite of the provisions of this Treaty, which restrict the trade to the transport of slaves within certain limits, and forbid all export beyond them, Dr. Krapf writes, that in 1853 he saw 20 Arab ships at Mukdeesha engaged in smuggling slaves to Arabia. Colonel Rigby also, as late as March last, reports that large numbers of boats and huttelas belong ing to the piratical tribes of Oman and the Persian Gulf are in the habit of visiting Zanzibar and the East Coast of Africa for the purpose of purchasing or kidnapping slaves; and he estimates that 4,000 are yearly carried away and landed at diffeient places on the shores of Arabia and the Persian Gulf. These boats are represented as carrying an armed crew, who land on any part of the coast and seize indiscriminately the domestic or other slaves belong ing to ihe inhabitants. Even Zanzibar itself is subject to these forays. During the peiiod of their annual visits, extending from November to March, Colonel Rigby describes Z in- zibar as resembling “ a city with a hostile army encamped in its neighbourhood. Every person who is able to do so sends his children and young slaves into the interior of the island for security. People are afraid to stir out of their houses after daik, and reports “ are daily made of children and slaves kidnapped ; and in the suburbs of the town they ‘‘ even enter the houses, and take the children away by force.” So much with regard to the export of slaves to the northward, through the agency of the Arabs. 17. But in addition to the foregoing, there is reason to believe that a considerable trade in slaves has been carried on clandestinely for some time past by square-rigtyed vessels under foreign colours, both at Zanzibar and within its African dependencies. In 1857 the brig “ Venus,” hoisting the Spanish flag, arrived at Zanzibar, and from thence proceeded to Lamoo, where she embarked from 500 to 800 slaves for Havannali. The principal agent employed in this transaction was a Spaniard named Buenaventura Mass, who a year later was engaged in securing another cargo of slaves for exportation. Documentary proofs of this fact have already been submitted lo Government by Colonel Rigby, and it would appear from the evidence adduced on the occasion that out of 424 slaves obtained at Kilwa, no less than 225 died from exposure and other sufferings on their way to Lamoo, to which place they were sent to be resold, owing to the non-arrival of the vessel expected to embark them. It appears that these slaves had been destined for La Reunion, since in one of his letters to the Arab agent employed by him in collecting them at Kilwa, Mr. Mass savs, “ Of the 600 slaves to be purchased 60 must be females; for the Government of Bourbon “ insist that 10 of every 100 shall be females, or they will not accept them.” 18. Again, in February 1858 Colonel Rigby reports that the French ship Pallas” suc ceeded in embaí king 600 slaves from Zanzibar. The slaves were conveyed secretly in boats to the south parts of the island, and there received on board the « Pailas.” Two hundred of these slaves were supplied to Mass by an Arab named Suleiman bin Abdallah, and the remainder, he has reason to suspect, were provided conjointly by a brother of Sultan Majeed and by his Vizier, Syud Suleiman bin Hamed. ’ 19. Further, as late as July last, another vessel named the Formosa Estrella ” from Ilavannah, under Spanish colours, anchored off the eastern side of Zanzibar and on beino- visited by the commander of one of his Highness’s ships of war, who bad proceeded thither in the French war steamer La Somme,” he reported that the ship was cornpletely equipped asa slaver, having on board, besides provisions, a supply of irons, chains, tin plates, &c. There can be no doubt ihal the object of this vessel was to secure a cargo of slavesVroni Zanzibar; for a Spaniard from Cuba had lately joined Mr. Mass on the island, and a large number of slaves were being purchased for them by different Arab agents, both at Zanzibar and at Kilwa, many of whom were subsequently emancipated by his Highness Syud Majeed, on the representation made to him by Colonel Rigby of their destination. Colonel Rigby attributes the ultimate escape of this vessel to the extraordinary conduct of the French consul ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 115 consul in warning her of the presence of Her Majesty’s ship Lyra;” otherwise it is more Appendix, No. 7. than probable that she would have been captured by the “ Lyra,” in the same manner that " another vessel, also under Spanish colours, was taken by her a few days atter off the Island of Monfea.' In this latter case, likewise, the charterparty found on board was signed by Mass, who engaged to supply the vessel with a cargo of slaves. 20. Mr. Mass and his coadjutor have quitted Zanzibar, but it is reported that the former has proceeded to Lamoo to carry on his slave speculations there, and it is rumoured that no less than five foreign slavers consigned to him are expected to visit this coast during the approaching season. 21. The foregoing facts will suffice to convey to the Government a tolerably correct idea of the extent to which the foreign slave trade is being prosecuted within the territories dependent on Zanzibar. Independently of the energetic exertions of Colonel Rigby to arrest it, there are absolutely no restrictions whatever on the infamous traffic; and it is much to be regretted that instead of co-operating with him in his praiseworthy endeavours, the representatives of France at Zanzibar have hitherto seemed disposed to countenance, if not to protect, the foreign agents engaged in the inhuman trade. 22. I proceed, in the next place, to lay before Government several details regarding what may be called the do nestic slavery of Zanzibar and its African dependencies. The evident scope of the treaty made with the late Imam Syud Saeed, was to confine the slave trade within certain limits. The facts recorded in the foregoing remarks prove incontestibly that the provisions of the treaty in that respect are a dead letter ; and, further, that the limits within which domestic slavery was still permitted have become the principal source of an extensive supply of slaves for foreign exportation. 23. Colonel Rigby reckons the annual import of slaves into Zanzibar, ostensibly for the supply of the domestic market, at 19,U00. His Highness Syud Majeed estimates the number at between 25,000 and 30,000. Add to this 4,000 sent direct from the coast towards Arabia and the Persian Gulf, and as many more from the same quarter to South America and other foreign ports, either direct or through the Portuguese territories, and the result will give a yearly average export of no less than 30,000 slaves from tlie African ter ri lories dependent on Zanzibar, the principal places of export being Lamoo on the north, and Kilwa on the south. 24. So great has been the demand of late years that the slave resources on the coast have been quite exfiausted, ami regular forays are made into the interior by armed bands of Arabs and Sowabilis to collect supplies, and the tribes are bribed to co-operate witli them against each other. Dr. Krapf, tfie eminent African missionary, thus describes the process : “To t!ie south of the Pangani is the territory of tfie heathen Wasegua tribe, and the great “ centre of the si ive trade. The Arabs of Zanzibar come here and promise the Wasegua “ chief's a number of muskets and shot for a certain number of slaves ; so when a chief has “ entered into the contract, he suddenly falls on a hostile village, sets it on fire, and carries “ ofi the inhabitants. Among these tribes the slave trade has hitherto flourished to a “ frightful extent, chiefly owing to the encouragement of the Arabs of Zanzibar. From “ 10,000 to 12,000 slaves are said to pass yearly through Kilwa on tfieir way to the “ various ports of the Sowahili coast and to Arabia, and we saw many gangs of from six to “ ten slaves chained to each other, and obliged to carry burdens on their heads.” Later still, Captain Burton writes that the slaves from the interior “ are collected like ivories “ tlirougfiout the length and breadth of the land. They are driven down from the principal “ depots to the coast by the Arab and Wasawahili merchants, who afterwards sell them “ in retail at the great mart of Zanzibar.” The Rev. Mr. Rebmann, also, whom 1 had an opportunity of consulting on the voyage from Zanzibar, spoke of slavery as a curse which was fast depopulating that side of the continent, barbarizing the residents on the coast, car rying de-olation and death far into the interior, and effectually neutralising every attempt to introduce Christianity into the country. An isolated residence of 14 years among the natives of the main land gives the weight of experience to Mr. Rebmann’s opinions, and his conviction is, that whilst slavery continues to be so profitable a speculation to the ruling party, and such a fell scourge to the aboriginal tribes, the civilisation of Eastern Africa is impossible. Mr. Rebmann’s readiness to supply me with any information on the state of uflairs in that quarter calls for my sincere thanks, and 1 gladly avail myself of the same opportunity of testifying to the great respect with which his exemplary and self-denying character was spoken of, as well by his Highness Syud Majeed, as by all classes oí the native population. 25. These statements are fully confirmed by the reports of Colonel Righy^ spared no pains to collect the most authentic inrormaiion on the subject. Writing in March last, he says; “ It appears that the tribes near the coast have been seized and sold to such “ an extent that the supply is exhausted. The M’do tribe, which some years ago lui nished “ most of the slaves brought to Zanzibar, is said to be quite extinct. Ihe slave trade is “ every year being carried further into the interior amongst tribes where it had been pre- “ viously unknown. The great Mizan tribe, which occupied a vast extent of rich country, “ producing cotton in abundance, is now nearly exhausted ; and districts which a few years “ ago were populous and productive, are now entirely destitute oí inhabitants. This traffic “ is now carried on even beyond the Lake of Nyassa, and is depopulating the rich valleys “ inhabited by the Manganza tribe, where cotton is so abundant that it might soon 0.116. p2 «become 116 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 7. become a ^reat article of export, were the Portuguese to put a stop to the export of slaves Natives of India, who have resided many years at Kilwa, the chief slave, mart on the coast, state, that it is only within the last 10 or 12 years that the Arabs «ro into the interior with large numbers of armed followers on purpose to procure slaves, and that whole districts are systematically dmnted to jirocure them, tiie cupidity of the native “ chiefs being excited by the muskets, guns, powder, and cotton cloth, they receive from ‘ the Arabs in payment. They also state, that districts near Kilwa, ex tend inn- to 10 or “ 12 days’ journey, which a few years ago were thickly populated, are now entirely unin- “ habited ; and an Arab, who has lately returned from Lake Nyassa, informed nie that “ he travelled for 17 days through a country covered with ruined towns and villao-es “ which a few years ago were inhabited by the Mijana and Mijan tribes, and where now no living soul is seen.” 26. It would be an easy task to depict, from such facts, the atrocities which must be perpctraied in the mtirior by the slave hunters, and the cruelties and indignities su he red by llitir unwarlike and inoffensive prey. Such, indeed, appears to be the almost universal testimony to their character, and from personal observations at Zanzibar, I believe there can be no doubt on the subji ct. Unfortunately the miseries of the wretched negroes do not cea^e with their ca[)ture, and the trader is deemed lucky who succeeds in reaching»- the coast witli only the luss of one-third of his booty. G'donel Rigby thus describes the arrival of a cargo of slaves at Zanzibar, and it may fairly be inferred that their treatment while detained on the coast, is equally cruel and repulsive. Premising that the slaves of both sexes on first arrival are in a state of almost com pie le naditv, Coioi.el Rigby writes- “ It is “ impossible to conceive a more revolting sight Iban the landing of the slaves comimr from ‘ Kilwa ; they are brought in open boats, packed so closely that they are exposed dav ‘ ami night to sun, wind, and ram, with only sufficient grain to keep them from starvation It the boats meet with contrary winds, they generally run short of water, and thirst is added to (he other miseries which these poor creatures endure. On arrivino- at Zanzibar ‘ they are frequently in the last stage of lingering starvation, and are unable to%tand - some dro]) dead in the custom-house and in the streets, and others who are not likely to recover are left on board to die, in order that the master may avoid paying the duty which is levied on those landed. After being brought on the shore the slavesTare kept some time in the dealers houses until they gain flesh and strength, when they are sold by auction in the slave market. The Arab regards the slaves as cattle; not the slightest attention is paid to their sufferings ; they are too clieap and numerous to be cared for. This year “ slaves have been sold in tire interior for half a dollar a head, or five slaves ciyen in ex " ? ■o«' bullo, k.” It Is true that the slaves on the island plan'tations lead" a comparatively easy life, and that once in the possession of masters whose interest it is to caie (or them, they are for the most part humanely treated ; but much as ilie after condiiion of slaves in Mahomeijan countries has been vaunted of when compared with the lot of such as are taken to America, the aniecedents and concomitants of the trade are as barbarous in the one case as in the other, and the degrading results to those who engage in it, anti its ruinous consequences in retarding the civilisation of this part of the African continent are not one whit behind the worst phases of West African slavery. * 27. Turning in (lie next place lo a consideration of the besi remedy for this deplorable slate of tilings, I beg to observe at the outset, ti.at at present i he traffii is carried on with out any restriction whatever. 1 he provisions of the Treaty whereby his late Highness engaged to prohibit, nil,ter the severest |,enaltles, the export of slaves from his African dominions, and their import into his possessions in Asia, and to issue orders to his officers to suppress such trade, are a dead letter, as the foregoing facts have abundantly proved Moreover [ am unable to perceive the most distant prospect for the better without some radical »eiorm in the system of the native Government, or without a more decided policy on V to a man are more or less mixed up with the traffic ; his Hio-hness’s chief adnsers draw a profit from it ; his own household, police, and army, are recruited principally from the same source ; and the banyan, who farms the entire customs of the Zanzibar and African territories, deriving as he does two dollars per head on every imported slave, must be interesled in the prosperity of the trade. Educated as he has been it is not surprising that his Highness Synd Majeed cannot view the subject of slavery in any other light than that of a time-honoured institution, profitable in its immediate results, and per mitted, if not actually sanctioned, by the precepts of his religion. Nevertheless, I have reason to believe Ins Highness, from political motives, is by no means personally indisposed tn co-opeiale in suppressing the traffic, at all events to the extent contemplated by the Tren tv and Colonel Rigby has never had to complain of any reticency on his part when cnIW upon to interfere in isolated cases of infraction brought to his notice. But with an I ' tion to govern wholly devoted to the trade, and an executive equally involved in it Majetd may be said to hold the reins of power by sufferance, and is therefore absolute^ unable, without extraneous support, to carry out the provisions of the existin'^ Treaty If his officials on the coast connive at the exportation of slaves to foreign narts he eannr>f superse(3e them by others who would not follow their example; and even at Zanzibar untie, ins immediate inspection, the same couise is pureued, almost will, impniiitv, tiesnité S’f Si"?} Wy of'sôldifÍt% tt koitllem Ä Whdet“ga7d on dnlj. '^lidren to 28, Nevertheless, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 117 28. Nevertheless, as by the Treaty of 1845, all ships of Her Majesty’s Royal and Appendix No 7. Indian Navies have permission to seize and confiscate any vessels the property of His L_ Highness, or of his subjects carrying on slave trade, excepting only such as are engaged in the transport of slavis from one port to another of his own African dominions between Kilvva on the south, and Lamoo on the north, we already possess a right to interfere, which, if adequately used, might be very effectual in arresting, if not in abolishing, a considerable branch of the trade. In the first place, most of the export to the northward might be suppressed. I confess that I heard with surprise Colonel liigby’s statement that four tliOLisand slaves are still annually taken to the shores of Arabia and the Persian Gulf, there being generally a squadron at the latter place specially commissioned to stop such importation. It seems, moreover, a comparatively easy task, considering that almost all the chiefs of the gulf have formally given our ships the right of seizing them, to prevent any number of boats from landing a cargo of slaves if our measures were wisely concerted to that end; and yet I believe that very few captures have been made within the last ten or fift(’( n years. A small steamer, or two schooners, stationed between Rasel Hadd and Muzeira island, and a similar guard at the entrance of tlie Persian Gulf, during the season when the Arab boats usually return from their African trip (namely, from March to June), ^ ought to suffice to render the chance of escape so precarious, that few boats would venture to carry slaves. 29. I am not aware that any relaxation has actually taken place in our efforts to arrest the traffic in the Persian Gulf; but in view of the number of slaves now reported to be conveyed in that direction, I venture to suggest the propriety of an inquiry being instituted into the subject.* Further, 1 believe that the efforts made would be much more effectual if each vessel was provided with an officer, conversant with the native languages, and capable to communicate directly with the persons found on board the coasting craft. At present that task is generally left to common native interpreters, who, as a class, are open to bribery, and by no means disposed to discriminate between the real crew and the slaves who are often falsely represented to belong to it. And, perhaps it would still further add to the efficiency of the Gulf squadron, and inspire the officers in command with greater zeal in the duty, if some more speedy mode of adjudicating on slave prizes could be adopted. I profess myself quite unable to pronounce a judgment on the legal bearino-s of this suggestion ; nevertheless, I am fully persuaded that the delay which frequentfy occurs in such cases, sometimes extending over two years, is a great cause of discourao-e- ment to the officers of the Indian Navy engaged in suppressing the slave trade. 30. In addition to the above, I would strongly recommend the adoption of Colonel Rigby’s suggestion that a steam gun-boat of light draught be stationed at Zanzibar during the months of January and February, and March, to act in concert with the cruisers in the Persian Gulf in arresting the northern slave trade. The principal duty of such a vessel would be to prevent the shipment of any slaves on board the boats of the Northern Arabs, and if possible to seize such as succeeded in obtaining a cargo before they finally left the African coast. The knowledge that such a vessel was at hand would deter many from embarking slaves; it would encourage the subjects and soldiers of His Highness, who are now represented as standing in great dread of the warlike Northern Arabs, to resist them ; and it would tend to lessen the chances, which unfortunately accompany all our efforts to suppress the traffic, of the miserable victims being drowned by their captors in order to avoid seizure and confiscation. On this subject Colonel Rigby writes: “ I am of opinion “ tliat all possible activity of British cruisers towards the Persian Gulf and the coast of “Arabia will have little effect in checking these piratical tribes. Their boats beino-of “light draught, and most of them propelled by oars in addition to sails, creep close loathe “ shore where they know that it would be unsafe for ships to cruise ; and if chased by a “ship of war, they think no more of throwing slaves overboard than if they were brute “animals.” 31. But another advantage which would follow the presence of such a steam gun-boat at Zanzibar, would be to arrest the foreign trade in slaves as it has lately been carried on in square-rigged vessels by European agents. I have already described this branch of the traffic* and the seizure of a large slaver off the island of Montea by Her Majesty’s steamer Lyra^, and the arrival of another shortly after on the eastern side of Zanzibar, prove the necessity of some prompt measures being taken to put a stop to the growing system. It is further reported that five other foreign ships are to visit the coast during the present season to take in slaves. Were a British steamer stationed at Zanzibar it is highly probable that the attempt would not be made, or if made, that it would result in failure, or in the seizure of the contraband vessels. 32. But though considerable beneficial results would doubtless follow the energetic adoption of the measures above recommended, those measures, at best, deal rather with the details of the slave trade as prevailing at Zanzibar and its African dependencies, than with the most fruitful source of the evil. Viewing, indeed, the extent to which the permission to transport slaves between ceitain limits of his late Highness’s dominions has been abused • Perhaps it would be advisable that the vessels specially intended to suppress the slave trade should be detached from the Gulf squadron, and made a temporary separate command from March to June of each year. 0.116. F 3 118 APPENDIX TO EEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 7. abused to foster and supply an increasing external traffic, and believing that no efforts on our part will avail effectually to prevent it whilst that permission exists, I venture to suggest that an attempt should be made by the British Government to obtain a revision of the existing Treaty on the subject, whereby the present restricted legality of the trade should be rescinded, and all export and import of slaves within his Highness’s territories be strictly prohibited. 33. It has already been pointed out that from nineteen to thirty thousand slaves are annually imported into Zanzibar. This number is immensely beyond the requirements of the Island, making every allowance for the fact noted by Colonel Rigby, that the females seldom bear many children ; added to this large numbers are exported from Kilwa and other places on the coast to foreign ports as well as to the adjacent islands : but all osten sibly for the domestic supply. This transport is incessant, and is carried on in detail at all seasons of the year by numerous small boats plying between every point of the coast and the islands; inasmuch that whilst the present exemption lasts it is practically impossible to stop it. Every boat overhauled would have the ready excuse, which it would be difficult to dispute, that the slaves on board were destined for some place within the legalised limits; and in like manner it would require quite a fleet of vessels to guard against any export beyond those limits, whilst the same plea is available to escape the penalty of violating the Treaty. But let the ground for this pretext be entirely removed, and all transport of slaves beyond sea be declared illegal, and with no more than ordinary efforts on our part to see such a provision carried into effect, a blow would be struck against the slave trade in the African dependencies of Zanzibar which would go a great way to compass its eventual abolition. 34. There are several plausible objections, however, which may be urged against the measure here suggested. The stoppage of all importation of slaves from the coast, viewed in connection with the fact recorded by Colonel Rigby, that the females bear few offspring, might prove a serious drawback to the prosperity of Zanzibai', especially to the clove and other plantations on the Island. In reply to this it may fairly be premised that once convinced that all extraneous supply was cut ofl^ the Arabs would take more care of the slaves already in their possession, and the result would be a correction of those causes which at present contribute to arrest the natural increase. Besides which, according to Colonel Rigby, there is abundant free labour procurable at Zanzibar. The European and American mer- chants generally have several hundred labourers in their employ, cleaning gum copal, “ cowries, curing hide, See. ; and hundreds of Arabs from lladramant come here, who work “ as porters, loading and unloading ships, &c. ;” and further, there can be no doubt that many Africans would voluntarily seek a livelihood at Zanzibar if they were assured of enjoy ing their freedom there, and of receiving adequate remuneration for their labour. 35. The objection to the ulterior intervention suggested on the ground that it would be an unjustifiable interference with the religious privileges of the Arabs, scarcely deserves notice. The prohibition by His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, and by the Viceroy of Egypt, of any fresh importation of slaves within the Ottoman dominions, constitutes a satisfactory precedent more than sufficient to remove all scruples on that score. Besides which, it is notorious that the Arabs of these parts never affect to adduce the sanction of religion in defence of a system which is obviously pursued from no other motive than that of secular profit. 36. But a much more serious objection is the opposition on the part of the Arab popula tion, and of other interested parties among his subjects, which the proposed measure would most probable occasion to the ruler at Zanzibar, whether that state be eventually re-joined to Muscat or continue independent. The system of Arab rule is so precarious, and the Sovereign, though in some respects absolute, has so little power to control the popular will when adverse to his wishes, that his acquiescence in such a measure might perchance imperil his authority. Luckily any opposition of this nature is really so contemptible, that one British man of war at Zanzibar would suffice, by the moral effect of its presence alone, to restrain the disaffected. Nevertheless, should the British Government eventually decide to adopt the suggestions now made, I would recommend that a period of three years be allowed before the prohibition is enforced. That would afford the Arabs abundant time to familiarize themselves with the necessity, give them ample space to make suitable provision against its consequences, and thereby tend to render them less inimical to the enactment when it finally came into operation. 37. When conferring with Syud Thoweynee at Muscat, I understood his Highness’s remark, that this further restriction of the slave trade might be effected by the ruler at Zanzibar, “if backed by the influence of the British Government” (vide my Report on Muscat, No. 10, of I860) to refer solely to a support such as is described in the foregoing paragraph; but I have now reason to believe that something beyond that was intended, I find, on examination, that about one-sixth oí the entire amount for which the customs of Zanzibar and its African dependencies are farmed is derived from the duty levied on slaves. Hitherto the duty has been one dollar per head, but his Highness Syud Majeed has lately raised it to t\Ao dollars, in lieu of paying interest on the large debt which heoAves to the banyan who farms the customs. Hence, if the present limitation were removed, and all transport and importation of slaves be declared illegal, the income of the State, which is derived almost exclusively from the customs, would suffer to the extent of from five to eight thousand ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 119 thousand pounds sterling; per annum, a sum which, in the present condition of the Zanzibar Appendix, No. 7« finances, would reduce the State to hopeless insolvency. 38. This consideration forms, in my opinion, the most serious obstacle to the suggestion proposed, and it will be tor Her Majesty’s Government to decide on the propriety of removing it by offering to compensate the native Sovereign for the loss, on condition that he formally gave his consent to the measure through a revised Treaty, and sanctioned our further inter ference to see it carried into effect. I notice in the “ Persian Gulf” Government selections, that on the occasion of our first proposals to the late Sultan Syud Saeed to abolish the slave trade, his Highness strongly objected, on the ground that “the traffic in slaves was a “ lucrative one, and without full compensation he could not dream of prohibiting it. However, he was informed in reply that Her Britannic Majesty was fully aware of the “ sacrifice lie would make by the adoption of Her Majesty’s views, and was ready, in the “ event of his Highness’s concurrence in the abolition, to afford him any pecuniary conces- “ sion in reason. This announcement had the desired effect.” The discussion resulted in the existing Treaty of 1845. I am not aware what amount was to have been paid to his Highness; but 1 have been given to understand that he eventually declined to receive any remuneration on that score. 39. I adduce this extract :o show that the idea suggested in the foregoing paragraph has already been entertained by Her Majesty’s Government, and I certainly deem it advisable that a similar offer should accompany any further proposal to abolish the slave trade in the Zanzibar territories. Situated as Syud Majeed is at present, the dispute betwixt him and his brother regarding the suc( ession not yet dei ided, 1 hesitated from prudential motives, and lest the proposal might be construed into a covert bribe, to obtain from him any explicit opinion on the subject; nevertheless I feel fully persuaded that nothing is needed beyond an insistent urgency, coupled with an offer of reasonable indemnification, and our support to insure them against any overt acts of their subjects in consequence of the concession, to obtain the consent either of Syud Thoweynee or Syud Majeed to the measure here sug gested for the more effectual abolition of the slave trade. In my report from Muscat I communicated to Government what Syud Thoweynee’s views were; and the following extract from statement of his claims and grievances, delivered to me by Syud Majeed at Zanzibar, sets forth what his Highness has been pleased, of his own accord, to write on the same subject. “ Those commissioned by you have had some conversation with me about ‘‘ curtailing the limits within which it is still lawful to transport slaves, and also about “ abolishing the transport altogether, and whether any aid would be required thereto. I “ replied that I would never oppose the wishes of the high (British) Government; never- “ theless your lordship is not ignorant of the condition of these countries, and you are “ doubtless aware that the prosperity of the subjects of these countries is derived t hiefly “ from ploughing and sowing, and that such prosperity cannot be maintained without “slaves. But your opinion is best.” The objection is a natural one ; but the drift of the quotation suffices to show that there is no chance of its being persevered in contrary to the wishes of the British Government. 40. I take it for granted that the offer originally made to the late Syud Saeed did not imply that our payment of an indemnity should be perpetual. In like manner I would limit any such offer in the present instance to a term of 10 or 20 years. The commerce of the country, and the revenues of the Zanzibar state, have quadrupled since the Treaty of 1845, and with prudent foresight and proper Government, a corresponding increase may be anticipated hereafter, more especially if the further abolition of slavery now proposed is carried into effect. Besides, there is no lesson which the Arabs need so much to learn as that of self-reliance ; and the prospect of a perpetual subsidy from the British, would only send to foster a moral weakness which is the bane of their native rulers. 41. In the event of Her Majesty’s Government deeming it advisable to adopt the recom mendations now made for the further suppression of slavery in the Zanzibar dominions, I trust that it will be found practicable to secure the co-operation of France and of the United States of America in the benevolent enterprise. Situated as the ruler of Zanzibar is, he is scrupulously anxious to be on the best terms with foreign powers generally, and when the views of the latter are not in unison, the want of accord begets a vacillating line of conduct on his part injurious to his own cbaiacter as an independent sovereign, and prejudicial to all improvement among his people. Mote especially is unanimity desirable where the object is to suppress a popular institution w hich, though ju'^tly reprobated by all Christian pow ers, is regarded by the Arabs as a national privilege, and the chief source of their wealth and prospeiity on the East Coast of Africa. In fact, were they not fully convinced of their own utter inability, unsupported by extraneous aid, to resist any such demand on our part, the Arabs would never consent to the imposition of any additional restrictions on the slave trade within their territories. Hence, although the knowledge that one or more of the foreign powers had declined to co-operate with the British to that end might not deter the Arabs from yielding to our e.\elusive solicitation, nevertheless it is easy to foresee that they Would avail themselves of the countenance which that fact would seemingly afford them, to neutralise, as far as possible, our every effort for the more effectual abolition of slavery ; nothing more, however, is required to frustrate such an evasive policy on their part, and to prevent the international misunderstandings which may be engendered thereby, than that the two Governments above named should join with (%reat Britain in decreasing the aboli tion of slavery on the East Coast of Africa. I presume that the consent of the United States 0.116. F 4 would 120 APPENDIX TO REPORT PROM SELECT COMMITTEE No. 10 of 1868. 15 „ : s: No. 20 of 1859. Appendix, No. 7. would be given without hesitation; but it is possible that the concurrence of France would be less readily obtained. Government is aware of the attempts made about two years ao-o by the French authorities at Bourbon lo secure a large number of free labourers for tliat island from the east coast of Africa. The undertaking had obviously received the imperial sanction, but although the rules laid down for obtaining the required supply, and for rcou- lating the after condition of the negroes, were unexceptionable ; yet the result proved that practically, the scheme was a mere modification of the slave trade; Lieutenant Colonel Rio'by’s Ictteis to Government, noted in the margin, with their several enclosures, place that %on- clueion beyond doubt ; and it was probably owing to a similar conviction that his Imperial Majesty was induced to suspend, if not to rescind'", the questionable “ Free Labour Emio-ra- tion Trade.” It is to be hoped that the concession lately granted by the British Govern ment for a limited number of Indian coolies to be engagedIfor Bourbon, will obviate a re currence to the former system ; but as a rumour is current to the contrary, I trust that Her Majesty’s ministers will succeed in concluding a joint convention with France and the United States of America, whereby any such attempts will be provided against hereafter b" a general law for the total suppression of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa. The extent to wliich it has long prevailed in that quarter, its frightful increase for some years past, the utter inadequacy of the measures hitherto taken to arrest it, the dire effects which have already followed it, and the still worse consequences which must inevital)ly result from a continuance of the nefarious traffic, these considerations combined constitute a claim on humanity which it is devoutly to be hoped will be duly recognised and vindicated by the concurrence of the three powers in some regularly organised effort for its speedy abolition. 42. I attach in an appendix Lieuienant Colonel Rigby’s replies to a series of questions which I submitted to him regarding the slave trade m the Portuguese settlements on the east coast of Africa, as also on its prevalence at Zanzibar and its African dependencies. I am pleased to perceive that his opinions on that subject generally, as well as on the best means for suppressing the traffic, are in unison with the views expressed in the foreo-oin«- pages. ® ° 43. In conclusion I have to acknowledge my great obligation to the Reverend Mr. Badger associated with me in the Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, for his able assistance in dravvincr’ up this report, and I desire to bring the same to the favourable notice of Government. I have, &c. (signed) W. M. Coghlan, Brigadier, In charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, APPENDIX. dated Zanzibai, 1st October 1860. The Replies are by Lieutenant Colonel ltighy.'\ Query 1. Are you aware lo what extent the slave trade prevails in the Portuguese settlements, and in other parts of the eastern coast of Africa, not comprehended within the limits of ihe territory dependent on Zanzibar? dTiswer^l am aware that a very extensive and increasing export of slaves is carried on from the Portuguese territories in East Africa. I do not think that any export of slaves IS carried on from any paris of the East Coast except those within the Poituo-uese and Zanzibar territories. Query 2.—What parties are generally engaged in the traffic, and to what places are the slaves usually exported ? ^ present the traffic is chiefly carried on by Spaniards in large fast-sailing American clipper-built ships, and the slaves are conveyed to Cuba or the coast of America 1 believe that Freimh ships are also engaged in this traffic. About two months ago a slave- ship named the Formosa Estrella anchored in a bay on the east side of the Island of Zanzibar, fehe hoisted Spanish colours, but was consigned to the agent of Vidal Freies who are French merchants at Marseilles. I understand that this vessel is known to be owned by Vidal Frères, and she has been since seen on the coast under the French flao-. Query 3.-Can you inform me what efforts are made to suppress this traffic and with what success ? ’ Answer.-By the Portuguese authorities, absolutely none. The Sultan of Zanzibar endeavours to check it as much as possible, but his ships are never ready fbr sea • and I do not think a single individual in his service would do anything to check the shipment of ¡slaves unless urged to do so by representations made by the British Consul. The British cru.sers employed on the east coast for the suppression of the slave traffic are utterly inade- -vif..sail,„g dipper-sbi,,. Query 4.— ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 121. Query 4.—Has the so-called French Free-labour Emigration Trade” ceased to carry Appendix, No, 7. on its operations on the east coast of Africa? I have been given to understand that the scheme was abolished by order of the French Government; have you received any official intimation oí the fact? Answer.—For about a year past I have only heard of one French vessel being engaged in the so-called “ Free Labour Emigration Trade.” When Her Majesty’s ship ‘‘ Brisk” was at Johanna, in the month of December last, a French vessel arrived there filled with negroes which were being conveyed to La Reunion. Within the last few days I have received information that French vessels are again engaging labourers at Mozambique; but as it is only from native reports, I do not yet know whether the information is correct. I. have not received any official intimation of the abolition by order of the French Govern ment of the so-called free-labour” system. I saw in the public journals the order of the French minister of Algeria and the Colonies, dated the öth January 1859, directing the Governor of La Reunion to adopt the most stringent measures to forbid any engagement of labourers either on the eastern coast of Africa or at Madagascar, or at the Comoros, as well as the importation into La Reunion of immigrants from those places, or from Sainte Marie, Mayotte, and Nossi Beh. Query 5.—What measures would you deem advisable and most effectual for arresting the trade in slaves on the line of coast above referred to? Answer.—In the Portuguese territories on the east coast the export of slaves is carried on in direct violation of the treahes, and contrary to the laws of Portugal, its causes are, the dishonesty of the officials and the demoralised state of the half-caste inhabitants; they set the laws and orders of the sovereign at defiance. ï understand that the Home Government of Portugal affords no pecuniary support to its East African possessions, and that all the employés, including the Governor General, are dependent on the colonial trea sury for their salaries. The treasury is under the control of a council, and the Governor General is very much dependent on it. The blighting rule of the Portuguese has almost entirely destroyed all legitimate trade, and they are therefore very much dependent on the slave trade for their support. Until an entire change of system takes place in the mode of government of these possessions, no hope exists of the slightest effort being made by the Portimuese colonial authorilies to check the slave traffic, for they all connive at it, and receive large bribes for doing so. The position of the Governor General of the Mozam bique witirregard to this traffic is very similar to that of the Sultan of Zanzibar ; both are surrounded by such unprincipled rogues, that however they may themselves desire to sup press it, they could not depend upon a single individual to carry out their orders or act honestly : thus, so far as regards the line of coast belonging to Portugal, the only hope of any successful efforts being made for the suppression of this cruel traffic rests upon the British cruisers. I state an opinion that I have heard expressed by many officers of Her Majesty’s navy employed on the east coast, that the class of vessels at present employed in cruising for slavers is not at all adapted to the service now that the slaves are generally exported in very swift sailing clipper-built ships. The pivof of this is found in the fact that no square-rigged vessel engaged in the slave trade on the east coast of Africa has been captured by one of Her Majesty’s cruisers during six years preceding the last few months, since which Her Majesty’s ship “ Lyra ” lias captured two, and the “ Brisk one slaver. As far as I am competent to form an opinion on such a subject, it appears to me that a few fast screw gnu-boats of light draught, under active officers, would soon render the slave trade on this coast an unprofitable speculation, and lead to its abandonment by the Cuban Spaniards, who are chiefly engaged in it. Should this subject engage the attention of Her Majesty’s Government, I believe no oflicer is more capable of forming a correct opinion on the best means to be adopted than Commander Oldfield, r. n., commanding Her Majesty’s ship “ Lyra,” who has had more experience and been more successful iu making captures than any other officer. With respect to the export of slaves from the Zanzibar dominions, daily experience more and more convinces me of the utter impotence of the Sultan to stop it, and that the treaties for the suppression of the slave trade entered into by the late Irnâin and the British Go vernment are now, and always have been, practically null and void. I have arrived at this opinion by slow conviction. When T first carne to Zanzibar the consulate had been closed for 14 months, and every soul in the country was interested in concealing the slave traffic fromme. Shortly after disturbances commenced which lasted for several im ntlis, and during this time I made every allowance for the many instances of illegal slave dealing which came to my notice. But subsequent experience has fully proved to me that a very extensive export of slaves from the Zanzibar territories still is, and always has been, carried on, not only in dhows and coasting craft to the Persian Gulf and coast of Arabia, but also in French and American built ships, under the Spanish and Mexican flags, to Cuba and other places. However desirous the Sultan may be to fulfil his treaty engagements and put a stop to this traffic, he has in reality no power. No one in his service will carry out any orders he may give on the subject. The public opinion of the Arabs is too strong in favour of it, and almost all the chief people in his dominions are either directly or indirectly concerned in it. Soon after my arrival in Zanzibar the French consul showed me the copy of a Despatch which he had forwarded to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which he stated, as a proof of all the Zanzibar chiefs being in favour of the foreign slave trade, that Prince Abdool Wahab, the younger brother of the Sultan, and Syud Suleiman bin Hamed, the wealthy Governor of the town of Zanzibar, had recently sold 300 slaves each to a French ship. I afterwards discovered that the ship to which he alluded was the “ Pallas,” 0.116. Q and 122 -APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE -ApfientfeiK, No. 7. was no doubt his statement was correct so far as regards Svud Suleiman bin named. ® As a further proof how powerless the Sultan is to check this traffic, durino- last north-east monsoon, in March, 1 observed almost every morning whilst out in my^hoat dhows, belonging to the Persian Gulf and the coast of Arabia, sailing, or about to sail[ full of slaves. Many of these were re-landed on my representations to his hicrhness • and one day when he paid me a visit, accompanied by all the principal chiefs, ï introduced the subject, and urged bis highness to take more vigorous measures to stop this illeo-al ii-affic. I a 1 told his highness that I had never seen a boat from any of bis ships visitim»- these dhows prior to their quitting the harbour, and suggested that he should direct «uarcî-boats to row round in turns i>y day and night. Upon this his highness called the commander of his new corvette, “ Iskunder Shah,” and gave him strict orders to do so in turns with boats from his other ships. A few days after the commander, who had been educated in Eng land, called on me, and stated that on pulling alongside a dhow that morning which was full of slaves, the Arabs on board had pelted bun with billets of wood, that he then returned to the shore and obtained 30 Beloocb soldiers, and on returning with them the crew of the dhow fired on his boat, and that during the confusion which ensued the boat was upset and all on hoard it swam on shore, and that he had had enough of visiting slave dhows' and should not do so again. ' I think the only way to put a stop to the foreign slave trade in the Zanzibar dominions is to keep a light screw-gunboat stationed at Zanzibar to watch the coast as far as Cape Delgado to the south and La moo < n the north. Information of slavers heino- on the coast generally reaches the British consulate by some means, and, as in the recent ca<=e of Her Majesty’s ship “ Lyra,” a light gunboat can slip out at any hour-and effect their capture. Query 6. Are you aware of any modifications having been made in our Treatv with the late Imam for the suppression of slavery, dated 2iui October 1845 : Answer. I am not. Query 7. That Treaty sanctions (he transport of slaves (tantamount to the traffic) from one port to another of the late Imam’s African territories, between Lamoo on the north and Kilwa on the south, including the Islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Monica. It is evident, however, that the traffic is still carried on to a large extent in the said ter ritories beyond those boundaries ; and, further, it is equally clear from your reports lately submitted to Government, that vv he re as the Treaty of 1845 contemplated ibe restriction of the trade to a limited space within the dominions of the late Imam, several places within that district continue to supply large numbers of slaves for foreign exportation. Thus, in your lettcT to Government, No. 108 of 1859, you report that two years back the brig Venus,” under Spanish colours, succeeded in embarking 500 slaves from the port of Lamoo. ^ Also, ihat not long since 600 slaves were taken from Zanzibar in the French ship “ Pallas,” and again, that 424 were exported from Kilwa. Further, it would appear from your letter, No. 23 of 1860, that the trade is still car tied on clandestinely at Zanzibar to a considerable extent. Your reports on the prevalence of the slave trade, foreign as well as domestic, throucrli- out the African territories of the late Imam, are fully confirmed by the testimony of Dr. Krapf and Captain Burton, as will be seen by the followimr Quotations :— Dr. Krapf stales, ^ “ In 1853, I saw 20 Arab ships at Mukdeesba engaged in smuggling slaves to Arabia.” “ To the south of the Pangani is the territory of the Wasegua tribe, and the «reat centre “ of the slave trade.” ^ “ Among these tribes [the Wasegua] the slave trade has hitherto flourished to a frightful “ extent, chiefly owing to the encouragement of the Arabs of Zanzibar.” “ From 10,000 to 12,000 slaves are said to pass yearly through Kilwa on their way to the various ports of the Sowahili coast, and to Arabia.” “ Although the Sultan of Zanzibar has prohibited the slave trade with Arabia, yet many “slave ships proceed there annually, starting from Kilwa, and sailing round Zanzibar, on “ the eastern side of the island, to evade the'^Sultan’s police, and slaves are often smuggled “ to Arabia by the aid of a declaration that they are sailors.” Captain Burton states that in East Afiica “there are two forms of-this traffic, the export “ and the internal trade. For the former, slaves are collected like ivories throuohout the “ length and breadth of the land. They are driven down from the principal dépôts * * * * * * ^ to the ( oa®i b th “ Arabs ar.d Wasawahili merchants, who afterwards sell them in retail at the o-reat mart “ of Zanzibar.” ° ,Thc same gentleman, on the authority of Colonel Hamerton, computes the averaoe yearly import of slaves into Zanzibar at 14,000, the extremes heino- 9,000 and 20 000. Now, as the export of slaves from the late Imam’s Afi'ican dominions is prohibited under the severest penalties, can you inform me how the prohibition is evaded? Could the trade be carried on without the connivance of the local authorities on the coast, and elsewhere? If not, does his highness, the ruler of Zanzibar, take any measures to arrest it, by punishint^ sm h of his officers as are known to countenance it ? With regard to the case of the “Venus,” refilled to in your letter above quoted, Mr. M‘Leod, in his “Travels in Eastern ; “ Africa,” ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 123 Aniciif” slates tiiat on hearing how she had succeeded in obtaining a cargo of slaves at Lam00, “ the voung Imam of Muskat sent for the Governor of that place to give an explana- tion of the affnir, with which he appeared satisfied, for he returned him to his government “ in one of his ships of war.’' Can you inform me whether this is a true statement of the “case, and on what plea the Governor of Lamoo excused himself? However, it is evident from the foregoing testimonies, that the means hitherto adopted to suppress this traffic liave signally failed ; and, further, that one great cause of its pre valence i< attributable to the article in the Treaty of 1645. which legalises the transport of slaves within certain limits of the late Imam’s African territories. Under this conviction I am induced to ask your opinion on the expediency of our seeking a revision of the existing treaty, whereby the present limited immunity should be wholly abolished, and the transport of slaves between any ports of the late Imam’s territories be altogether prohibited. It appears to me that such a 1 iw, coupled with your suggestion that a steam gun-boat of light draught should be stationed at Zanzibar, for several months in the year, to watch the coast, would be the most effectual means of suppressing the traffic in that quarter. Willing as the ruler at Zanzibar might be, at the solicitation of the British Government to sanction such a revision of the treaty, it is not improbable that the concession might create serious opposition on the part of his people, and perhaps endanger his authority. Hence, before making any attempt to bring the suggestion to the notice of Syud Majeed, I shall await your opinion of its feasibility. Answer. The prohibition to export slaves to foreign countries from the late Imam’s African dominions is evaded, as I have already stated, by the whole of the Arab population being in favour of it, and by the Sultan not; having a single individual in his service who would shrink from taking bribes to connive at it. With regard to the Spanish ship “Venus,” which I reported to Government as having taken 500 slaves from the port ot Lamoo, I was afterwards informed by a Sawahili, by name Khamers bin Wnttannee, who was agent at Zanzibar (or the Government of Mauri tius before the establishment of the British Consulate, that he was at Lamoo at the time, and that the number of slaves embarked in the “ Venus ” was 700 ; also that the Governor of Lamoo, by name Ali bin Nassir, remonstrated against iheir being shipped ; butas the “Venus” had a strong crew, well armed, the few Belooch soldiers at the disposal of the Governor were afraid to act. The customs master informs me that Ali bin Nassir was, in consequence, summoned to Zanzibar to account for his conduct, and that he did not return to Lamoo, and has since resided at Momb issa, where he is at present. I consider that the statements of Mr. M‘Leod, late Her Majesty’s consul at Mozambique, of Dr. Krapf, and of Captain Burton, on tlie authority of the late Colonel Hamerton, rela tive to the slave traffic on the Last Coast of Africa, to be substantially correct, Tiie export of slaves from the port of Kilwa has greatly increased since the date of Dr. Krapf’s visit. I have long anxiously considered the expediency and possibility of obtaining a revision of the existing treaties, whereby the transport of slaves between any parts of the late Imam’s territories should be altogether prohibited. The treaties for its suppression have been constantly evaded from the time they were made, and they will continue to be so until the transport from every part of the coast is entirely prohibited. I do not think that the Arabs of Zanzibar can plead any right to go into the interior of Africa, and steal men for the purpose of selling them into slavery. The cause of humanity demands that this atrocious system, which is every year on the increase, and which is rendering vast and fertile districts of Africa uninhabited w astes, should, if possible, cease. Its aboliiion would doubtless cause a great deal of ill-feeling on the part of the Zanzibar Arabs, until they became reconciled to the change, and it would be a very invidious task for the British Government to undertake alone. If the French and United States Governments could be induced to co-operate with the British Government in putt ng a stop to the traffic in slaves on the east coast, as they already have done the West Coast of Africa, it would prove to the Arabs that the Christian nations are animated with equal sf iiiiments of humanity, and they would submit to the change as inevitable. In a Despatch to the address of the late Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton, dated 18th Decem ber 1840, Viscount Palmerston gives directions as fbllow< : “ You will take every opportunity “ of impressing upon these Arabs that the nations of Europe are destined to put an end to “ the African slave trade, and that Great Britain is the main instrument, in the hands of “ Providence, for the accomplishment of this purpose; that it is vain for these Arabs to “ endeavour to resist the consummation of that which is written in the book of fate; and “ that they ought to bow to superior power, to leave off a pursuit which is doomed to “ annihilation, and a perseverance in which will only involve them in pecuniary losses, and “ in various other evils ; and that they should hasten to betake themselves to the cultiva- “ tion of their soil, and to lawful and innocent commerce,” I think that the abolition of the traffic slumld be enforced on these grounds. Now that the transpoit of African slaves by sea is prohibited in every country in the world, except the state of Zanzibar, I see no reason why the Arabs should be permitted to perpetuate a system which entails such great evils. The recent emancipation of upwards of 5,500 slaves in the Zanzifar dominions, who v\ere in the possession of British Indian subjects, has tended very much to shake the faith of the Arabs in the continuation of slavery, and pre pared them to expect its prohibition. When conversing on the subject with Arabs, I have always told them that 1 do not think the Governments of Europe would permit its con tinuance, were the evils and atrocities connected with it more generally known. 0.116. q2 The Appendix, No. 7. 122 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE r i: i’l Í Í I Appendix, No. 7. The returns of the Zanzibar custom house show the import of slaves during the year 1859 to have amounted to 19,000. The duty levied is now two dollars per head ; so that the loss the abolition of the traffic would cause to the revenue of (he Sultan would amount to about 38,000 crowns, or 8,5007. sterling per annum. (signed') British Consulate, Zanzibar, 5 October 1860. C. P. Rigfjy, Lieut. Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul, Zanzibar. Resolution by the Honourable Board, dated the 28th March 1861. Resolved, Brigadier Coghlan sent a copy of this interesting report to Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India before he sent the original to tliis Government. The subjects to which Brigadier Coghlan has drawn attention involve questions which are for the decision of Her Majesty’s Government, and the Honourable the Governor in Council feels confident that the complete and lucid statement submitted by that officer will obtain an earnest con sideration. It is merely as a matt-r of form that this Government records any observations on this report. 2. The Honourable the Governor in Council is certain that the details furnished by Brigadier Coghlan, as to the extent to which the slave trade is carried on, on the east coast of Africa, will convince the British Government, which has ever been the chief instrument by which Providence has curbed this inhuman traffic, that its work is net yet completed, and that a great evil has still to be encountered and subdued. 3. Brigadier Coghlan places one fact prominently before the British Government, that however much the ruler of Zanzibar may be disposed to fall in with the views of modern civilization on the subject of the slave trade, lie is almost entirely unable to resist the influences around him. It is too much to expect a chief with a disputed title, who must therefore endeavour to conciliate his subjects, sternly to oppose a system from wliich he derives a considerable portion of bis revenue, when every man around him is a slave crimp or a slave broker. Advice and remonstrance are excellent instruments for good, in proper times and places, but they are of singular feebleness, when addressed to one in the helpless position of the Sultan of Zanzibar. Ihe British Government must be prepared to support the Sultan by its ships and by iis money, the strengthening of the Cape fleet, and the frequent extension of its surveillance to Zanzibar and the adjacent African coast, the stationing of gun-bcats at Zanzibar, and the grant of com; ensation to the Sultan for the revenue he will sacrifice, are measures which ¡t would be presumptuous in this Government to advocate. The Honour able the Governor in Council, cannot for a moment doubt that if the horrors described by an officer so cautious as Brigaoier Couhlan, were made known to the British nation, not a voice w ould be raised against so >mall an acknowledgment to Zanzibar as 8,5001, per annum, for the attainment of so noble an object as the extinction of the East African slave trade. 5. The Honourable the Governor in Council, fully concurs with Brigadier Ccghlan as to the propriety of obtaining a revision of the treaty, by which all export and import of slaves within the Zanzibar dominions should be prohibited. The permission vvhicli now exists for the transport of slaves from one portion of Her Majesty’s territories to another, in a great measure deprives the restrictions on the trade of all their value. 6. TV itil respect fo the Pe rsian Gulf, the Honourable the Governor in Council believes that the defect in the action of the squadron for the suppression of the slave trade, has been that operations have been carrieci on loo much within the Gulf, instead of at the month, and that the proper lime for operations has not been chosen with sufficient care. The squadron is small, and many duties are imposed on it, and the Honourable the Governor in Council tears that the Resident detaches vessels fium it on political raii-sions, at the time when every vessel that can be spared should be on the h ok out for slavers returning from A (rica at the mouth of the Gulf. The Honourab e the Governor in Council will not, however, at present i-sue orders on this subject, as from a r ceni teleeram, it would appear that Her Majesty’s Goveinment has determ ned to relieve the Inaian navy from the duty of suppressing the slave trade. His Excellency in Council has no doubt that the evil, though now ii appears so formidable, would in a very few years succumb to the vigorous exertions of an oigauisation directed expressly against it, under the guidance of a carefully selected officer. 7. The Honourable the Governor in Council concurs with Brigadier Coghlan m consider ing (hat if the prohiintion of transport of slaves from one ponionef the Zanzibar dominions to another is insisted on, three years’ warning should be given before the prohibition is enforced. 28 March 1861. (signed) G. Clerk. H. W. Reeves. W. P. Frere. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 125 Appendix, No. 8. PAPERS RELATING TO BRITISH ARBITRATION BETWEEN MUSCAT AND ZANZIBAR. (No. 67 of 1860.—Secret Department.) From H. L» Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Brigadier W. M. Coyhlan, Political Resident at Aden-, dated 1st March 1860. Sir, It being of the utmost consequence to our maritime interests that an impartial officer should be appointed to inquire into, and report on, the merits of a dispute existing between his Highness Syud Thoweynee, the ruler of Muscat, and his Highness Syud Majeed, the ruler of Zanzibar, I am directed to intimate to you that the Right Honourable the Governor in Council has been pleased to entrust to you this important duty. 2. With this view, I am desired to forward to you the accompanying copies of pro ceedings, which will place you in possession of the grounds of dispute between the par ties; the political occurrences which have arisen out of them; and the measures adopted by this Government for effecting an adjustment of the matters at issue. 3. You will perceive from these proceedings that both the rulers have agreed to accept an arbitration by the Governor General between them, and that the formal consent of the ruler of Muscat has been obtained to abide by the decision of that authority. 4. To facilitate your inquiries, the Right Honourable the Governor in Council con siders it desirable that Mr. Rassam should be deputed to Muscat to act as British Agent at that place. In announcing this appointment, I am desired to intimate that it is only temporary, and that the question of remuneration to that officer will be settled hereafter. In the meantime Mr. Rassam will be permitted to draw, in addition to his salary of rupees (300) three hundred per mensem as your assistant, rupees (150) one hundred and fifty per mensem as British agent, and a further sum of rupees (50) fifty per mensem for a writer and boat hire. 5. With Colonel Rigby at Zanzibar and Mr. Rassam at Muscat, and the aid of tele graphic communication with the latter officer, the Right Honourable the Governor in Council doubts not that you will be able to complete the duty entrusted to you in a short time. I have, &c. (signed) H. L. Anderson, Secretary to Government. (No. 46 of 1860.—Secret Department.) (No. 180 of 1860.) From Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, Political Resident and Commandant, Aden, to H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, dated 3rd April 1860. Sir, I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter (No. 67 of 1860, in the Secret Department), apprising me that the Right Honourable the Governor in Council had been pleased to appoint me to the duty of examining into, and reporting on, the merits of a dispute existing between Syud Thoweynee, of Muscat, and Syud Majeed, of Zanzibar. 2. A careful perusal of the correspondence which accompanied the letter under reply has suggested a difficulty to my mind, in connection with the investigation thus entrusted to me, which I deemed it important to submit without delay for authoritative solution. 3. I cannot better describe the nature of this difficulty than by quoting several passages from the correspondence referred to. 4. In the opening letter from the British Agent at Zanzibar, dated 17th February (No. 19 of 1859), he evidently regards Syud Majeed as the de jure as well as the de facto sovereign of that island and its African dependencies. Speaking of the causes which led Syud Thoweynee to undertake hostilities against the territories of Zanzibar, he asserts the claim of Syud Majeed to the absolute sovereignty of those possessions in these words:— After he (Majeed) has ruled them with undisputed right since his father’s death.” In the Resolution of the Honourable Board on this letter, dated 22nd April 1859, the basis for an arrangement is suggested : “ If the ruler of Muscat could be induced to abandon his pretentions on receiving an annual subsidy from his brother.” 0.116. Q 3 5. Further: Appendix, No. 8. 126 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Further:^ in a letter from the Secretary to the Government of India, dated 27th July 1859, it is ordered that Syud Thoweynee should be informed that it recognises no pretension on his part to be the superior or suzerain of Syud Majeed.” And again, in the same letter, referring to the payment of forty thousand (40,000) crowns annually as the possible basis of an amicable arrangement between the two brothers, it is added, “ But the arrangement should not bear the character of a subsidy from a subordinate Govern ment to a superior one.” 6. Captain Cruttenden, who was commissioned to impart the foregoing decision to Syud Thoweynee, in his letter (No. 3 of 1859), thus describes the effect which it produced on that ruler, “ His being told by me, in the words of his Excellency the Governor General that he was in no way recognised as his brother’s superior or suzerain, appeared to cause him both pain and annoyance, as he feels that, on this point, the opinion of his- Excellency is already formed, and that he cannot hope to see it altered after the arbitra tion has been completed.” Again, “• Now that Syud Thoweynee knows the opinion of his Excellency the Governor General as to his having no authority over his brother, he fears that the result of any arbitration must be fatal to his ambitious views;” and again, his two principal claims against his brother, namely, his suzerainty over him, and his right to an annual payment, have already been decided by his Excellency.” The latter appears to be Captain Cruttenden’s own inference from the terms of the decision which he was ordered to communicate to the Ruler of Muscat. 7. Further, in a Resolution of the Honourable Board, dated 19th November 1859, the following passage occurs : Syud Majeed will act wisely if he obtain a recognition of his own rights from Syud Thoweynee, by the payment of an annual subsidy, not a tribute, of forty thousand (40,000) crowns.” 8. The tenor of the foregoing extracts, unmodified as it is by any subsequent decision of Government, will be sufficiently obvious to enable his Lordship in Council to appre ciate the difficulty which it has suggested to my mind, and which I venture to submit for solution in the form of an inquiry. In attempting to carry out the instructions of Govern ment in this matter, am I to consider the claims of Syud Thoweynee to the sovereignty of Zanzibar, and to the annual pay ment of tribute by his brother, as points definitively* disposed of by^ the foregoing Resolutions of Government ? The language of those Reso lutions is, in some cases, so plain and authoritative, that I should hardly hold myself excused for propounding such a question, were it not that the decisions conveymd thereby may be intended to apply no further than ■pending the arbitration, and until the final award o f the Governor General has been made. 9. His Lordship in Council will readily perceive that definite instructions on this head are indispensably necessary for my guidance in executing the commission which has been entrusted to me. In the former case, namely, that of the two points above named being already decided on, the basis of an accommodation between the two brothers must be sought for on some other ground which, on inquiry, may be deemed best calculated to secure the jDermanent welfare of the separated States, and to prevent any future misun derstanding between their respective rulers. 10. Government has repeatedly suggested that the payment of forty thousand (40,000) crowns as a subsidy from Syud Majeed to Syud Thoweynee might form the basis for such adjustment of existing difterences. Information obtained on the spot may enable me to report favourably or otherwise on this point. At the same time, I cannot withhold expressing my apprehensions, formed from a perusal of the past correspondence, coupled with the opinions of several intelligent Arabs well acquainted with the affairs of the ímámship, that unless Syud Thoweynee is guaranteed in the sovereignty of the late Imam’s Arabian possessions, the severance of Zanzibar from Muscat will raise up a host of competitors for the supremacy in that quarter, and be the signal for civil war in Oman. 11. With such contingencies in prospect, it is important that I should be apprised whether the ultimate decision of Government is likely to be influenced by these or similar considerations ; and if not, to what extent it is prepared to afford its countenance to Syud Thoweynee in the exercise of his sovereignty over the Arabian possessions of the late Imam. And lastly, whether, in order to jwevent, as far as may be, the apprehended dis asters (should the severance of Zanzibar from Muscat be decided on), I may seek inter views with the most influential chiefs, and use my best efforts, in a friendly spirit, to ensure their future tranquillity. 12. On the other hand, if it is the design of Government that the claims of Syud Thoweynee to the suzerainty of Zanzibar, and to the payment of tribute by his brother, the present ruler of that island and its African dependencies, should be regarded as open questions to be settled hereafter by the arbitrement of the Governor General, it will be my duty to institute inquiries, and to obtain reliable opinions with regard to the succession in the Imâmship, such as may enable his Lordship the Viceroy to decide between the contending opinions now prevailing on that subject, and to apportion to the rival claimants what is justly due to each. 13. It may also be practicable, by discreet and amicable conferences with the different members of the late Imam’s family, and with the principal Arab chiefs at Muscat and Zanzibar, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 127 Zanzibar, to induce them to establish a standing rule as to the right of succession either Appendix, No. 8. to the separate or the conjoined States. Such a law, enacted by general consent of the representatives of the late Imam’s family, and of the more influential tribes, might be an eiïectual means of preventing in future those intestine broils which have hitherto attended the demise of every successive Imam of Oman. It will be for the Government to decide whether any such attempt should be comprised within the scope of my present commission. 14. I have been led to regard some definite instructions on the foregoing points as so indispensable to the successful accomplishment of the duty lately entrusted to me, that, in order to save time, I had purposed seeking a personal interview with his Lordship in Council before proceeding to Zanzibar. As there was no steamer available on the station to take Mr. Kassam to Muscat, it was my intention, on the arrival of a steamer from Bombay, to accompany him thither, and formally to introduce him to Syud ïhoweynee as the agent specially appointed to convey to him the assurance that the British Government would be impartial in its judgment, and otherwise to influence his Highness to rely implicitly on the justice of its mediation. 15. Besides the insight which such a visit, however short, would give me into the affairs of Muscat, I deemed that, without raising any unwarrantable expectations in the mind of Syud Thoweynee, the official courtesy might tend to counteract the impression which he has evidently received, that the Government has already decided against him, and thereby prepare him to accept, in a proper spirit, the final result of the Governor General’s arbitration. Moreover, the presence of the Reverend Mr. Badger with me (should that gentleman be able to accompany me) would be an additional assurance to him that the investigation to be instituted at Zanzibar would be carried on through an in dependent medium. 16. After a day or two spent at Muscat in effecting these objects, I contemplated pro ceeding direct to Bombay for the purpose of consulting his Lordship in Council on what I was to consider as the basis of my ulterior inquiries. As the south-west monsoon approaches, the voyage from Bombay to Zanzibar will, I believe, be more feasible than from Muscat or Aden. Even time, therefore may be saved by this course ; and in view of the importance of my being made acquainted with the opinion of Government on the several points set forth in this letter, I beg that I may be informed, either by telegraph or by the .steamer which is to convey me from Aden, whether his Lordship in Council approves of the arrangement above suggested. 17. But considering that the fair season is rapidly passing away, and that the Govern ment seems for the moment hard pressed for ships, I venture to suggest further, whether, in the expectation that a steamer will be available for the Zanzibar Commission a fortnioht or three weeks hence, I may be permitted to proceed to Bombay, accompanied by the gentlemen associated with me, by the next Peninsular and Oriental Company’s steamer which will leave Aden about the 18th of this month. After consulting with his Lordship in Council the Commission might proceed direct for Muscat and Zanzibar in the Govern ment steamer which, by that time, may be available for the purpose at Bombay. You will, perhaps, be good enough to inform me, by electric telegraph, whether I am autho rised to adopt this course. 18. On the other hand, if it is considered that detailed and definite instructions on the points submitted for consideration may be satisfactorily conveyed by telegraph either to Aden or to Muscat, and that the season will not be so far advanced as to render the voyage from either of those places to Zanzibar impracticable, the necessity for my pro ceeding to Bombay will thereby be obviated. 19. rusting that the emergent consideration attached to the case on hand will be deemed an ample apology for the foregoing suggestions, I have &c. (signed) PF. M. Coghlan^ Brigadier, Political Resident and Commandant. Resolution by the Honourable Board (Bombay), dated the 16th April 1860. That the Political Resident be informed that this Government unreservedly grants to him authority to investigate and report for the information of the Supreme Government, on the relative positions of the rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar. It will be the duty of the Political Resident to ascertain what are the exact rights of the one in rela tion to the other, by religious law, family custom, specific instrument, or force of circum stances. Having arrived at a conclusion on this question, it will remain for the Political Resident to consider whether it is actually necessary that exact rights should be reco«"- nised, whether peace and tranquillity may not more efiectually be secured by inducino-the antagonist parties to make mutual concessions, whether judicious compromise will n(?t be of more real benefit to the Interests of all concerned, both rulers and subiects than any 0,116. Q 4 ^ rigid I 128 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appeudix, Ko. 8. rigid adherence to pretensions based on exact rights. In other words, it will be for the Political Resident to ascertain what is right and what is expedient, and whether the parties can be induced partially to concede the one for the purpose of permanently securing the other. The Right Honourable the Governor in Council considers that the whole question is open to the investigation and discussion of the political resident ; that it is the sole desire of the Supreme Government to administer justice between the contending parties, and that that high authority will gladly avail itself of any facts or considerations which Brigadier Coghlan may be able to contribute towards the solution of existing complications. The question of guaranteeing to the Imam his Arabian possessions is one on which the Right Honourable the Governor in Council would wish to be favoured with the Political Resident's opinion. The Right Honourable the Governor in Council is not aware whether any necessity exists for the grant of such guarantee, but the Political Resident may be re quested to examine and report on the general question, and also on the specific political relation of Syud Toorkce, the ruler of Sohar (who, it is believed, has agreed to transfer his territory to the ruler of the Wahabees) to his brother the Imam. The correspondence on the latter subject may be forwarded to the political resident. With respect to the Political Resident’s movements, that officer will learn from another letter that the Commander in Chief of the Indian Navy is unable at present to place a vessel at Brigadier Coghlan’s disposal to enable him to visit Zanzibar before the monsoon. The Right Honourable the Governor in Council thinks, then, that the Political Resident should now proceed with Mr. Rassam and the Reverend Mr. Badger to Muscat, and com mence his inquiries there on the two complications, that between Muscat and Zanzibar, and that between Muscat and Sohar. The duty to bo performed is one of great labour and responsibility, but the Right Honourable the Governor in Council feels that it could be entrusted to no more judicious agency than that of Brigadier Coghlan. (signed) Elphinstone. H. }V. Reeves. E. Frere. Resolution by the Honourable Board, dated the 14th May 1860. Resolved—The Reverend Mr. Badger and Mr. II. Rassam having arrived in Bombay by the last mail, the question is now presented of how Brigadier Coghlan shall be en abled to commence his investigation of the disputes between the rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar. The -only vessel of the Indian Navy which is now, or will immediately be available, is the Punjaub.” The Commander in Chief of the Indian Navy has pointed out the great expense which would be incurred in sending this vessel to Zanzibar, and his opinion has received the concurrence of Government. But the Honourable the Governor in Council is disposed, on account of the urgent necessity which exists for obtaining an arrangement of the dispute, to treat the subject as one of special importance, and to consider that the Indian Navy steamerPunjaub ” should be detached for the duty of conveying Brigadier Coghlan on his mission. The course which the Honourable the Governor in Council thinks should be adopted is the following : On the return of the Punjaub ” to Bombay, Brigadier Coghlan, with his suite, should proceed in her to Muscat. He should then introduce Mr. Rassam to his Highness the Imfim as the future agent of the British Government ; and should inform his Highness that he has himself been deputed to investigate the claim of Muscat to sovereignty over Zanzibar. It is of great importance that the Commissioner should visit Muscat before he visits Zanzibar, in order that the impression which now exists (that the British Government is prejudiced in favour of the pretensions of Syud Majeed to complete independence of Muscat) may be removed. The Commissioner can receive such proofs as the ruler of Muscat may be able to submit ; he can also confer with him as to the adoption of some effective measures for the prevention of the slave trade ; and finally, endeavour to procure some settlement of the dispute with Sohar. ft is "scry probable that all these duties will not occupy the Commissioner for more than three w^eeks, and by the time of his return to Bombay the Government may have a smaller steamer than the Punjaub ” at its disposal, in which he can proceed to Zanzibar. But the Honourable the Governor in Council is so fully im pressed w ith the important character of the complications which have arisen in connection with the succession to the sovereignty of Zanzibar, that he is clearly of opinion no time should be lost in enabling Brigadier Coghlan to investigate and submit the whole case, through this Government, to the Government of India for final settlement. (signed) G. Clerk. 14 May 1860. H. II. Reeves. IV. E. Frere. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 129 (^o. 165 of 1860.—Secret Department.) From //. L. Anderson, Esq., Acting Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay, to • Brigadier Coghlan, Resident at Aden. Sir, Bombay, 29 May 1860. I AM directed by the Honourable the Governor in Council to transmit to you copies of the additional correspondence* possessed by this Government relative to the affairs of Muscat and Zanzibar. I also enclose a letter from the Honourable the Governor in Council to the address of Syud Thoweynee of Muscat, accrediting you to his Highness as charged with the duty of inquiring into the disputes pending between the actual rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar, and also of installing Mr. Hormuzd Rassam as British agent at the former place, until further orders. The Honourable the Governor in Council desires me to state that the annexed translation of the letter referred to, will furnish you with a general idea of the principles on which your inquiries are to be based, as also of the objects contemplated by the Right Honoura ble the Governor General, in acceding to the request of the contending parties to mediate between them by arbitration. Those objects have respect mainly to securing the permanent peace, prosperity, and independence of the territories comprehended within the dominions of the late Imaura Syud Saeed, and to the maintenance of that legitimate influence therein to which our long friendly relations with the Muscat state fairly entitle the British Govern ment. The Honourable the Governor in Council considers it superfluous to add any further instructions for your guidance in conducting this investigation; but your experience will enable you to estimate fairly the value of the rival claims to the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its dependencies, and to suggest such an adjustment of existing disputes on that important point, as may bo satisfactory to both parties, most conducive to the general welfare of the people and tribes hitherto subject to the Tmamship of Muscat, and witlial, best calculated to maintain peace and to ensure the furtherance of our just interests in Oman, and along the Eastern Coast of Africa, dependent on Zanzibar. You are accordingly requested to associate with the report of your inquiries whatever arrangement you may deem most effectual towards the attainment of those desirable results, stating explicitly and in detail the ground on which your oj^inions are formed. The Honourable the Governor in Council has to regret that the latest intelligence received via the Persian Gulf represents Syud Toorkce of Sohar, as engaged in nego tiations for eventually disposing of that principality to the Ameer of the Wahabees. Considering that Syud Toorkee’s rule over Sohar during the lifetime of his father, the late Imam, was merely that of a local governor appointed to administer the affairs of that province in behalf of the souzerain, it is fairly questionable whether he possesses any valid right to be independent of Muscat, much less to effect such a transfer of Sohar as he is re})orted to be meditating. It is to be presumed that Syud Toorkee rests his claim on grounds analagous to those put forward by Syud Majeed as entitling him to the sovereignty of Zanzibar, and as these latter are to be made the subject of investigation in order to the final arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General, it is most desirable that the district of Sohar should not be alineated until his Lordship’s decision has been made. Moreover, such an alineation might endanger the security of Muscat and its other dependencies, and the ascendancy of the Wahabees would inevitably be 1 olio wed by the most disastrous results throughout Oman, destructive alike of the peace of that province, and of the maritime security of the Persian Gulf. On arriving at Muscat you will be able to ascertain what Syud Toorkee’s real inten tions are in this respect, and you are hereby authorised by the Honourable the Governor in Council, to take such steps as you may deem most effeetual for arresting the projected transfer of Sohar to the Wahabees. A letter of counsel and expostulation may suffice ; but in case of persistency, you will make known to that chief that the British Govern ment will regard with displeasure any course of action on his part which threatens to disturb the present peace, and to involve the country of Oman in civil war and bloodshed. Frequent opportunities will be afforded you during the existence of the Commission for inquiring into the actual state of the slave trade on the Eastern Coast of Africa, and the knowledge thus acquired will enable you to suggest some more effectual means for its extirpation than those now in force. The extent to which it is still carried on in that quarter, shows that a revision of the existing treaties with the late Imaum is imperatively called for, ^ before this nefarious traffic can be suppressed ; but the Honourable the Governor in Council is of opinion that until the question relative to the sovereignty of Zanzibar has been finally settled by the arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General, it is not desirable that you should initiate any measures to that effect. Moreover, recent proceedings on the coast indicated, render it more and more obvious to the Honour able the Governor in Council that any separate treaty on our part for the suppression of 0.116. R the Appendix, No. 8. • Forwarded with Secret Despatch from this Govern ment, dated the 7th J une, No. 24 of1860. 130 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, the slave trade in that quarter, might lose much of its efficacy through the jealousy of foreign Powers ; whereas, by inducing those Powers to join with us in a general scheme to that end, no such obstacles would arise, and the benevolent object in view might be realised. It will be for Her Majesty’s Home Government to decide whether the coalition here suggested is practicable, and, if not, to direct what ulterior measures on our part should be adopted for rendering more effectual the provisions of existing treaties. In the meantime, you will have opportunities during your mission for eliciting further informa tion on all particulars of the slave trade, and report the same direct to the Secretary of State for India, as well as to this Government, together with any recommendations for its suppression, which from acquired local experience, you may deem practicable and effi cacious. I have, &c. (signed) W. L. Andersoiif . Bombay Castle, 29 May 1860. Acting Chief Secretary. (Persian Department.) Translation of a Letter from His Excellency the Honourable Sir George Russell Clerk, K.C.B., Governor of Bombay, to his Highness Syud Thoweynee, Euler of Muscat,. dated 31st May 1860. A. C. I HAVE much pleasure in apprising your Highness, that arrangements have now been made for instituting the inquiries into the unfortunate differences which have arisen between yourself and his Highness your brother Syud Majeed at .Zanzibar, which are to precede the arbitration of the Eight Honourable the Governor General of India. Those inquiries have been entrusted to Brigadier Coghlan, our Resident at Aden, an officer in whom I place the highest confidence, and whom I have commissioned to report to this Government the result of his investigations. Your Highness will perceive in this appointment a satisfactory proof of the anxious desire of the British Government that its intervention should be exercised with perfect fairness and justice. As having been hitherto unconnected with the disputes pending between your Highness and his Highness Syud Majeed, Brigadier Coghlan’s investigations will be carried on with strict impartiality towards both pai ties ; moreover, his past experi ence of the Arab tribes at Aden, and the co-operation of the officers who have been associated with him in this commission, well versed as they are in the language, laws, and customs of the Arabs ; will be an additional assurance to your Highness that every pre caution has been taken to elicit such informations as shall enable the Right Honourable' the Governor General to decide with justice on your respective claims. Brigadier Coghlan proceeds immediately to Muscat, on this duty, and I commend him to your Highness as our commissioner, assured that you will not fail to receive him with the honour and respect due to his rank and office. Brigadier Coghlan on his arrival will install Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, an esteemed and trusted servant of this Government, as British agent to your Highness at Muscat, an appointment, which I am persuaded, will be highly acceptable to you, and during his residence there in that capacity, I anticipate your cordial co-operation with him in all matters connected with the interests of the British Government and its subjects within your territories. Brigadier Coghlan will then confer with your Highness on the object of his mission, and I would strongly urge on you the importance of placing implicit confidence in him in all your communications, reserving no information which may aid the Eight Honourable the Governor General in forming such a decision as may not only be in accordance with justice, but which in its results may tend to the re-establishment of peace between contending parties, and to the increased prosperity of all the subjects of his Highness the late Imam. Assuring your Highness that the British Government is now, as it has ever been, most solicitous to promote those objects throughout Oman and Zanzibar, I conclude with the usual salutations of respect. For the rest, &c. &c. &c. (True Copy.) (signed) Venayek Wassoodew, Oriental Translator to Government. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST CO AST OP AFRICA). 131 (No, 38 of 1860.—Political Department.) (Office No. 2547.) From H. L. Anderson, Esq., Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department, Fort William; dated 14th June 1860. Sir, With reference to the letter from the Under Secretary with the Governor General, dated Nurnaul, the 12th ultimo, and previous correspondence relative to the affairs of Sohar and Muscat, I am directed by the Honourable the Governor in Council to report, for the information of the Government of India, that Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, the Political Resident at Aden, associated with the officers named in the margin, proceeded to Muscat in Her Majesty’s Indian Navy steamer ‘‘Punjaub ” on the 31st ultimo, for the purpose of investigating and reporting, for the information of the Government of India, on the complications existing between Muscat and Zanzibar on the one hand, and Muscat and Sohar on the other. 2. The Honourable the Governor in Council deemed it of great importance that Brigadier Coghlan should visit Muscat before he visits Zanzibar, in order that the im pression which apparently exists, that the British Government is prejudiced in favour of the pretensions of Syud Majeed, the ruler of Zanzibar, to complete independence of Muscat should be removed. ’ 3. The accon^anymg copies of the proceedings of this Government will place his Excellency the Governor General in Council in possession of the instructions which have been furnished to Brigadier Coghlan for his.guidance in the conduct of the important duty entrusted to him. ^ 4. I am instructed to state that, with the view of facilitating the objects of the mission ^d of adequately representing British interests at Muscat at the present time, the Honourable the Governor in Council has appointed Mr. Hormuzd Eassam, Assistant to the Political Resident at Aden, to act as British Agent at Muscat, as a temporary measure. ^ ^ 5. The question of remuneration to Mr. Rassam, and the other officers of Brigadier Coghlan’s suite, will be submitted for consideration in a separate letter. ^ ^ , I have, &c. Bombay Castle, 14 June 1860. (signed) H. L. Anderson, Chief Secretary. (No. 35, of 1860—Secret Department.) (Office No. 217.) From if. Z. Anderson, Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Secretary 1860 in the Foreign Department, Fort William ; dated 30 July Sir, In continuation of my letter. No. 38, dated the 14th ultimo, I have the honour by directim of his Excellency the Governor in Council, to transmit to you, for submission to ^ the Eight Honourable the Governor General in Council, the accompanying copy of a Report and its several Appendices, from Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, No. 10, dated the 4th instant, describing his proceedings on the occasion of his recent visit to Muscat, and the result oi inquiries instituted by him at that place. 2. In forwarding this Report, I am desired to state that his Excellency in Council feels certain that the Government of India will consider that satisfactory progress has been made by Brigadier Coglhan in this important investigation. 3. In order that the Commission may, at as early a date as shall be practicable, proceed to Zanzibar, arrangements are in progress for the dispatch of the steamer «Puniaub” to that place. *' 4. As this vessel is the only one of the Indian Navy available for the proposed duty, it has been found necessary, during the strength of the present south-west monsoon, to engap freight for the conveyance to Zanzibar of a sufficient quantity of coal for supply ing the requirements of the “ Punjaub” on her return voyage 5.1 am desired to append to Brigadier Coghlan’s Report copy of a letter from Assistant burgeon Welsh, the medical officer associated with the Muscat-Zanzibar Mission, accom panied by a set of photographic views of the town and harbour of Muscat. I have, &c. (signed) H. L. Anderson, Chief Secretary. Appendix, No. 8, The Rev. P. Badger Assistant Surgeon J. Welsh, and Mr. Hormuzd Rassam. Appendix A. (2). 132 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. (Secret Department.—No. 10 of 1860.) MUSCAT-ZANZIBAK COMMISSION. Brigadier Coqhlan’s Report. * Government records, Persian Gulf, p. 237. t Letter, No. 47 of 1859. From Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, Political Resident at Aden, to H. X. Anderson, Esq., Acting Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay ; dated Bombay, 4 July 1860. Sir, I HAVE the honour to submit the following report of my inquiries and proceedings at Muscat for the information of the Honourable the Governor in Council. 2. After touching at the Island of Hallania, where the “Punjaub” remained two days, she proceeded to Muscat, and arrived there on the morning ot the 12th ultimo. Hadji Ahmed, the Vizier of his Highness, Syud Thoweynee, came on board shortly after, and to him I entrusted the two letters addressed to his Highness by the Honourable the Governor of Bombay. Arrangements were made at the same time for our complimentary visit, which took place the same afternoon. 3. Syud Thoweynee was extremely gratified with the tenor of Sir George Clerk’s letter setting forth the object of the Commission. He was also much pleased with the appointment of Mr. Rassam to the Acting British Agency at Muscat, and expressed his gratitude towards the Government for the arrangement which had thus been made for settling the long-pending differences between himself and his brother Syud Majeed at Zanzibar. His Highness’s reply to the Honourable the Governor, which was forwarded with my letter. No. 7, of the 25th June, dwells on these points so fully that further notice of them is superfluous. 4. In the course of seven subsequent interviews, extending over our stay of nine days at Muscat, every effort was made to elicit information which might tend to throw light on the points in dispute, and Syud Thoweynee was repeatedly urged to state the grounds on which he rested his claim to the suzerainty of Zanzibar, and to the payment of tribute by his brother Majeed. I further deemed it fair to give his Highness an oppor tunity of exculpating himself from the various charges which had been brought against him in the official correspondence already submitted to Government on the Muscat- Zanzibar question. 5. Until corresponding inquiries have been made at Zanzibar, I am necessarily unable to form a decisive judgment on the opposing claims of the two parties; I shall, therefore, confine myself, at present, to a statement of Syud Thoweynee’s case, as represented by himself, merely adding thereto occasional remarks in elucidation of the same, and con firmatory, or otherwise, of the arguments adduced by him. The documentary evidence obtained has been thrown together in an Appendix, and will be referred to as occasion may require. The translations were made by the Rev. Mr. Badger from correct copies duly collated with the original papers. 6. I was glad to find the question regarding succession simplified by the repeated admission of Syud Thoweynee, that whatever claims are, theoretically, attached to primogeniture, practically, and more especially in the case of his ancestry of the reigning family, such claims have generally been disregarded. This coincides with the opinion of Colonel Hamilton,* that “ primogeniture, amongst Arabs, is not acknowledged as giving “ any bona fide right to succession,” and corroborates a similar statement made by Colonel Rio-by,t “ that the rights of primogeniture have never been recognised among the Imams “ of Oman.” 7. Further, I find on inquiry that Syud Thoweynee does not found his claim to supremacy on the bare fact that he was nominated by his late father^ to succeed to the government of his Arabian possessions ; but insists rather on his position as the actual ruler of Omán, which, in his opinion, constitutes him the rightful sovereign over all the dependencies of the parent State. He meets the argument adduced to prove that the late Imâm possessed the right of disposing of his dominions at will, by inquiring in what other oro-anised State, whatever the form of Government may be, the sovereign is endowed with any- such prerogative. And he finally contends that no such disposal of his territories was ever made by his late father, either by will or otherwise. ^ The only will extant is in his own possession, and he maintains that the bequests comprised therein have reference solely to the personal property of the testator, except the clause which directs that “ his two « ships, the ‘ Caroline ’ and ‘ Feidh Alim,’ be given after his death to the treasury of the “ Mussulmans, as a legacy from him.” Syud Thoweynee considers this latter bequest as a virtual recognition of one public exchequer, and that the Treasury of Muscat ( Muscat being the parent State) is indicated thereby. With regard to the letter addressed by his father, Syud Saeed, to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated Zanzibar, 23rd July 1844, and a letter from Colonel Hamerton to his Lordship, dated the 31st of the same month, which appears to have accompanied it (copies of which from Colonel Rigby’s letter. No. 46, of 1859, are given in Appendix A ), Syud Thoweynee argues, in the first place, that the appointment of his elder brother, Khaled, to the Governorship of his father’s African possessions. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 133 possessions, and of himself to that of his Arabian possessions, does not necessarily imply Appendix, No. 8. the independence of either brother, and that therefore the right of the Muscat State to ' the general sovereignty is unaflPected by the arrangement contemplated by his father, which had reference merely to the Governorships of the two territories, and not to the supreme rule over them. That supremacy, he contends, belongs of right to the candidate who succeeds to the parent State, and who is recognised as ruler over it by the tribes of Oman ; consequently, if his father intended anytliing beyond what he conceives to have been his meaning when writing to Lord Aberdeen, he assumed a prerogative which is disallowed by the laws and customs of the people, and, as such, cannot justly be regarded as legal. Syud Thoweynee further maintains that as the rightful sovereign, recognised by the tribes of Oman, he was quite justified, as well by the custom of his predecessors as bv his position, in attempting to coerce his brother Majeed into an acknowledgment of his supremacy. Such, he alleges, has always been the course hitherto pursued in similar cases ; and had he not, at the instance of the British, relinquished the expedition prepared to that end, he fully believes that Syud Majeed would have been forced to yield the recognition which was justly demanded of him. 8. The foregoing arguments advanced by Syud Thoweynee call for the most careful attention, as the several points dwelt upon may be said to comprise the important question of right as connected with the succession to the sovereignty over the dominions of his late Highness Syud Saeed. 9. I find, then, on examination, that among the Arabs of Oman there is no recognised law determining the succession to the I mam ship (by which I mean the supremacy or sovereignty). Primogeniture gives no claim to succession ; and, further, in retracing the history of the rulers of Oman for the last two centuries and a half, it will be seen that the brother, uncle, or cousin of a deceased sovereign, succeeded to the sovereignty as fre quently as any of his own children. The succession was generally confined to the same family or dynasty ; but even that restriction appears to have been the result of the influ ence which its members had acquired over the people, and the candidate who was strongest in that respect usually attained the supremacy. In no one instance, indeed, do we find that a successor has been able to maintain his position without the suifragcs of the chiefs of the principal tribes ; and, in every case recorded, such a concurrence is noted as con- firmino- the newly appointed sovereign in his authority. I may here observe that the testimony of Syud Hik'd as given by Colonel Pigby in his letter, No. 46, of 1859, dated April 14th, is strikingly confirmative of the preceding opinion, Colonel Rigby writes :— “ On my questioning Syud Hilal regarding the customs of the Chiefs of Oman regard- “ ino- succession, he stated that no law cf primogeniture is recognised ; that might, “ coupled with the election by the tribes, is the only right ; that, generally, on the death “ of a chief, his sons disputed the succession, and that the one who had the most influence “ with the tribe, or who gave the greatest hopes of being an efficient leader, was elected. (( That it was on this principle the late Imam was himself elected, to the exclusion of his “ elder brother.” 10. From the above statements regarding the succession, as it has hitherto prevailed in the kingdom of Oman, it is apparent that the ruling sovereign did not possess the right of naming his successor, and not one instance is to be found of any attempt to exercise that prerogative. During their lifetime the sovereigns of Oman, either of their own free will, or for political purposes, or because the parties so advanced were too powerful for them, were accustomed to api)oint difterent members of their family and others to the governor ships of certain districts, and in some cases to grant them the same, with the implied understanding that it was in perpetuity ; but such concessions as the latter were generally forced from them ; nevertheless, the districts so transferred were still regarded as fiefs of the kingdom, and only independent of it in what concerned their internal administration. The governors were removable at the will of the sovereign, and the feudal chiefs or lords, in case of becoming obnoxious to the suzerain, were enjoined or forced into obedience, unless they were powerful enough to resist his mandates. 11. Such I believe to be a correct statement of the custom with regard to succession, as it has prevailed among the people of Oman, and of the prerogatives of their sovereigns over the territories comprehended within their dominions. The account is mainly based on a masterly paper given in Ai)pendix (B.), and drawn up by the Reverend Mr. Badger from an Arabic History of the Kings and Imams of Oman. I submit the Paper to the careful perusal of the Honourable the Governor in Council as a document of the utmost importance bearing on the Muscat-Zanzibar question now before the Government. 12. I am next called on to notice Syud Thoweynee’s plea that the late Syud Saeed did not partition his tendtories, as has been asserted, either by will or otherwise. At first sight the letter addressed by Syud Saeed to the Earl of Aberdeen, dated 23rd July 1844 {see Appendix A.), seems conclusive that his Highness did intend that his African and Arabian possessions respectively should be given in full sovereignty to his sons, Khaled and Thoweynee. It is equally clear, however, that, according to the custom which had heretofore prevailed among the sovereigns of Oman, Syud Saeed did not legitimately possess the right either of nominating a successor or of partitioning his territories. 13. But I think it is fairly open to question whether, in the arrangement submitted to 0.116. R 3 the 134 APPENDIX TO HEPOliT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. the Earl of Aberdeen, Syud Saeed did mean that the nomination of his two sons was to the full sovereignty of the respective territories assigned to them. Viewed in connection with the appointment of governors by his predecessors, and what the position of his two sons was at the time, Khaled being then Governor of Zanzibar, and Thoweynee Governor of Muscat, which offices it was most probable they would hold at and after his death, Syud Saeed may have referred merely to such governorships, without designing, in any way, to interfere with the succession or supremacy to which the precedents of his pre decessors gave him no legitimate right to nominate, and which, after his death, might have devolved on either of his two sons, Khaled and Thow^eynee. 14. As having an inferential bearing on this point, I beg to notice here a passage from Colonel Rigby’s Letter, No. 46 of 1859, dated 14th April. He writes: “From his “ (Syud Saeed) having appointed his second son (Khaled) to inherit the African “ dominions, and his third son (Thoweynee) to succeed him in the Arabian possessions, “ it was evidently not the intention of his Highness that Zanzibar should be tributary “ to Muscat, but that the two states should be independent of each other.” The force of the argument thus adduced in favour of the independency of Zanzibar, on the ground of the seniority of Khaled, is entirely destroyed by Colonel Rigby himself, in his con tinuation of the foregoing quotation. He subjoins : “ The Prince Khaled was installed “ as ruler of the African dominions during his father’s absence at Muscat, and on his “ death, which occurred on 7th November 1854, his Highness passed over two of his “ sons, and appointed his fourth son. Prince Majeed, to succeed his deceased brother in “ the government of the African dominions, and it was proclaimed to all the Chief Arabs “ in open Durbar that he was to be regarded exactly in the same position as Prince “ Khaled had held.” Whereon I beg to remark that, as Syud Saeed, in this case, passed over two of his sons, and appointed Majeed to Zanzibar, leaving his elder brother, Thoweynee, at Muscat, the argument adduced in the former part of the above quotations in favour of the independency of Zanzibar, on the score of the seniority of Khaled, falls to the ground. 15. I come next to the will of the late Syud Saeed, a revised translation of which is given in Appendix C. This document, it appears, was found in a box belonging to Bint Seif, wife of his late Highness, one of the executors, who died at Zanzibar, and it subsequently came into the possession of her daughter Azza, residing at present at Muscat. The document bears the tokens of authenticity. 16. This will, as may be seen from the tenor of its several bequests, refers almost exclusively to the private property of the testator; and, although drawn up 10 years subsequent to the date of the late Syud Saeed’s letter to the Earl of Aberdeen, no intimation is contained therein of the arrangement which had been submitted to his Lordship. Had Syud Saeed deemed himself to possess the right of nominating a successor, or of dividing his territories by will, it seems hardly credible that he should have been so minute in disposing of his personal property, and yet have omitted all notice of his wishes in those other more important particulars. 17. The only public legacy bequeathed in the will under consideration, is that of two ships, “ to the Treasury of the Mussulmans.” I subjoin some remarks by the Rev. Mr. Badger on this subject:— “ The term ‘ Mussulmans,’ as here employed, is simply equivalent to that of ‘ subjects,’ “ or rather ‘citizens.’ It occurs frequently in the history of the Kings and Imams of “ Oman in that sense ; as, for example, ‘ the pious Mussulmans met together to delibe- “ ‘ rate,’ referring to the councils of the inhabitants of a town or district. The use of the “ designation owes its origin to the religious type of Mohammedan political administra- “ tion. The phrase ‘ Treasury of the Mussulmans ’ doubtless designates the public “ exchequer. It occurs in the following extract from the history just referred to : ‘ My “ ‘ father went to Sultan (who was then virtually the Imam), and said to him. My lord, “ ‘ I have examined to see whether Mohammed bin Khalfan has any houses or magazines “ ‘ belonging to him entered in the books of the kingdom ; but I find that he has not ; “ ‘ the houses and magazines which he had belong to the Treasury, and you are now “ ‘ master of the Treasury.’ ” 18. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the legacy under consideration was made to the public treasury. Only one such treasury is named, and from thence it may be argued, with some degree of plausibility, that at the time the bequest was made Syud Saeed only recognised one conjoined independent state. 19. The next point to be noticed is the claim adduced on behalf of Syud Saeed’s rio-ht to dispose of his African possessions by will on the ground that several of them wereliis by conquest, and that it was chiefly owing to his administration that the whole was con solidated into one dominion. 20. The able historical summary given by Colonel Rigby, in his letter already referred to, of the original settlement of the Arabs on the coast of Africa, and the subsequent extension, together with the conquest of Zanzibar and the adjacent islands, leaves nothing for me to add on that subject. His account coincides in the main with the native records comprised in the history of the Kings and Imams of Oman. Seif bin Sultan, according to the latter, at the opening of the 18th century, took Zanzibar, Mombasa, the Green Island (?), Kilwa, and other places on the coast of Africa from the Portuguese. These possessions 135 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). possessions formed thereafter a dependency of the kingdom, and succeeding Imams ruled over them, either wholly or in part, according as they were successful against the different attempts made by the inhabitants under their native chiefs to shake off’ all subjection to the Arab Sovereigns of Oman. It was in this way that the late Syud Saeed obtained the sovereignty of Zanzibar and a few of the settlements on the coast. They became his in virtue of his succession to the Imamship. True, he extended the empire in that direc tion and consolidated it ; but it appears very questionable whether on such grounds alone he can be fairly held to have possessed the power of disposing of the same either by will or otherwise to his sons or to anyone else. As he himself became master of Zanzibar, and of other places which from time to time had been added to the dependency, when he was recognised as Sovereign of Oman, so, in like manner, it seems to follow as a matter of right that his successor in the sovereignty should succeed to the same privilege, unless on other more valid grounds he possessed the power of alienating the territories of the state, which, to say the least, is very doubtful. Judging, indeed, from the limited prero gative in such matters exercised by his predecessors, the inference would be decidedly against him. 21. I must now notice in the last place Syud Thoweynee’s plea, that under the cir cumstances of his position, and agreeably with the custom of his predecessors in similar cases, he was fully justified in attempting to coerce his brother Syud Majeed into an acknowledgement of his supremacy. 22. His Highness here assumes that his title to the supremacy is unquestionable, and if that point could be admitted, I presume that few would dispute the inference. His object in the foregoing allegation is designed to prove that, in imitation of the almost uniform example of his predecessors for ages past, he was free to establish his right by the additional argument of might ; and as the success of the latter has always prevailed to confirm the former, his claim would not have come short in that respect. 23. Apart from all considerations of the enlightened motives which led the Government to intervene, in order to prevent hostilities between Syud Thoweynee and his brother Syud Majeed, and regarding the matter simply in the light which custom immemorial leads the Arabs of Oman to regard it, the sanctions of so many precedents among their rulers whose titles to the sovereignty were established chiefly on the ground of their success against other competitors, give a plausibility to the argument of Syud Thoweynee which should not be overlooked. 24. It is perhaps difficult to say what the result would have been had the two parties come into collision on the occasion of Syud Thowey nee’s expedition to Zanzibar in the early part of last year. Colonel Rigby,* in his account of the preparations made by Syud Majeed to resist the expected invasion, represents the means at the disposal of the latter as ample to destroy any force brought against him, dwelling especially on the enthusiasm of the people in his cause. Subsequently, however, and long after the expedition of Syud Thoweynee had returned to Muscat, his report of the state of affairs at Zanzibar led the Government to conclude that “ the position of Syud Majeed “ at Zanzibar was not secure.”! And later still, on the occasion of the outbreak, when the El-Harth Arabs rose in support of Syud Bargluish, all the force which Syud Majeed could bring against them was ineffectual, and the rising was not suppressed until assistance from three British men-oi-war had been sent to co-operate with them,j: when, as it is averred, the Arabs yielded because they would not fio-ht against the English. 25. I have deemed it desirable, in giving Syud Thowey nee’s arguments in his own behalf, to explain and illustrate them with the foregoing remarks. As some of the latter, however, may be open to modification hereafter, I abstain at present from any final expression of opinion on the general subject. Nevertheless, as what has already been advanced may have an important bearing on that opinion, I submit the same without delay to the careful consideration of Government. Sohâr. 26. Before entering upon the merits of the question relative to the agreement alleged to have been made between Syud Thoweynee and Majeed for the payment of 40,000 dollars annually by the latter to the former, I consider this the most fit place in my Report to discuss the claim which has been set up in favour of the independence of Syud Toorkee, another of the sons of the late Imam, who is at present located at Sohar. 27. No documentary evidence whatever exists to support this claim. Colonel Hamerton, in a letter to the Earl of Clarendon,^ dated 10th November 1856, writes as “follows: “ I am fully aware what his Highness’s (Syud Saeed’s) intentions regarding “ the succession were ; that Syud Thoweynee at Muscat should succeed to the govern- “ ment of his Arabian possessions, provision being made for certain of his sons as “ governors of certain places in his Arabian possessions ; and that the Prince Majeed, “ whom his Highness considered in the place of his deceased son Ivhaled, should succeed “ to the government of his African possessions, provision being made for others of his “ sons as governors of various places in his African possessions.” It is obvious that by the term “ governor ” in the above quotation nothing more is meant than a deputy with 0116. R 4 delegated Appendix, No. 8, ♦Letter, No. 19 oí 1859. f Resolution of Honourable Board, 16th November 1859. t Letter, No. 98, -1st October 1859. § Quoted by Colonel Riaby, Letter No. 19 of 1859, dated 17th F ebruary 1859. 13o APPENDIX TO EEPORT PROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. * Letter, No. 46 of 1859. t Letter, No. 19 of 1859. Î No. 47 of 1859. § No.686 of 1859. Persian Depart ment. II Government Records, Persian Gulf, p. 208. 1Í Idem, p. 232, delegated powers from the ruling sovereign “ Wali,”the Arabic term generally applied to- such officers, aptly expresses the same idea. Colonel Rigby * speaks of one Syud Sooliman as being at present “ Governor of Zanzibar.” 28. Colonel Rigby, indeed, seems to draw a somewhat different conclusion, and intro duces Syud Toorkee by name. He writes,f “ After the death of the late Syud Saeed “ no will was found, but his Highness’s intention with respect to the succession to his ‘‘ various territories were so well known to all his subjects, he having during his lifetime “ placed Syud Thoweynee in the government of Muscat, and his possessions in the “ Persian Gulf, Syud Toorkee in possession of Sohar, and Syud Majeed in possession of Zanzibar and his African dominions, that no dispute was expected.” The only evi dence adduced in support of this nomination of Syud Toorkee is the quotation already given from Colonel Hamerton’s letter. 29. In a subsequent Despatch Colonel Rigby, after stating how the late Syud Saeed obtained possession of Sobar, adds, that his Highness “ then assigned it to his son “ Syud Toorkee and further on he gives the testimony of Syud Hilal in these words : “ Syud Saeed being anxious to avert the disputes which he foresaw would “ otherwise occur amongst his numerous sons after his death, had, during his own lifetime, “ divided his dominions amongst his three sons, the Princes Thoweynee, Toorkee, and “ Majeed, leaving all the details of administration in their hands, with the full understand- “ in g that they were to sueceed to the full sovereignty of each after his own death. That “ the late Imam considered this so plainly settled, that he did not consider any written ‘‘ will on the subject necessary. That he had long previous notified to the Foreign “ Governments in alliance with him his intention to divide his domininns between the “ Princes Thoweynee and Khaled, and that on the death of the latter Prince Syud “ Majeed was appointed his successor.” 30. The foregoing extracts comprise absolutely all the arguments which have been ad\ anced in behalf of the independence of Syud Toorkee as the ruler of Sohar. In my opinion they are inconclusive, apart from the reflection that they are, moreover, open to complete refutation if the more general question of the right of the late Syud Saeed to divide his territories is decided in the negative. 31. But. further, it does not appear that Syud Toorkee himself ever urged his claim to be independent of Muscat until very lately ; and even now his pretensions are shown more in the attempts which he is making to throw off all subjection to Seyyed Thoweynee than in any express declaration of independency: Sohar, in fact, could not maintain that position. It yields a revenue which barely suffices for the support of the Governor and garrison, and for the entertainment of public guests. During the lifetime of the late Syud Saeed an allowance was made to Syud Toorkee of 120 dollars per mensem for the maintenance of a small body of horse, and Syud Thoweynee added 100 dollars to that sum for general purposes, which was paid out of the Customs of iVIuscat. The attempts made ever and anon by Syud Toorkee to form a coalition against Syud Thoweynee have more than once led to the suspension of the stipend, and it has lately been withdrawn in consequence of the more overt steps taken by Syud Toorkee to undermine his authority. These have already been detailed in my letter. No. 8, of the 2/th ultimo. I may here add, however, that Syud Thoweynee has lately inter cepted a letter written by Syud Majeed, of Zanzibar, to Syud Toorkee, at Sohar, informing the latter that he had sent him 2,000 dollars, and a supply of powder and lead, by one Merhoon. The letter, I was informed, had been given to Captain Jones, who will doubtless bring it to the notice of Government. 32. Moreover, by the tenor of a letter addressed to Syud Thoweynee by Syud Toorkee about 20 months ago ( See Appendix D.), it will be seen that the latter refers to the former as his superior ; and as recently as the 2nd of September of last year, Hezkiel bin Yoosuf,§ then Acting British Agent at Muscat, reports that a compact had been entered into by the tv/o brothers, “ when it was agreed that he (Syud Toorkee) should ‘‘ always obey the commands of his Highness (Syud Thoweynee) in ¿rything im- “ portant or trifling, and that his Highness should pay him the allowance wnich he used “ to receive during the lifetime of his father.” The above was confirmed by my own inquiries at Muscat. 33. The foregoing considerations taken together, form, in my opinion, a mass of evidence decidedly adverse to the claim set forth in behalf of the independence of Syud Toorkee. Further, it is equally apparent to me that, considered politically, and in its bearings on the welfare of the Muscat State, and the general peace of Oman, it is most undesirable that any such claim should be countenanced. Sohâr, as has been aireadv stated, could not maintain its independence, and the almost inevitable result of such a claim being allowed, would tend to foster the intrigues for extraneous support, which Syud Toorkee is now active in fomenting. It does not appear certain that the Wahabees have abso lutely withdrawn from their late compact with that chief. The importance of the position in a strategical point of view, has always excited their cupidity. As far back as 1836, ||, Syud Saeed, who had called in the assistance of the Wahabee Agent to expel Hainood from Sohar, abandoned the siege of that place on learning that the Agent designed to keep possession of it for Fysul, the Wahabee Ameer. And again, in 1851,^f after Syud Saeed ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 137 Saeed had taken Sohar, a demand was made by the same chief for its immediate cession to him. 34. Incorporated with the Muscat State, and under its support, Sohâr may be able to resist any such encroachments ; separated, therefore, it is certain to fall into the hands of the Wahabees, or to become the focus of revolutionary movements throughout Oman. I trust, therefore, that the Government will deem it right to disallow the pretensions lately set up in behalf of the independency of Syud Toorkee, and by countenancing the just claims of Syud Thoweynee to the sovereignty over the district of Sohâr, strengthen the latter in securing it from foreign occupation, and in preventing the other evils which its alienation from the Muscat State would inevitably engender. 35. Reverting to the dispute pending between Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed, I proceed in the next place to examine into the agreement made between the two parties» whereby the latter engaged to pay to the former the sum of 40,000 dollars per annum. 36. Colonel Rigby’s account of this transaction is as follows : * I am informed that ‘‘ soon after the death of the late Imam, Syud Thoweynee sent his cousin, by name (( Mahomed bin Salem, from Muscat to Zanzibar to represent to Syud Majeed, that as the “ revenues of Muscat are much less than those of Zanzibar, and as their father had been " in the habit of assisting the Muscat treasury with remittances from Zanzibar, he hoped “ his brother would likewise continue to afford him pecuniary aid. In consequence Syud Majeed agreed to remit Syud Thoweynee the sum of 40,000 German crowns annually, of which sum 10,000 crowns were for the payment to the Wahabees, 10,000 crowns to their mutual brother Syud Toorkee, who had been put in possession, by their ‘‘ father, of the territories of Sohâr, and the remaining 20,000 crowns were for Syud “ Thoweynee himself ; but it was stipulated that the payment of the entire amount should (( be conditional on Syud Thowenyee refraining from hostilities with his brother Syud Toorkee ; and as Syud Thoweynee has broken this agreement, and undertaken hostilities against Syud Toorkee, the money for the past year has not been remitted to Muscat. “ After the return of Syud Mahomed bin Salem to Muscat, Syud Thoweynee agreed to “ the arrangement made by him, and wrote to the Customs Master here to receive the “ money and remit it to him. There appears to have been no formal written agreement “ on the subject, as the payment was not to be considered as a tribute, or in any way as “ acknowledging the dependency of Zanzibar upon the Sultans of Muscat ; but it was as “ a free gift from one brother to the other, subject to the condition of his not doing any “ injury to a third brother.” 37. In a subsequent Despatch (No. 46, of 1859) Colonel Rigby repeats verbatim the foregoing statement, adding that his informant was Syud Majeed himself, who is conhrmed by Syud Soliman, Syud Hilal, and all the principal Arabs. 38. Another repetition of the above occurs in Colonel Rigby’s letter (No. 116, of 1859) with the following additional details ; “ On his leaving for Muscat, Mahomed bin Salem “ was paid the first half-year’s allowance, viz. 20,000 crowns, of which 5,000 crowns were ‘‘ for Syud Toorkee, to enable him to pay the tribute due to the Wahabee Chief from the Sohar State. Syud Thoweynee kept the whole of this money, and engaged in hostilities against Syud Toorkee.” 39. In juxta-position to the above, I proceed to give Syud Thoweynee’s account of the transaction. His statement is as follows : On the death of Syud Saeed, I sent Ma- “ homed Bin Salem and Mahomed Bin Saeed to Zanzibar, to make arrangements with “ Syud Majeed for the division of our father’s property. When that was done, the “ subject was discussed as to what position Zanzibar was to occupy hereafter ; my two (( agents pointed out to Syud Majeed, that he could only hold it as tributary to Oman. “ It was accordingly agreed that Majeed should remit 40,000 dollars annually, as tribute “ to the Muscat treasury.” He denies in toio that any conditions whatever, such as are stated by the opposite party were attached to this agreement, or that any division of the sum stipulated for formed part of the compact. He meets the statement regarding the portion which it is alleged that Syud Toorkee was to receive of the 40,000 crowns by asking, “ Why, if it was intended ^ for Toorkee, was the amount to be paid to me ? “ Was it an admission of his subjection to me ? If so,” he remarked, addressing the Rev. Mr. Badger, “ please to note the concession. If not, why was it stipulated that the money should be paid through me instead of being paid to Syud Toorkee direct? “ My brother Majeed is not at a loss for means of sending money to Toorkee, as his later gifts remitted to Sohâr abundantly prove. And as to the statement that the 5,000 crowns were for Toorkee, to enable him to pay the tribute to “ the Wahabee Chief from the Sohâr State, it is notorious to every one that the tribute for Sohâr has always (( been paid by Muscat, and is so paid still.” 40. In reply to the inquiry whether any written document existed relative to this trans action, Syud Thoweynee could not speak with absolute certainty. He himself had not seen it, though he has an impression that one exists, and that it may still be in the pos session of Mahomed bin Salem. The latter informed him of all that had passed at Zanzibar on his return to Muscat, and as he (Thoweynee) had shortly after received a part of the tribute, he considered that the affair had been finally settled, and that no difficulty would arise in future respecting it. Mahomed bin Salem having long since retired to Mecca, a reference to him on this subject was impracticable; but Syud 0.116 S Theweynee Appendix, No. 8.. * Letter, No, 19, of 1859. 138 APPENDIX TO EEPOET FKOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Thoweynee is assured that the agreement, in the sense in which he regards it, was known to the late Colonel Haraerton ; that it was made with his cognizance ; and that the French and American Consuls at Zanzibar were privy to the same. _ 41. In the course of our inquiries on this subject, Syud Thoweynee mentioned a circumstance which may afford a clew to its elucidation. He informed me (addino- that the fact was too notorious to be denied) that on accomplishing his mission to Zanzibar, Mahomed bin Salem had succeeded in inducing Syud Majeed to make him an allow ance of 12,000 crowns per annum. That the first year the entire sum was paid, and the second year only half, after which it was discontinued altogether. The money was re mitted to Mecca through a Muscat merchant named Kdheyyed. 42. Supposing this statement to be true, it occurs to me as very probable that the agent, Mahomed bin Salem, for his own private ends, deceived both parties. (Syud Thoweynee did not mention what reward he had received from him, but there can be no doubt that he was adequately paid for his services.) At Zanzibar he was willing to accept the 40,000 crowns as a fraternal gift from Majeed to Thoweynee, while at Muscat he represented that the stipulated sum was tribute from Zanzibar to the Muscat State. , 43. Further inquiries at Zanzibar may throw additional light on the foregoing transac tion. The matter may have been recorded at the French and American Consulates, and a reference to them, in a prudential way, may be desirable. The point, however, whether Zanzibar in future should be tributary or not to Muscat will, I presume, depend on the decision arrived at on the more general and important questions regarding the succession and the respective claims of Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed lo the sovereio-nty of Muscat and Zanzibar respectively. ^ 44. I now proceed to notice Syud Thoweynee’s vindication of himself from a number of charges brought against him in the course of the official correspondence which has taken place on the foregoing subjects. I do so, in the first place, because I candidly be lieve that statements have been made to the prejudice of his cause, which the explana tions given will tend in some degree to remove ; and, secondly, because the said explana tions will serve to throw additional light on the untoward disturbances which occurred at Zanzibar, after the return of Syud Thoweynee’s expedition to Muscat. 45. The first charge occurs in Colonel Rigby’s letter. No. 34, of 1859, and is to the following effect : “ His Highness (Syud Majeed) some months ago sent one of his tradino- '' ships to Muscat, and instructed the Commander to sell it if he got a good offer. The '' ship was sold at Muscat for 11,000 dollars, and Syud Thoweynee has forced the ao-ent ‘‘ to pay him this money.” ' 46. In reply, Seyed Thoweynee admits the charge, but justifies the act on the grounds that Syud Majeed had seized his portion of the inheritance of his two younger brothers, Jemsheed and Hamadan, who bad lately died at Zanzibar. Also that Majeed had pre vented the proceeds of a house belonging to him, which had been sold at Zanzibar for 12,000 dollars, from being transmitted to him. The house in question had been the property of Bint Seif, the wife of the late Imam, on whose death it fell to her sister, who made it over to Seyud Thoweynee. It was eventually bought by Aysha bint Saeed, daughter of the late Imam, but Syud Majeed has forbidden her to transmit the purchase money. The seizure of the price of the ship, therefore, Syud Thoweynee regards as a just act of retaliation. “ * Letter, No. 40, of 1859. 47. As indirectly connected with this subject, I may here notice Syud Thoweynee’s justification of himself for having made a demand on Syud Majeed, in behalf of the late Imam’s younger children, for which he appears to have incurred some blame. Colonel Rlgby,^ in his letter. No. 59, of 1859, says that he, Syud Thoweynee, had demanded (of Majeed) “ the renunciation of the custody, as his father’s executor, of the property of “ the younger children of the late Imam.” Syud Thoweynee admits having done so, but refers to the Imam’s will as a proof that Syud Majeed was not nominated one of the executors. He further adds that his demand was coupled with a request that tlie property should ^ be committed to the safe custody of a third and disinterested party. This, he maintains, was a necessary precaution, and adduced, in proof, a letter addressed to him by six of the surviving children, showing the abject state of want to which they were reduced through the neglect of Syud Majeed. A translation of this letter is o-iven in Appendix E. ^ 48. The next charge mentioned by Colonel Rigby is,* that Abdallah bin Salem and others of the El Harth tribe had " been writing to Syud Thoweynee, invitino- him to “ dethrone his brother, and promising him the aid of their tribe and theii” slaves.” Syud Thoweynee does not deny that, prior to his expedition to Zanzibar, several of the El Harth tribe did correspond with him on the subject, but he denies ever havino- encouraged them to any act of insubordination. He maintains that it was quite natural for the El Harth tribe, who regarded Oman as their native country, and who were ill affected towards Majeed, to endeavour to enlist his sympathies in their behalf.” 49. With regard to Syud Barghash and his confederacy with the El Harth at Zanzibar, Syud Thoweynee denies ever having held any correspondence with him on the subject. “ Think you,” said he, “ that I would correspond with a lackbrain ; such he ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 139 lie is ? ” To this charge generally Syud Thoweynee sent me the following vindication in writing : ‘‘ Whatever may have taken place between the brothers Majeed and Barghash “ is no affair of mine. I know nothing about it, neither did I interfere in any way (( between them after I had referred the matter to the British Government. How comes it^ then, that Majeed ruins my houses (at Zanzibar) and destroys what they contain ; so much so that even the windows and doors are carried away ? Can matters ever be made « straio-ht with him while he continues to act in this way ? As yet the British Govern- “ ment knows nothing of these things, but I state them to you in order that you may “ prove their truth.” 50. In a subsequent letter from Colonel Rigby,* Syud Thoweynee is charged with not acting “ in good faith.” Firstly, he states (in a letter to Lord Elphinstone), “ that he had “ sent orders to Hamed bin Salem to prevent hostilities, and to bring the army back, and « that he had charged him to refrain from all communication with Syud Majeed ; whereas Syud Majeed sent for my perusal a letter _ written to him by Syud “ Thoweynee, just after his return with his expedition to Muscat, informing him that he was about to send Hamed bin Salem to Zanzibar in his ship ‘ Caroline to “ arrange all differences between them. This, too, was just after he had agreed to refer « those differences to the arbitration of his Lordship the Viceroy and Governor General of “ India.” 51. As the foregoing charge called forth a severe censure on Syud Thoweynee from the Government of India,j" it is but fair that his explanation should be recorded. It is to the following effect : After receiving the communication from Government, through Colonel Russell, which induced him to abandon the expedition, and to submit his case to the arbitration of the Governor General, he understood that an officer would be sent to Zanzibar to institute the necessary inquiries ; and as he deemed it desirable to have an ao-ent on the spot to represent him, he decided to send Hamed bin Salem in that capacity. He states further, that his intention in this respect was communicated to Colonel Russell. He does not deny having written the letter alluded to above, but declares that it was one of friendship merely, and that any overtures which might have been made by Hamed bin Salem, in consequence of that letter, were by no means designed to set aside the final arbitration of the Governor General. His intentions were, by previously establishing a more friendly understanding with Syud Majeed, to render the work of arbitration easier, and the result more satisfactory to both prirties. 52. In the same letter Colonel Rigby states, It has since been discovered (that “ Syud Thoweynee) sent 40,000 dollars to Zanzibar, to be expended in exciting the “ people to revolt against his brother.” And again, in his letter (Vo. 103, of 1859) it is stated, “ Syud Baro-hash had been provided with a large sum of money by the ruler of “ Muscat purposely to stir up a revolution. ’ Syud Thoweynee, in explanation, says that a month before sailing he had sent 1,000 doubloons to Zanzibar foi the payment of his troops, and for the general purposes of the expedition after it should arrive there. The remittance had been sent to Barghash, but he denies altogether that it was tor the objects above attributed to him. 53; Further, in Colonel Rigby’s Letter, No. 94 of 1859, Syud Thoweynee is accused of havino* “ seized and confiscated a large new Cochin-built ship belonging to Abdallah “ bin S^lem, the principal Chief of El-Harth tribe, and one of those still in confinement.” This act of Syud Thoweynee is attributed to a report which had reached him that the El-Harth had appropriated among themselves the money he had sent there for the M purpose of exciting a revolution.” In confutation of this, Syud Thoweynee has pro duced two letters from the owner of the said ship (translations of which will be found in Appendix F.), from which it appears that the owner, fearing that his vessel might be confiscated by Syud Majeed, had, of his own accord, made it over to Syud Thoweynee, beo-ging that he would undertake to look after his interest therein. 54. In reply to the many charges brought against his agent, Hamed bin Salem, as beino- « a very intrio-uing and unscrupulous person,” as active in fomenting rebellion, and as havino- «bribed with three thousand dollars a confidential albamair jemadar, in the « household “of his Highness (Syud Majeed), to assassinate his Highness.” $ Syud Thoweynee adduces three notes written by Syud Majeed to Hamed bin Salem, then on the point of returning to Muscat, wherein the latter is addressed in the most friendly terms, and his pardon asked for any seeming harshness which he may have shown towards him. Translations of these notes will bo found in Appendix (G). 55. Syud Thoweynee, indeed, most emphatically denies having taken any part whatever in exciting the disturbances which arose at Zanzibar several months after the return of his expedition to Muscat, and he complains bitterly of the numerous misrepre sentations which have been sent in against him to Government by Her Majesty s consul at Zanzibar, whilst the British agency at Muscat was left in the hands of an illiterate Jew who could neither read nor write. Further, he does not hesitate to express his persuasion that the rising at Zanzibar was mainly owing to the persistency of the British representa tive in a course of uncalled-for harshness towards Syud Barghash and the chiefs of the El-Harth tribe. In confirmation of which, he handed me a letter addressed to him a few months a^-o by Suleiman bin Hamed, the vizier of his Highness Syud Majeed. Without 0 116 “ s2 venturing Appendix, No. 8. * No. 46, of 1859. t Letter, No. 4590. Foreign Depart ment. + Rigby letter. No. 94, of 1859. 140 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. ^ Letter, No. 46, of 18Õ9. t Letter, No. 63, of 1859. t Letter, No. 69, of 1859. • Slave Trade. venturing to express any opinion on the foregoing statement, I have deemed it my duty to report it, and in Appendix (H.) have given a translation of the vizier’s letter above re ferred to. 56. I come lastly to the numerous charges made against Syud Thoweynee of acting under French influence. Colonel Eighy* “believes that the French Government have “ had some secret negotiations with Syud Thoweynee, and will strongly endeavour to “ have Zanzibar declared a dependency of Muscat, and then obtain the cession of a port “ on the African coast, within the dominions of Zanzibar, from Syud Thoweynee.” Again, he writes :t “ I have strong grounds for believing that Syud Thoweynee is “ acting entirely under French instigation for the furtherance of their aggressive designs “ on the Zanzibar dominions.” And again :i “I have a strong impression that Syud “ Thoweynee’s only object in wishing to obtain possession of the port of Mombasa, is to “ make it over to the French in some form.” Lieutenant Chester also, late British agent at Muscat, in a letter to Government (copy of which was supplied to Mr. Eassam) reports the circumstance of the Viscomte Fleuriot de Langle, commodore commanding the corvette “ Cordeliere,” having had several private interviews with his Highness Syud Thoweynee, and notices the suspicious rumour of a paper which had been submitted to him by the Commodore, having been secretly signed by the former. 57. To all the foregoing motives attributed to him in his occasional relations with the French, Syud Thoweynee gives the most solemn denial ; and he further denies that any proposition was ever made to him by them for the cession or occupation on any part of the territories either of Muscat or Zanzibar. His correspondence with the French Government, he avers, has been confined to announcing the death of his father, Sytid Saeed, and the very few letters which have passed between himself and the French Consul at Zanzibar, have been letters of official courtesy, and nothing more. In proof of this, he submitted to me the originals of three letters from the last-named official, copies of which I have annexed in Appendix I. 58. The origin of the rumour connected with the paper said to have been submitted for his signature, he explains as follows : The paper, he said, was drawn up either by Syud Majeed, or at his dictation. It set forth Syud Majeed’s view of the agreement respecting the 40,000 dollars, and how he had intended that it should be divided, precisely as had been represented by him to the British Government.” “ After reading this paper,” said Syud Thoweynee, “ the Commodore offered to mediate between me and my brother. “To which I replied that the British Government had already tendered their good offices “ in that respect which I had accepted. That the case was still in their hands, where I “ was satisfied to leave it; but if they should hereafter decline to proceed in the matter, “ I might then avail myself of his (the Commodore’s) offer.” Slave Trade. 59. Having thus noticed the principal charges alleged against Syud Thoweynee, and his vindication of himself from the same, I pass on to the subject of slavery, respectino- which Government had directed me to institute such inquiries as might be suo-o-estive of some more effectual means for its suppression. 60. Circumstanced as Syud Thoweynee is at present, an expectant of the favour of the British Government through the final arbitration of the Governor General of India, his professions of readiness to co-operate heartily in this cause must be received with caution, though for the same reason his suggestions may be the more worthy of attention. His idea is that the traffic will continue to flourish, in spite of every attempt made to arrest it, unless the limitations within which it is still lawful to prosecute it, are removed. By the terms of the last treaty with the late Imam of Muscat, “ such as are engaged in the “ transport of slaves from one port to another of his own dominions in Africa, between “ the port of Lamoo to the north and its dependencies, the northern limit of which is the “ north point of Kaghoo Island in 1“ 57' south latitude, and the point of Keelwa on the “ south, and its dependencies, the southern limit of which is Longa M un ara or Pagoda “ Point in 9° 2' south latitude, including the islands of Zanzibar, Penibea, and Menfea,” are exempted from all restriction. Here is a line of coast, 420 miles in extent, within which the transport of slaves may still be carried on with impunity, and affording many facilities for the transport to be converted into traffic. Moreover, as far as my knowledo-e extends, these are the principal limits within which the slave trade is prosecuted on the eastern coast of Africa. 61. Syud Thoweynee’s idea, therefore, that these facilities for evading the provisions of existing treaties should be removed, seems deserving of considera tion. He believes that, backed by the influence of the British Government, the ruler of Zanzibar might be equal to the ^ task of carrying into effect a law which should,prohibit his subjects from transporting slaves from one point to another of his dominions. That effected, the next point would be for the British Government to intimate to the independent maritime chiefs of Arabia, including those bordering on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, that they were determined to suppress altogether the purchase and sale of human beings on the coast of Africa ; and that, therefore, any of their vessels or subjects found engaged in such traffic should be subject to seizure and punishment. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 141 punishment. This, as Syud Thoweynee admits, would be a stretch of legitimate au thority on our part ; but he maintains that anything short of it will fail ; and, moreover, that to render the scheme effectual, British agencies should be established along the coast, and British steamers employed there, who should act in concert with the local authorities to carry out its provisions. 62. The foregoing suggestions are not devoid of plausibility, but the policy of adopting the arbitrary measures proposed is fairly open to question, especially at the present juncture when the idea prevails that the chief of Bahrein has sought the protection of the Persian flag, partly with a view of ridding himself and his people of the restriction im posed upon him, with regard to the slave trade, by his treaty with the British. 63. It is obvious, moreover, that foreign European governments would hesitate unless their concurrence was first secured, to grant to the ruler of Zanzibar, or to his officials on the coast, the authority requisite for effectually carrying out the provisions of this scheme towards their subjects, or towards vessels sailing under their flags, and any attempt to execute the same, without such concurrence, might lead to serious complications, and eventually, perhaps, to measures subversive of the existing native sovereignty. Therefore, as at present advised, I deem it prudent to withhold any decided opinion on the subject of slavery on the eastern coast of Africa until by personal inquiries at Zanzibar, I shall be better able to judge of the feasibility of the foregoing and of other suggestions which have been advanced for its suppression. Much, doubtless, will depend on the temper of those foreign powers who have commercial and other interests in that quarter, and their concurrence is most likely to be enlisted by our pro pounding measures, which, whilst conducive to the attainment of the benevolent object contemplated by the British Government, will be devoid of every feature calculated to wound their national sensibilities. Such a concert secured, the ruler of Zanzibar might, without fear of the consequences, carry into execution, within his own territories, the recognised prohibitive laws towards any of the subjects of those Eastern States, or chief- doms bordering on the Persian Gulf, whose rulers have hitherto declined to co-operate in any effectual measures for the suppression of the slave trade. 64. The importance of the topics discussed will, I trust, be deemed an ample apology for the length of the foregoing Report. I conclude by submitting the same to the favour able consideration of Government. I have, &c, (signed) W. M. Coghlan, Brigadier. In charge Muscat Zanzibar Commission. Appendix (A.) f Copy of a Letter from Lieutenant Colonel Humerton, to the Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen.^ My Lord, Zanzibar, 31 July 1844. With reference to the communication from his Highness the Imam to your Lordship’s address, under date the 23rd instant, relative to his Highness’s intention to appoint his sons Syud Khaled and Syud Thoweynee to succeed on the death of his Highness to the government of his African and Arabian possessions respectively, I beg leave to represent, for the informa tion of your Lordship, that the object his Highness has in view in making this (’communica tion, is to ascertain whether he may look to Her Majesty’s Government to guarantee the succession to his sons Khaled and Thoweynee, as it is the intention of his Highness to set aside his eldest son, Syud Hilal, and disinherit him altogether, but in doing which, con siderable difficulty is likely to arise. His Highness’s eldest son, Syud Hilal, being the greatest favourite of the Imam’s Arab subjects ; but who has lately fallen under the displeasure of his father the Imam, he has been deprived of all his confidential followers, and is closely watched by the Imâm. His Highness well knowing the feeling of the people towards him, could not permit him to reside in any part of his dominions where his Highness him self is not present. This prince, Syud Hilal, is the most shrewd and energetic of all the Imam’s sons, and has the good will and sympathy of all his Highness’s Arab subjects; they always say, in talking of him, that he is the model of what his father was. The prince, Syud Khaled, the Imam’s second son, who his Highness wishes to succeed to his African possessions, is unfortunately not esteemed by the Imam’s Arab subjects ; he is penurious and grasping to a degree which will always prevent his being beloved or respected by the Arabs. The prince, Syud Thoweynee, the Imâm’s third son, who his Highness wishes to succeed to his Arabian possessions, is in every way superior to his brother Syud Khaled ; but it is not supposed he could maintain his position in Arabia in opposition to his brother Syud Hilal. [The copy, which is in the handwriting of the late Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton, here ends abruptly.] 0.116. S 3 Appendix, No. 8. 142 APPENDIX TO EEPOET EKOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Teanslation of a Communication from his Highness the Imam of Muscat, to the RHht Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen ; dated Zanzibar, ‘23rd July 1844, eth'Rujeeb 1260? A.C., Be it known to your Lordship that we are always grateful for, and sensible of, the kind ness of the British Government. We are, as it were, overwhelmed with a sense of received favours. 2. In the treaty between us and Her Majesty Queen Victoria of England, concluded and signed at Muscat, on the 22nd July 1840, it is mentioned that the obligations are bindino- on us, and our posterity, and for which we all feel happy ; please God, during our lifetime“ all will be duly fulfilled on our parts, we will abide by it. ’ 3. And after us (on our death), we constitute and appoint our son Syud Khaled to be the ruler of all our African possessions ; that is to say, all places on the continent of Africa, between Magadosha, situated in about 2« lO' north latitude, and Cape Delgado, situated in in about 10=> 42' south latitude, together with the adjacent islands, now subject to our rule, and under our dominion. And in like manner our son, Syud Thoweynee, to be ruler over all our possessions in Oman, in Arabia, in the Persian Gulf, and on the coast of Persia. And please God the two before mentioned, our sons, Syud Khaled and Syud Thoweynee, will strictly conform to the stipulations of the treaty, and, furthermore, do all things in'con- formity with the wishes of the British Government; and our hope and desire is, that the British Government may be favourably disposed towards these our sons, Syud Khaled and Syud Thoweynee. And we feel certain that the Government will not withhold its friendship from them. ‘ Whatever you require of us, it is for you to signify. From the expectant of God’s mercy. (signed) Saeed bin Hultan. (True Translation.) British Consulate, Zanzibar, (signed) Atkins Hamerton, 14 April 18Õ9. Appendix (B.) The quotations in the following paper are taken from a recent Arabic work on the Kings and Imams of Oman, written by Sheikh Hameed bin Mohammed bin Razeek about two years a^o. It is extremely valuable in this inquiry on account of the information which it affords on the question of the succession. Therefrom it will be perceived that primoo-eniture has hardly ever been regarded by the Arabs of Oman as conferring a claim to the°succes- sion ; and, further, that election or recognition by the tribes has heretofore been deemed essential to confirai a successor in the Sovereignty. Moreover, among all the Sovereio-ns given in the following list not one occurs who is recorded to have assumed or exercised the right of nominating a successor, or of disposing of his territories by will or otherwise. On the death of a ruler, the member of his family who happened to exercise the greatest influ ence at the time, either put himself forward, or was put forward by the people, to succeed to the sovereignty. The claim was frequently disputed by other of the relatives of the deceased, and intestine family wars followed, the strongest ultimately gaining the ascen dancy ; but even in such cases the right to the sovereignty does not appear to have been regarded as valid without the concurrence of the principal tribes. I have deemed it unnecessary to retrace the succession further back than the begiiinincr of the seventeenth century. “At that period,” writes the historian under notice, “ there “ had been great dissensions among the people of Rastak [then the capital of the kino-domj “on divers matters, their king at the time being Mâlik bin Ali el Arab. So the learned 1 together, men upright in their religion, and consulted about appointing an lma,m, who, in ruling, should order what ivas lawfid and forbid what was unlawful. Their choice fell on Masir bin JMoorshid, and they proposed the thing to him. There were seventy “ present, he being one of the members, and after considerable hesitation he finally agreed to “ accept the office, and they appointed him Imâm.”* ^ Nasir bin Moorshid ruled for 26 years, and on his death “ the learned Mussulmans met together, and deemed it fit to confer the. Imamship on his cousin Sultan bin Seif, with the “ concurrence of the people of Oman.’' ^ Belarab wonsiaeraDie misappreiiension lias arisen about tne meaning ot tins title. As applied to the rulers of Omán, the word must not be understood to imply any special authority in religious matters but merely a moral or religions fm* f.hp wliîpb wac ■i'PO*Ai*apíl as bpiîio* nnilo no _ —-It - u j ‘ o oujjiciiic oumuiiLj uvei me miuui oiiciKus, occ. in tne History oi oneikh Hameed, it is applied to all the predecessors of the late Syud Saeed except to that ruler, and at the present day no one of his sons is generally styled “ Imam ” by the Arabs. They are usually addressed and desig nated as byuds i.e., lords or chiefs, according to the literal signification of the word, and not in the sense m which the same terra is more commonly used to designate one descended from the family of Mohammed, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 143 Belarab bin Sultan, son of the preceding, succeeded his father, after the Imâmship had “ been confirmed to him.” On this occasion also “ great dissensions arose between Belarab “ and his brother, Seif bin Sultan, and many sided with the latter.” Ultimately, “ the majority of the peofie of Oman met together to confer the Imâmship on Seif bin Sultan,” who had prevailed against his brother, and besieged him in one of his forts, where he died. Seif bin Sultan ruled over all Oman, and on his death the Imainship was given to Sultan bin Seif bin Sultan. When the latter died “ grave disputes arose among the people of Oman ; some of the unlearned were for setting up his son, Seif bin Sultan bin Seif, as the ‘‘ successor to his father ; but at that time he was under age, and had not attained to years of ^‘discretion. Others, again, and these loere the wise and learned, loere for preferring Mo- “ henna bin Sultan, another brother, loho was in every way fit for the office. They deemed the “ Imâmship of a child improper in every way. It was not lawful in prayer {reference is “ here made to the one who leads in the Mohammedan services, and who is also styled ‘ Imâni how then could “ he administer the Government, have the control of the finance, and exercise “ the power of life and death ?... But as the people appeared intent on this matter, “ the Sheihh, Acia bin Soleiman, in order to quell the disturbances which had arisen, pro- “ claimed Seif bin Sultan as their Imâm. Subsequently, hmoever, Mohenna bin Sultan, his “ brother, teas introduced into the citadel, and the Imâmship was conferred on him.” On the accession of Mohenna bin Sultan the people of Rastak urged his cousin Yaarab bin Belarab bin Sultan to dispute the sovereignty with him. They were so far successful that Mohenna bin Sultan was treacherously killed. Yaarab bin Belarab ruled at first as regent for his cousin Seif bin Sultan, hut the tribes subsequently absolved him from his treachery, and “ confirmed him in the Imâmship.” This arrangement, however, gave dissatisfaction to the people of Rastak, who adhered to Seif bin Sultan, and the latter was eventually proclaimed imam, his uncle, Belarab bin Nasir, acting as Regent. Mohammed bin Nasir, another uncle, took part against Belarab, and, after many battles, overcame him. “ Then Mohammed bin Nasir sent for the chiefs “ of the tribes, and for the learned men of Oman, and requested them to appoint a Regent “ with Seif bin Sultan. The council was held with closed doors, Mohammed bin Nasir himself “ being with them. They proposed that he should succeed to the Imâmship, which he at first “ refused, but, being urged thereto, he at length consented, they taking oath to obey him.” Mohammed bin Nasir was killed at the siege of Sohar about a.d. 1724, when his nephew. Seif bin Sultan, succeeded him. Hearing of this, his other uncle, Belarab bin Nasir, laid claim to the sovereignty, and was recognised as Imam by several of the tribes. Intestine wars followed, and Seif bin Sultan called for the assistance of the Persians, and was present with them at a later siege of Sohar, then ably defended by Ahmed Bin Saeed, the grandfather of the late Seyyed Saeed. Alienated from the cause of Seif bin Sultan on account of his confederacy with the Persians, and regarding him as the cause of all the disasters which the foreign troops had brought upon Oman, “ the learned men of Nehla, “ Nezwa, and Ozha, with the chiefs of the Beni Ghafer and those of Maawel, met together, “ and conferred the Imâmship on Sultan bin Moorshid” (who also appears to have been an uncle to Seif bin Sultan). Sultan bin Moorshid effectually checked the advance of the Persians, and was recognised as Imâm by most of the tribes of Oman. On his death, which occurred at the siege of Sahar, Ahmed bin Saeed followed up his successes, eventually expelling the Persians, and reducing the entire country to obedience. “ Then the chief men Oman assembled “ together, and conferred the Irnânship on Ahmed bin Saeed.” This occurred about A.D. 1738. On the death of Ahmed, “ the chiefs of Rastak and others of Oman chose Saeed bin “ Ahmed (second son) as his successor. They wished to elect Hilal, as being the eldest “ and wisest, but he suffered from a cataract in his eye, and proceeded W Scinde to “ have it cured, and died there.” Saeed bin Ahmed soon became obnoxious to his subjects, and they consulted together to remove him, and to appoint Kees bin Ahmed (his next brother) in his stead. The usual disturbances followed, some of the brothers siding with one party, and some with the other. Saeed bin Ahmed eventually triumphed, chietly through the energy of his fourth son, Hamed Saeed, who virtually became the ruler of the kingdom. “After Ilamed bin Saeed “ had taken Muscat (from the opposite party), and his father, Saeed bin Ahmed, had made “ over to him all the furls which he possessed in Omán the chiefs of Omán recoqnised “ him.” Hamed bin Saeed was opposed by his uncle. Seif bin Ahmed, until the latter died. Then his uncle, Sultan bin Ahmed, disputed the sovereignty with him, and civil wars continued till the death of Hamed bin Saeed by small-pox, about a.d. 1790. At this time Saeed bin Ahmed, the father of Hamed, was still living at Rastak, and again assumed the imâmship. He confided Muscat to the governorship of his eldest son^Ahmed bin Saeed, and the province of Burk a to his nephew, Ali bin Hilâl, retiring himself to Rastak, and so far “ neglecting the Government and the people that the kingdom was transferred to Sultan bin Ahmed” (his fifth brother). Sultan j3Ín Ahmed reigned about 14 years, and was killed in one of his expeditions to the Persian Gulf. He left three sons, viz. : — Salim bin Sultan. Saeed bin Sultan. Hamed bin Sultan. 0.116. s 4 On. Appendix, No. S. 144 appendix to kepoet from select committee Appendix No 8. " On the death of their father," writes the historiaii, "there was great attachment betw^n IP ’ • c< brothers Salim and Saeed." This continued during the lifetime of the funner, and for several years the two brothers appear to have ruled conjointly, and to have acted in concert . against the many attempts made by other members of the family to wrest the sovereignty from them. " The cause why Saeed was preferred to his brother Salim," says the author quoted, " was as follows : first, such was the wish of the daughter of the Imam, and his « brother Salim consented thereto." Saeed then " sent for the chiefs oj Omán, and bound " them to aid him against all enemies. To this they agreed, all being well pleased with a JiiffiP Recapitulating the names of the sovereigns enumerated in the foregoing list, from about A.D. 1618 lo the accession of his late Highness Syud Saeed, we find the order of the succession to have been as follows :— I. Nâsir bin Moorshid. •2. Sultan bin Seif, cousin to the above. 3. Belarab bin Sultan, son of preceding, who is displaced by his brother. 4. Seif bin Sultan. 5. Sultan bin Seif, son of preceding. 6. Seif bin Sultan bin Seif (a child) proclaimed, but his elder brother 7. Mohenna bin Sultan succeeds. 8. Yaarab bin Belarab bin Sultan, cousin to preceding. 9. Seif bin Sultan (6) again proclaimed Imam, his uncle, Belarab bin Nasir, being Regent. 10. Mahomed bin Nâsir, another uncle to preceding, elected Imam. Dies, and II. Seif bin Sultan (6 and 9) again proclaimed, but some of the tribes acknowledge his uncle, Belarab bin Nasir. 12. Mohammed, another uncle of preceding, is made Imam while his nephew is living. Is killed at Sohar, and is succeeded by 13. Ahmed bin Saeed, Governor of Sohar, the first of a new dynasty. 14. Saeed bin Ahmed, second son to preceding, the eldest being afflicted with cataract. 1.5. Earned bin Saeed, fourth son of preceding, is recognised as joint ruler with his father ; Earned dies, and his father rules alone for a short time, but is eventu ally displaced by his brother. 16. Sultan bin Ahmed, the fifth son of Ahmed bin Saeed (13). On his death, his sons 17. Salim bin Sooltan and Saeed bin Sultan conjointly, until, with the consent of the former, Saeed, the late Imam, succeeded to the individual sovereignty. (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (C.) Translation of the Will of his late Highness Syud Saeed. In the name of the Most Merciful God, Syud Saeed bin Sultan bin el Imam Ahmed bin Saeed, A1 boo Saeedy, wills, with regard to what is incumbent upon him, from his property, after his decease, in respect of all the funeral rites after his death until his burial, 500 dollars of his property, after his death to whoever washes his body with the washing of the departed, and to whoever digs the crave in which he is interred after his death. Also 500 dollars of his property, after his death to his relatives who do not inherit anything from him. Also 1,000 expiatory prayers, each expiatory prayer (to be of the value of) what will feed 60 poor people. Also remuneration to whoever shall fast for him for the space of 50 months, m lieu ol what was incumbent on himself for his transgression of the fast of the months of Ramadhan ; and the remuneration is to be defrayed from his piopeitv, after his death, at the discietion of his executors. Also remuneration to whoever shall perform in his stead the pilgrimage of the Mussulmans to the Holy House of God, which is in the renowned (city of) Mecca, and shall visit in his stead the Tomb of our Prophet Mohammed (upon whom be peace), which is at the Medinah of Yathrib, and shall in his stead offer up the salutations of peace to him and to his two companions, the faithful Aboobekr and Omar ibn-el Khattab (God be gracious ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 1 gracious to them), and shall perform in his stead in such prilgrimage and visitation «1^ proper duties and ceremonies, and whatever God has ordained as well-pleasing (to Hik-^ the remuneration for this is to be defrayed from his property, after his death, at the disdt^^ tion of his executors. And whatever arms or weapons of war he possesses he bequeath^ to his male children. And his two ships, the “ Feidh Alim " and Caroline,” he giv^ after his death, as a legacy to the treasury of the Mussulmans. And whatever other ships he possesses, besides those two ships, are to be sold after his death, and their value to be divided among all his lieirs, according to what God has ordained in His law, to each one his share of the inheritance. And the said Syud Saeed declares to be free all the male and female slaves which shall remain in his possession after his death, excepting’those who are at his plantation, for the sake of Almighty God, and in hope of His mercy. And he bequeaths to each one of them whatever each may possess, it is to be theirs. And he bequeaths to every Abyssinian male or female slave 50 dollars, out of his property, after his death. And to each of his concubines 100 dollars out of his property after his death, and whatever she may possess, it is to be hers. And the said Syud Saeed has constituted all his houses at Bunder Muscat, and all which are at Bunder Zanzibar, and at the Watiyyah, an endowment for ever to his heirs collectively as a bequest from him. The said Syud Saeed bequeaths whatever shall remain of his apparel, after his death, to his male children. And he has forbidden the sale of whatever furniture or utensils his houses may contain; but they are to be divided among his heirs, according to what God has ordained in His law, to each one his share of the inheritance. And the said Syud Saeed has appointed his wife, the daughter of Seif bin Ali, and his nephew, Mahomed bin Salem bin Sultan, and his son Khaled bin Saeed, his executors in regard to whatever he may possess or owe; he appoints them his executors therein to execute this will which he has willed. And he confirms all that he has directed to be placed to his account, and directs that it be done and carried into effect out of his property, after his death, whether the same be obligatory upon him or not. He has made it obligatory upon himself hoping that his executors will duly execute the same, and that his heirs will be satisfied therewith. God is the witness over all. Done on Monday the 26th day of Bamadhan of the months of the year of the Hegira of the Prophet 1266, and written for him, at his direction, by the hand of his servant, the poor towmrds God, Saeed bin Nasir bin Khalf, il iVIaooly. The following, in the Original, is in the Handwriting of the late Syud Saeed, the Testator. What is written in this will is true, and it was (written) of my own free will, and in my sight. This is written by the hand of the vile Saeed. Codicil.—And I bequeath to the liberated slaves, Georgians and Abyssinians, who have no children, or whose children are not grown up, as also to the Abyssinians, eunuchs, the produce of the plantation of Showein ; all its proceeds are for their subsistence, except the female slaves who may marry, such are to have nothing ; and if any shall separate from their husbands, those are not to have anything. Salam. Written by the vile Saeed, with his own hand. Codicil. The male slaves at the plantation of Showein are also to share in the plantation for their subsistence. True translation. (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (D.) Translation of a Letter from Syud Toorkee to Syud Thoweynee. A. C. Under your auspices there is nothing but good to report of these parts. We pray God to continue the same. Furthermore, brother, a letter has reached us from the consul of Bushire regarding the affair which has taken place against the Shehiyeen whilst we were at the village of Mijiz of the A1 Waheeba. I have already informed you, brother, of the act done by the Naeem * of Kabil. They were not subjects, so that I could not restrain them. They came to me of their good will. Now, it is for you to decide, for you are the father, and I am like your son Salem, and you can restrain all. The fact is not hMden from anyone that the act complained of was committed by the people of the £dh-Dhahara [subject to the Wahabee Ameer], We cherish the best thoughts of you, and whatever you may require, a hint will suffice. Be in safety, peace, 8 Bebia el Avvwal, 1275, True translation. (signed) George Percy Badger. * Naeem is a tribe subject to Fysul bin Saood, the Wahabee Ameer. They were in the service of Syud Toorkee until very lately, when the Wahabees left him, or were dismissed. 0.116. T 146 APPENDIX TO KEPOET FKOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (E). Translation of a Letter from Six of the younger Children of the late Syud Saeed at Zanzibar, to Syud Thoweynee at Muscat, AC. We inform you, dear father (brother), that our dependence is on God first, then on you, to relieve us from the cruelty with which Majeed is treating us. We were wretched after the death of our father Saeed, and Majeed took no care of us whatever, neither did he notice us either for good or for evil, so that we were abandoned, and had no one to sympathise with us. For a whole year Majeed has forsaken us, he neither visits us nor inquires after us, whether we be dead or alive. Hence we are perplexed, knowing no one, and possessing- nothing. All this, in reality, comes through Mahomed bin Salem, who left us here with Majeed, may God not forgive him for leaving us with Majeed, who does not fear God, for if he feared God he would not have neglected us ; but he does not fear God. For a month he has cut off our supply of food, and we have nothing to eat, and he has treated us with cruelty such as no one would be guilty of. When our brother Barghash was in Zanzibar, though he was poor like ourselves, yet we bore it patiently; now, however, that our brother Barghash has been expelled Zanzibar, we can remain here no longer. Our reliance, there fore, is on God and on you to take us away from Zanzibar, for you are now in the place of our father Saeed. Moreover, when they stopped the water from our brother Barghash, it was also ordered that no water should be brought to us, and we were three days without water. Is all this agreeable to God’s will ? But were we to relate all the cruelty we have received from Majeed this sheet would not contain it. If such things are pleasing (to God) and all the cruelty which we have received from Majeed, then we refer the matter to Him, for He alone is sufficient for it. Barghash used to pity us, and was kind to us, but now he has been taken away from Zanzibar and we are desolate. We make this known to you that you may take cognisance thereof. From Kh alee fa, and Meneen, and Sheneen, and Nasir and Abder-Rabb and Bedrân, to Syud Thoweynee, 25 Rebiaa-ool-awal, 1276. (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (F.) Translation of Extracts of two Letters from Abdallah bin Salem at Zanzibar to Syud Thoweynee. A. C., Your servant Abdallah bin Suleiman (Nakhoda) has informed me that on his return, and after his safe arrival at Muscat, he purposes coming to Zanzibar to visit his relations; but if you can detain him in the ship for another year, that is what I desire ; but, if not be good enough to find a man who will be useful to me, and apt for the business, {i,e. to take care of the vessel); I leave everything in your hands. ^ ^ 7 Jamad-el-Avvwai, 1275. A. C., We entreat you not to cease taking an interest in your servant Abdallah bin Suleiman (the Nakhoda), in the matter of your ship the “ El Harethy,” doing whatever you may deem best by the same. I make over the case to God and to you. Please to excite your servant to be diligent therein, and to return from Calcutta to Muscat (¿.e., to sail between the two places). Salam, From your servant and slave, 10 Sefer 1276. (signed) Abdallah bin Salem. (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (G.) T banslation of Letters from Syud Majeed to Homed bin Salemj at Zanzibar. Your esteemed letter has reached, and your brother (Majeed) understands what you have said. The intelligence with which you enjoined me when leaving for the plantation has also reached. The French vessel which we sent to Sohâr has arrived. She comes back from Bombay after a voyage of 32 days. The people of Bombay report that the English Government take the side of our brother Thoweynee; but as yet no information has been. received ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 147 received from the Kingdom (England), and it is believed that none will come for five years. Appendix, No. 8. No certain intelligence had been received at Bombay from Muscat for three months. Beloved friend, your servant Mahomed Khamees was to sail (from Bombay ?) six days after the (French) vessel, which has now arrived. He was busy getting the soldiers and guns on board, and the English Government took a great interest in the matter. They saluted the ship with 21 guns from the fort as she was moved into the sea, and a steamer was made to tow her. And it is reported that there are great disturbances in the (European) Kingdom, and the English are sending 20,000 sailors for the ships, besides those that have already gone, and material of war in large quantities. The French are doing the same ; they have already despatched about 50,000, and God only knows what the result will be. Whatever you may require, only give me a hint thereof. Peace.—From your loving brother, Majeed. Your esteemed letter, brother and lord, has reached, and your brother understands what you have stated. What has been done by you and by me was not on your account ; but what has occurred has been on account of another from whom you have come. Brother, I ask you to excuse and pardon me. In what has taken place, I trust you will escape any accusation from the people of Muscat, for, as regards yourself, I call God to witness, on my soul, that we have only good to say of you. To-morrow the “ Clive ” will pass by you, should she be in time ; but you had better sail before her, that intelligence may go that you have left Zanzibar. Whatever you may require, a bint will suffice.— Your loving brother, Majeed, Safar 1276. (in his own hand.) Your esteemed letter, brother and lord, has reached us. Be good enough to weigh from this place and anchor before Showeynee, that we may not always appear to lie to him (Rigby), and though our face may appear pinched towards you, yet you are of those who forgive. Salâm.—W^ritten by the hand of your loving brother, Majeed. (True Translations.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (H.) Translation of a Letter from Suleiman bin Hamed, Vizier of Syud Majeed, to Syud Thoweynee. After the departure of your brother, Syud bin Salem, the Consul began to oblige your brother, Syud Majeed bin Saeed to rise against Syud Barghash, to make him leave Zanzibar, on the ground that, if the said Syud Barghash remained at Zanzibar, there would be no end of sedition, for he misleads the people. So he sent me to Syud Barghash, and I went to him and spoke to him, and counselled him, on account of my love for the children of the late Syud Saeed. I said to him, “ Syud Barghash, this affair is mixed up with the English, and they have sent this steamer (the “ Assaye”) in order to expel the El- Harth Arabs from Zanzibar, and to expel you also.” But Syud Barghash would not believe my words, so I reiterated my advice, saying, “ Syud Majeed bids you to embark on board the ship “ Piedmontse,” and he will disemburse to you your past salary, and the same for the future, and give you, besides the allowance, something additional, and go you to Muscat and remain there for a year, and after that remove your relatives and return to Zanzibar in safety. He would not consent to this; so I returned to Syud Majeed with the reply, that his brother Syud Barghash asked to delay his departure till the monsoon opened. To this Syud Majeed would not consent, so he said to me, tell him to go in any vessel he pleases, seeing that he does not wish to leave in one of my ships; but go he must, otherwise we must confine him. So I went again to Syud Barghash and told him that unless he sailed he would be confined. He replied ; No doubt I have deserved what my brother Majeed is doing to me ! So he was confined. Afterwards I went to Syud Barghâsh and remonstrated with him, so that he consented to leave, asking a month’s delay, after which he would depart. I returned to Syud Majeed who gave him the month’s delay to prepare; and Syud Barghash wanted money from your servant Ludda, the agent of your servant Zirâin ; but Ludda, as would appear, refused and consulted me, whereon 1 told him I would obtain something for him from his brother Majeed, so I went to Syud Majeed and asked for some thing from him for his brother, and he gave me 10,000 dollars. After which I went to Syud Majeed again, and took from him the remainder of the inheritance still due to him, 0.116. T 2 viz,. Appendix, No. 8. 148 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE viz.j 2,200 dollars, as also the remainder of the portion of his sister Khola, 1,560 dollars, and we gave it to Syud Barg hash, the total being 13,760 dollars, and I told Ludda to give him besides 240 dollars to make up the sum to 14,000 dollars, and I sent it to Syud Barghâsh, and he received the money and he paid Ludda the sum of 7,000 dollars, so that 7,000 remained to him. And Syud Barghâsh chartered the ship belonging to Ahmed bin Moobarek of the chief of Ras-el-Hadd, and put his baggage on board, and we were assured that Syud Barghasli was about to leave. And the consul used to send your servant Ahmed bin Naamân every day to urge Syud Majeed nol to allow his brother Syud Barghâsh to remain in the country ; that he must go. They replied that he was to go ; and on the 10th he removed to the plantation belonging to your brother Syud Khaled, where there is a strong stone house, and fortified himself therein, and distributed money among the El-IIarth Arabs, and the Arabs all removed from the town, so that not one Hare thy remained in it except Hussein bin Mahomed and a few other men, and they were in reality all on his side. When we perceived this we sent first Seif el Waly and Ahmed bin Moobarek, the chief of El-Hadd, but they effected nothing. Afterwards we sent Sheikh Hussein bin Mahomed and Saleh bin Ali, and Hamood bin Seif Moosselim, and Seif, and Kharnees Walad Khalfan bin Kadeeh, and Seif cl Wall, and Ahmed bin Moobarek, to confer with the El-Harih, in order to induce them to separate themselves from Syud Barghâsh, and to let him depart. The ship which he had chartered had come near the plantation of Hamood bin Hamed at Boo-Boo-Boo ; but the Arabs would not listen, for they had attached them selves heart and soul to Syud Barghâsh. When the above-named returned, your brother Syud Majeed bin Saeed collected his troops, those which remained in the town, Arabs and Sowahilis and also soldiers, and went against his brother on the 17th of Rabi'áa el Awwal. They arrived at 3 p.m., and there was an engagement, and the El-Harth Arabs only stood half-an-hour, when they fled and left Syud Barghâsh alone in the house, and he asked for quarter, and it was conceded. And Syud Majeed and his troops returned to the plantation of Et Tail", and the army began to attack the plantations of the El-Harth, destroying, burning, and plundering, so that nothing remained to them, whilst the Arabs of the El-Harth were scattered in the uncultivated districts. Alter this, we asked your brother to give them quarter, seeing they were his servants and subjects, and no sovereign can stand without them. So he gave them quarter, and at this date most of them have come back, and have visited Syud Majeed, so that they have saved themselves, but lost their property. My Lord, the Consul and the English have bewildered us in this affair of Syud Barghâsh. Whenever we spoke to Syud Majeed in behalf of his brother, the Consul set at nought our words, and it is needless for me to enlarge on this matter to you, as you will hear all from the lips of Syud Barghâsh. And the Consul went in person to the Beiter Ras belonging to Syud Saeed to escort his friends (the officers) on their departure on the same day that Majeed went to see Syud Barghâsh off. Whatever you may require a hint will suffice. From your servant and slave, 26 Rabia-el-awal 1276. (signed) Suleimen bin Hamed. (True Translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (I.) Copies of Letters addressed by the Consul of France at Zanzibar to Syud Thoweynee at Muscat, Consulat de France à Zanzibar à son Altese le Sultan de Museale. Très illustre et très magnifique Seigneur, Je profite du départ pour Muscat du navire du commerce Français la Gironde pour accuser reception à votre Altesse delà lettre qu’elle ma fait l'honneur de m’écrire, et pour la remercier des affres obligeantes qui y sont contenus. Je suis heureux de savoir que la paix n’est point troublée à Muscate et je fais des voeux ardents pour que les états de votre Altesse en jouissent le plus long temps. Zanzibsr a etc rfans P#-*«! rlprmprc: fpmi'ïcî priidiiaw^ûv^-i rionv ffeâux, la petite :s personnes qui . ^ ^ „ nchir et de Seid Hamdan. En ce moment ces deux épidémies ont presque entièrement disparu de la ville, et c’est avec joie que je viene en informer votre Altesse. Je ne finirai pas cette lettre sans assurer votre Altesse du plaisir que j’aurai toujours à recevoir ses nouvelles, et sans lui offrir mes services empressés pour tout ce qui lui sera a gréable. © J’ai l’honneur d’être, etc. _ Be Consul de France, (signed) Ladislas Cochet. Zanzibar, le 27 Février 1859. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 149 Consulat de France à Zanzibar. Appendix, No. 8 Très illustre et très Magnifique Seigneur. J’ai ^honneur de renvoyer à votre Altesse la lettre qu’elle addressait à Sèid Eargasli, et qui m’est parvenue après son départ. Je la remercie en même temps de tout mon coeur de l’intention qu’elle a de m’envoyer un nouveau cheval, et je la prie instamment de n’en rien faire, car il m’est expressément interdit de recevoir des cadeaux. Je prie toute fois vôtre Altesse de croire que je suis extrêmement sensible à cette nouvelle marque de la bienveillance dont je conserverai un éternel souvenir. Je renouvelle encore ici à votre Altesse mes offres de service en tout ce qui sera compa tible avec la position officielle que j’occupe ici. Je prie seulement votre Altesse de ne pas mettre dans les lettres qu’elle me fera l’honneur d’écrire d’autres pour les Arabes de Zanzibar, attendu qu’il ne m’est pas permis de m’en charger. L .S. Je suis, etc. Le Consul de France: (signed) Ladislas CocheL A son Altesse Sèid Toveni, Sultan de Muscate, Zanzibar, le 28 Décembre 1859. Consulat de France à Zanzibar. Très Illustre et très Magnifique Seigneur. J’ai l’honneur d’addiesser cette lettre à votre Altesse par Mr. le Vice Consul des états- unis, pour vous demander des nouvelles de votre santé et de celle de tous les vôtres qui, j’espère sont en bonne état; puis pour remercier votre Altesse de la lettre qu’elle m’a fait l’honneur de m’écrire par le trois-mâts Américain “ Imam,” et que la Capitaine m’a remise en personne aussitôt après son arrivée ici. Je ne puis faire à votre Altesse, très illustre et très magnifique seigneur, le plaisir qu’elle m’a causé en m’apprenant qu’elle avait espoir que les difficultés qui troublent la tranquillité du pays s’arrangeront bientôt; je ne cesse d’addresser au Tout Puissant de ferventes prières pour qu’il en soit ainsi, et que la paix rende à ce pays son ancien prospérité, et qu’elle le dégage, au plutôt, de la pression étrangère qui pèse aujourd’hui sur lui.* La Cordelière a du quitter Mascate, je me plais à croire que votre Altesse a pu s’entendre avec notre commandant dont la Mission, comme toute celle qui vienne à votre Altesse de la part de mon august Souverain, était empreinté de l’amitie la plus désintéressé. Je termine cette lettre en recommandant votre Altesse à la garde de Dieu, et en La priant de disposer en tout de mes services. Je suis, etc. Le Consul de France, (signed) Ladislas Cochet^ A son Altesse Seid Toveni, Sultan de Muscate, Zanzibar, le 28 Décembre 1859. From Assistant Surgeon James Welsh to Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, in charge Muscat Zanzibar Commission. Sir, _ Bombay, 5 July 1860. I HAVE the honour to transmit to you four sets of the photographic views taken at Muscat, and request that you will be good enough to forward the same to Government. The views, as the result of my amateur attempts, are devoid of artistic merit; never theless, as being probably the first taken of Muscat and its harbour, they may prove acceptable, and, perhaps, useful. 2. I have also annexed, in a tabular form, an abstract of meteorological observations, made during our late trip to Muscat. These also may not be without interest, if no such observation, during the same season, and in the same localities, have hitherto been recorded. 3. Our * The Arabic transcript which accompanies this letter reads as follows : “ and that peace may free the territories which are suffering from the heavy pressure of the foreigners who are now resident therein.”— (Signed) G. P. Badger. 0.116. T 3 APPENDIX TO REPORT PROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. im 3. Our stay at the island of Hallania, as well as at Muscat, was too short to enable me to torm a reliable opinion on the climate of the two places. The temperature of Hallania was similar to that which generally prevails at Aden at the same period; the excessive he^ being tempered by light breezes from the south-west. Two or more of the telegraph st^ had been suifering from slight fevers of the intermittent type, but the use of quinine sumced to remove the disease. Their isolation on this barren island, the total want of recreation, and, perhaps, the superadded impression of insecurity from attack by the Arabs of the mainland, form together a sufficient cause why the Europeans and Indo- Britons of the telegraph station are not as healthy as they might otherwise be. The few resident natives who are very poor, living mostly in caves, and migrating to different parts of the island, as the seasons change, for fishing purposes, fish beino* their principal and often their only, food, seem a hardy race. If their testimony is°to be relied on' Hallania is never subject to endemics of any kind. There are several wells on the island, all of native construction, and some of the water obtainable, though slightly brackish, is generally considered very wholesome. Many Arab boats and bungalows touch here for a supply on their way from the southward towards Muscat and the Persian gulf. . accompanying meteorological statistics suffice to prove that the heat of Muscat is excessive ; and I may further add, that the range of the thermometer very inadequately indicates the degree of sensible heat experienced. Occasionally during the day the air was so intensely scorching that chairs became uncomfortable to sit upon, and glass-ware un pleasantly hot to the touch. In like manner, during the night, gusts of scorchino- wind prevailed for several hours, which seemed as if proceeding from the mouth of an open furnace. ^ According to the testimony of the natives this extreme heat would last till the beo-innino- of July, after which the place would be cooled by light breezes from the north-east and south-west. 5. The only resident Europeans at Muscat are four gentlemen connected with the telegraph station there. As might reasonably be expected, they complained of the depressing influence of the climate at that season of the year, and one or more of them had been suffering from fever. The natives, who are by no means insensible to the heat, are, nevertheless, a healthy, sturdy-looking race, and I could not learn that any parti cular form of disease prevailed among them. Hoopingcough was very general amono" the children, and many fatal cases had occurred. Several of his Highness’s Syud Thoweynee’s younger children were suffering from it, and an infant grandchild of his had died 01 it the day before we arrived. . .^* There being no sanatory laws in force at Muscat, and an entire absence of sewerage, it IS surprising that the town should be so comparatively healthy, encircled as it is on three sides by high hills, with a population dense for a place of such limited extent. Viewed in connection with these drawbacks to salubrity and health, the rapid desiccation consequent on the excessive heat may be considered as the safeguard of the place. 7. The foregoing observations refer to the shore. The heat was not less felt afloat but, as far as I could learn, no particular ill effects were produced by it beyond those of lassituÿandproB^ation. Thecrewofthe^Puniaub^continuedashealthyasbefore.ex- cept a few cases of old complaints which reappeared for a time ; and the sick-lists of the '' Elphinstone ” and Make,” (which vessels had been several days at Muscat before our arrival), did not show any marked increase attributable to the climate of the locality. All were indeed glad to get away, and it is by no means improbable that a protracted stay at that place, at this season of the year, might be deleterious to the health of Europeans con fined together within the narrow limits of a ship. I haye, &c. (signed) J. Welsh, Assistant Surgeon. ^l6 T 4 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 151 2 < C t usri a & Ml itl il Í n W M 5 § "S I a a ' S' ‘epn^iSao^ & % I I I I I I I TfiJoij ‘apnîîîBT o S g .5 •ÎBOsnjç $B ajoqs uq 6 <3 •TOS aqî JO ajnjBjedcaax » oò ' ‘ * a 'it? 'w a lÿ 09 3 g a II if' O rt 152 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. ^ Resolution by the Honourable Board, dated the 17th July 1860. Resolved, The Honourable the Governor in Council will defer his opinion on the various questions discussed in Brigadier Coghlan’s report, until he shall have received the final statement of that officer’s views on the respective pretensions of the members of the late Imam’s family, after his intended visit to Zanzibar. In the meantime copies of the Report and of its appendices, inclusive of the photographs, should be forwarded to the Government of India and to Her Majesty’s Secretary of State. These authorities the Honourable the Governor in Council feels certain, will consider that satisfactory progress has been made in this important investigation. Brigadier Coghlan may be requested to express to Assistant Surgeon Welsh the ac knowledgments of Government for his interesting contributions to the Appendix of the Report. The Commander in Chief of the Indian Navy should be requested to prepare the ‘‘ Punjaub ” for sea, in order that the Commission may, at as early a date as shall be prac ticable, proceed to Zanzibar. The Commander in Chief of the Indian Navy should also be instructed to engage freight to convey to Zanzibar a sufficient quantity of coals for supplying the " Punjaub ” after reaching that place during the strength of this monsoon. (signed) G. Clerk. W. Mansfield. H. W. Reeves. W. E. Frere. (No. 3767—Foreign Department.) From the Under Secretary to the Government of India to the Acting Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay ; dated Fort William, 31 August 1860. Sir, In reply to your letter, No. 35, dated 30th ultimo, with which was submitted a Report from Brigadier Coghlan describing his proceedings on the occasion of his visit to Muscat, I am directed by the Governor General in Council to state that the decision of the Supreme Government will be deferred until Brigadier Coghlan completes his inquiries, and reports the result of his visit to Zanzibar. I have, &c. (signed) C. U, Aitchison, Under Secretary to the Government of India. (No. 16, of 1860—Secret Department.) Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. From Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, in charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, to H. L. An son, Esq., Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay ; dated Bombay, 19 November 1860. Sir, I HAVE the honour to report, for the information of the Honourable the Governor in Council, my return to Bombay this day, the 19th of November, accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Badger and Dr. Welsh. 2. The “Punjaub” reached Zanzibar, via Galle and the Mauritius, on the 29th of Sep tember. The letter of the Honourable the Governor to Syud Majeed was delivered the same day ; and after the usual interchange of compliments with his Highness, no time was lost in commencing the inquiries specially connected with the subject of this mission. 3. Lieutenant Colonel Rigby had accompanied Captains Speke and Grant to the African mainland to see them fairly started on their journey of exploration into the interior, but, on hearing of our arrival, he returned on the 5th of October. I take this early opportunity of recognising the ready aid afforded me by that officer in prosecuting my researches at Zanzibar. 4. Several days were occupied in private interviews with Syud Majeed, the conferences being conducted by the Rev. Mr. Badger in Arabic. Two of his Highness’s secretaries were also present, who took notes of what passed on each occasion. A written statement of his claims and grievances was subsequently drawn up and presented to me by his Highness, at whose request it was forthwith translated into English by Mr. Badger. This, with numerous other documents bearing on the dispute pending between their Highnesses Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed, will be forwarded to Government in the course of a few days, attached to my Zanzibar Report. 5. Every opportunity was availed of, during our stay, to obtain reliable accounts of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa and the adjacent islands. In pursuance of the same inquiry, after leaving Zanzibar on the 18th ultimo, we touched at Mombasa on the mainland, 4 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 153 mainland, where I fortunately met the eminent African missionary and traveller,*the Rev. Appendix, No. 8. Mr. Rebmaun, whose intimate acquaintance with the Sowahili and with the adjacent heathen tribes (among whom he has resided for 14 years, and by whom he is universally respected) enabled him to impart some valuable information on the slave-trade, as also on other matters connected with the social and political condition of the natives of those parts. In recognition of Mr. Rebmaun’s kind offices, and knowing how acceptable such a gift would be to himself and wife, obliged as they are to live for months together on exclu sively native food, I ordered a few supplies to be sent to him from the ship’s stores, and added thereto a donation of 50 dollars. These grants will, I trust, be confirmed by the sanction of Government. 6. I have also to report that his Highness Syud Majeed, on learning that we intended visiting Mombasa, expressed a wish, through Colonel Rigby, that, as he likewise purposed going thither, the “ Punjaub” might be allowed to tow him in his frigate the “ Victoria.” As the distance was short, and the commander of the “Punjaub” concurred in the arrano-e- ment, I readily acceded to the request. On reaching Mombasa the following morning, his Highness expressed his warmest thanks for the favour, declaring that he would ever retain a grateful remembrance of the honour thus conferred on him tlirough one of the ships of Her Majesty’s Indian 2favy. 7. After leaving Mombasa we steamed to Aden, arriving there on the 26th ultimo. I deemed it desirable to make that short détour in order to carry out the instructions of the Honourable the Governor in Council, to forward by the earliest opportunity, direct to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for India, the result of my inquiries regarding the slave-trade. The report was accordingly prepared, and a copy despatched on the 3rd instant, and I herewith enclose the original for the information of Government. Judging that a further delay of a week would be compensated by such an object, I detained the “Punjaub” at Aden until the arrival of the overland mail of the 26th ultimo, and taking on board the Post Office packets, proceeded forthwith to Bombay. 8. I also took the liberty of forwarding direct to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for India a copy of the enclosed letter (No. 15), containing a few additional par ticulars relative to the loss of the ship “ St. Abbs,” in June 1855. 9. Dr. Welsh has succeeded in taking a number of photographs of the different places visited during the voyage. When printed, several copies of each, together with Dr. Welsh’s notes, shall be duly forwarded to Government. 10. I enclose herewith the reply of Syud Majeed to the letter addressed to his Highness, through me, by the Honourable the Governor of Bombay. 11. Trusting that the foregoing approval of Government, general summary of my proceedings will receive the I have, &c. (signed) ÍF. M. Coghlan, Brigadier, In charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. (Office No. 49.) (No. 6 of 1861.) From H. L. Anderson, Esq., Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Secretary to the Government of India, in the Foreign Department, Fort William. Sii'j . . r. 1 . Secret Department, 15 February 1861. In continuation of my letter, IS o. 35, dated the 30th July 1860, I am directed to trans mit to you, for submission to the Right Honourable the Governor General of India in Council, the accompanying copy of a report and its several appendices (marked A to M) from Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, dated the 4th December last, submitting a detailed ac count of his inquiries regarding the dispute between his Highness Syud Thowevnee of Muscat and his Highness Syud Majeed of Zanzibar. ^ 2. I am also desired to transmit, for the same purpose, the transcript of a resolution re- corded by this Government on Bng^ier Coghlan’s report, reviewing the various points submitted for consideration by that officer in connection with the important inquiry en- 3. In submitting tlm case for the final decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General in Council, I am instructed to solicit an early expression of the opinion of his Lordship in Council. I have, &c. (signed) H. L. Anderson, Chief Secretary. 0.116. U 154 APPENDIX TO EEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. (No. 17 of 1860.— Secret Department.) Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. From Brigadier Tf. M. Coghlan, in charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, to H. L. Anderson, Esq., Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay ; dated Bombay, 4th December 1860. Sir, Brigadier Having already in my letter (No. 16) of the 19th ultimo, forwarded to Government a Coghlan’s general summary of the proceedings of this Commission during the recent voyage to REPORT. Zanzibar, I proceed in the present report to submit, for the information of the Honourable the Governor in Council, a detailed account of my inquiries there regarding the dispute pending between their Highnesses Syud Thoweynee of Muscat, and Syiul Maieed of Zanzibar. 2. Deeming it a necessary precaution, before entering on the investigation entrusted to me, to secure Syud Majeed’s formal consent to abide by the final arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General of India, I requested Lieutenant Colonel Rigby to obtain a written paper from his Highness to that effect, similar in substance to the bond which had been required of Syud Thoweynee. I submitted to Colonel Rigby at the same time a series of questions touching the rival claims of the two brothers, and other matters connected with the pending dispute, requesting that he would, in reply, furnish me with all the information in his power. The correspondence, together with the bond executed by Syud Majeed, is attached in the accompanying Appendices, from A. to K., and in the two letters which precede them. An original statement of his claims and grievances by his Highness Syud Majeed, with an English translation, is also attached in Appendix L. As these documents throw considerable light on several important points in this inquiry, they will frequently be quoted in the succeeding remarks. To avoid contusion in the text, the references are noted in the margin. 3. I now proceed in the first place to state, as succinctly as possible, the various argu ments adduced in support of the claims of his Highness Syud Majeed to the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its African dependencies. 4. In the year 1807, his late Highness Syud Saeed, second son of Syud Sultan, was elected by the principal tribes of Oman to succeed his father as Sultan, his elder brother Salim acquiescing in his promotion to the supreme power.* During his lifetime, Syud Sultan had taken from the Portuguese the islands of Zanzibar, Mombasa, and Pemba, as also Kilwa and other places on the east coast of Africa.f These remote possessions fell to Syud Saeed, as forming part of the kingdom of Oman ; and although the authority of ^ his predecessor over several of them had been but nominal, or at least precarious,^ and to (iaerv*22 ’ Syud Saeed may fairly be entitled to the merit of having extended and consolidated the " ^ ' empire in those parts, nevertheless it was undoubtedly in virtue of his election in succes sion to Syud Sultan that he acquired the right of sovereignty over the African depen dencies of Oman. * Muscat Report, No. 10 of 1860, Appendix B. j- Muscat Report, Appendix B., paragraph 20. 5. Syud Saeed during his lifetime ruled over the conjoined dominions of Oman and Zanzibar. The seat of his government for many years was Muscat : but about the year 1840 his Highness selected Zanzibar as his permanent residence, committing the subordi nate rule of Muscat and other provinces to his sons or relatives. 6. On the 24th of July, 1844, Syud Saeed addressed a letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen, then Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, wherein his Highness thus expresses his wishes regarding his two cider sons Khaled and Thoweynee (Hiial, the eldest, being entirely overlooked in the projected arrangement):—“ And after us (on our death), we constitute and appoint our son Khaled to be Ruler of all our African possessions; that is to say, all places on the continent of Africa between Magadosha, situated in about 2° 10' north latitude, and Cape Delgado, situated in about 10° 42 south latitude, with the adjacent islands now subject to our rule and under our duminion. And, in like manner, our son Svud Thoweynee to be Ruler over § Muscat Report, all our possessions in Oman, in Arabia, in the Persian Gulf, and on the coast of Persia.” § Appenuix A. gyud Saeed’s object in writing this letter, as stated by Colonel Hamerton, was “ to ascer tain whether he might look to Her Majesty’s Government to guarantee the succession to 11 Idem. his sons Khaled and Thoweynee.” || According to Colonel Rigby, no reply exists in the records of the Zanzibar Consulate either to Syud Saced’s letter above quoted, or to that ^ Appendix B,reply from Colonel Hamerton, which appears to have accompanied it.^ to Quei'y 4. 7. Syud Khaled died in 1854, and in a letter announcing the death of the late Syud Saeed to Lord Aberdeen, dated Zanzibar, November 10th, 1856, Colonel Hamerton writes :—All things here at present are quiet, and the government in the African pos sessions administered by his son Prince Majeed, who has administered the government by order of his Highness since the death of Prince Khaled on the 7th November, 1854. ï have been given to understand that his Highness left a will, and a written statement of his wishes regarding the succession. I am perfectly well aware what his Highness’ inten tions regarding the succession were ; that Syud Thoweynee, at Muscat, should succeed to the ON SLAVE TEADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 155 the government of his Arabian possessions, provision being made for certain of his sons as governors of certain places in liis Arabian possessions; and that the Prince Majeed, whom his Highness considered in the place of his deceased son Khaled, should succeed to the government of his African possessions, provision being made for others of his sons as governors of various places in his African possessions,” * 8. No written statement of the late Syud Saeed’s wishes regarding the succession, as mentioned by Colonel Hamerton, has ever been found ; and the only will hitherto forth coming, as executed by his Highness, makes no provision whatever of that nature, but is confined almost exclusively to the disposal of his personal property.f Colonel Rigby, however, confirms Colonel Hamerton’s statements regarding the promotion of Syud Majeed to the post which had become vacant by the death of his elder brother Khaled, in these words: “The Prince Khaled was installed as ruler of the African dominions during his father’s absence at Muscat; and on his death, which occurred on the 7th November 1854, his Highness passed over two of his sons, and appointed his fourth son Prince Majeed to succeed his deceased brother in the government of the African dominions ; and it was proclaimed to all the chief Arabs in open durbar that he was to be regarded exactly in the same position as Prince Khaled had held, and that he had succeeded to all his rights, and the future sovereignty of Zanzibar and the African dominions. The Prince Majeed thus continued to administer the government, acknowledged by all as the rightful heir to the sovereignty, by virtue of his father’s act, as publicly proclaimed.$ 9. It does not appear, however, that this substitution of Syud Majeed in the place of Syud Khaled was ever officially notified by liis Highness Syud Saeed, either to the British or to any other foreign Governments in alliance with him ; § and Syud Majeed was unable to produce any native records attesting the arrangement as the act of the late sovereign. But the death of the latter was communicated by his Highness to Great Britain, France, and the United States of America; and letters of condolence were received by him in return from Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, from Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, from His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French, and from the President of the United States. || The two former contain no recognition of Syud Majeed’s sovereignty ; but in the reply of the Emperor of the French, and in that of the President of the United States, his Highness is congratulated on his accession to “ the supreme power,” and to “ the throne of the sultanry.” As no special mention, however, is made either of Muscat or Zanzibar in these documents, and Syud Thoweynee’s position and claims are entirely overlooked, it is highly probable that the two above-named Governments were unacquainted with the actual state of the case, and wrote under the impression that Syud Majeed was the sole, rightful, and acknowledged successor to the sovereignty of all the dominions of liis deceased father, Syud Saeed. 10. The foregoing is a fair statement of the facts adduced from extraneous sources in support of Syud Majeed’s right to the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its African dependencies. His Highness himself rests his pretensions on similar grounds,^ namely, on the fact that, when his elder brother Khaled died, Syud Saeed appointed him Governor of Zanzibar in his stead, and notified the same to all the chiefs of Africa, as well as to the foreign consuls residing at Zanzibar ; that he was duly recognised as such by them, and that he had occupied that position two years prior to the death of his father, which event occurred while on a voyage from Muscat to Zanzibar in 1856. His Highness then pro ceeds to establish his claim to the sovereignty of Zanzibar em the ground of his having been elected thereto by the people. He writes, “ When I heard the report of my father’s death, I called together my brothers and family (only those, of course, who were present at Zanzibar at the time), and all the people in these parts from l ink (Delgado) to Marbat, in order that they might recognise me. To this they all 'agreed, and they accordingly elected me to be ruler over them, and entrusted me with the direction of their affairs.” He moreover considers that his sovereignty over Zanzibar and its African dependencies has already been acknowledged by the representatives of the different foreign powers who were in alliance with the late Syud Saeed, and he alleges that a similar recognition was virtually made by his brother Syud Thoweynee through his agent Mahomed bin Salem, who, on the death of their father, was sent from Muscat by the former fully empowered to treat with Syud Majeed on his behalf. The yearly grant which on that occasion he agreed to remit to his brother Thoweynee, Syud Majeed maintains was a purely friendly subsidy, and by no means a tribute recognising in any way the suzerainty of his brother Syud Thoweynee of Muscat.** 11. Unfortunately no documentary proofs are forthcoming to decide the important question involved in the above transaction.^Syud Thoweynee contends that the grant was given and received as tribute, and the two brothers (who nevertheless now join in representing Mahomed bin Salem as a villain) confidently appeal to his statements formerly- made in support of their opposite assertions. My original impression therefore is con firmed, namely, that the agent, for his own private ends, deceived both parties, accepting the yearly grant at Zanzibar as a fraternal gift from Majeed to Thoweynee, and represent ing to the latter at Muscat that he had stipulated for it as a tribute involving the recognition by his brother of his suzerainty over Zanzibar and its African dependencies.;!; j: Two docu ments, however, indirectly bearing on this point, are attached in the Appendix.§§ The first is a letter from Mahomed bin Salem at Muscat to Luddah, the customs master at 0.116 U 2 Zanzibar, Appendix, No. 8. * Letter from Colonel Rigby, No. 19 of 1859. f Muscat Report, Appendix C. f Colonel Rigby’s letter, No. 4(j of 1859. § Appendix B, reply to Query 6. li Appendices C, D, E. F. Appendix L. ** Appendix L, paragraphs 2 and 5. ft Appendix B. ff Muscat Report, paragraph 42. §§ Appendices G and 11. 156 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No, 8. Zanzibar, desiring him to pay to bearer the balance of the Musaadeh ; ” that is, tlie aid or subsidy granted by Syud Majeed to his brother Thoweynee. The other contains the original order drawn up in Syud Majeed’s own writing, authorising the said Luddah to pay his brother d'howeynee every year ‘‘ a subsidy” of 40,000 crowns. 12. All the arguments adduced or adducible in favour of Syud Majeed’s claims are, I believe, fully and fairly stated in the foregoing summary. They are based on the follow ing grounds, viz. :— 1. The will, or rather wishes, of his late Highness Syud Saeed. 2. His recognition by foreign powers. 3. His virtual recognition by his rival brother Syud Thoweynee of Muscat. 4. His election as their Sovereign by the chiefs of Zanzibar and its African dependencies. I shall now proceed to make a few remarks under these several heads. 13. Although the tenor of the late Syud Saeed’s official communication to Lord Aberdeen, in 1844, is not absolutely conclusive that he contemplated dividing his empire by constituting Zanzibar and its African dependencies a separate kingdom under the sovereignty of his second son Khaled ; and although there is still less certain ground for inferring that, on the death of Khaled, he purposed carrying out the same Intention in ^ behalf of his fourth son Majeed ; nevertheless, I am of opinion that the evidence on that PwaerapV? outweighs the argument on the other,* that his late Highness, in his arrangements actually made, or prospectively designed, had nothing more in view than to allot subor dinate governorships to one or more of his'sons under the paramount Sovereio-n of Oman. f Colonel Rigby’s letter, No. 46 of 1859. $ Appendix B, reply to Query 7. § Appendix B, reply to Query 11. 14. Thus much conceded however, the question arises whether the late Syud Saeed, in conformity with pre-existing usage, possessed the right of dividing his dominions, or of disposing of them at will. Syud Majeed, during one of the Rev. Mr. Badger’s official interviews with him, attempted at first to maintain that he had; but on being requested to adduce one single corroborative instance in the past history of the rulers of Oman, or to explain how it fell out, if such was the recognised law on the subject, that the succession m the existing dynasty had so often been diverted from the direct line, and the supreme power successfully usurped, his Higliness at once abandoned the argument as untenable admitting that the sovereignty of Oman had hitherto depended on election, the princinal tribes generally choosing the candidate who was either most beloved by them or who possessed the greatest power to enforce his pretensions. His Highness's testimony in this respect IS m exact accordance with the account given by Syud Hilal, as reported by Colonel Rigby, of the mode of succession to the sovereignty of Oman; “ Mio-ht, coupled with election by the tribes, is the only right.” And again, The one who had most influence with the tribes was elected.”! 15. Colonel Rigby seemingly admits the same; for in explaining his former use of the word “ election,” as applied to the succession of the late Syud Saeed, he says, “ By the term ‘ election,’ I mean that he was proclaimed and accepted as their ruler by the Arabs of ^ Oman, to the exclusion of his elder brother.” And further on,—" The late Imam evidently considered that he possessed the right to dispose of his dominions as he pleased, from having, during his lifetime, disinherited his eldest son Hilal. But if the successor thus nominated were not acceptable to the people, I think they would refuse to accept him. ! And again,—" I think, if a ruler of Oman were to appoint as his successor a person who was not acceptable to the Arab tribes and chiefs, that they would refuse to acknowledge him, and elect as their ruler a person who was more popular with them.§ 16. Tlmsr. admissions, however, are somewhat qualified by two or three examples adduced by the way in support of the opposite view. First, the case of Syud Hilal, just mentioned ; but that instance proves nothing, even supposing that his being dis- inlierited implied his exclusion from the succession, since, if the succession was ultimately by election, his father at best could only have nominated him to the sovereio’nty, and his confirmation in that dignity would have depended on the temper of the tribes. of Ahmed bin Saeed, grandfather of the late Syud Saeed, and the ist of the reigning dynasty, who, according to Colonel Rigby, "divided his dominions during his own life, having appointed his son Kees to be chief of Sohar and ij Appendix B, reply his seventh and youngest son to be chief of Suik.”[| Although it is true that in after to Query 7. years, owing to the incessant strugles for the sovereignty, and the fierce strife of parties in Oman, the two small provinces above-named did eventually attain a nominal inde pendence, nevertheless it is highly improbable, from the peculiar circumstances of his own accession to the supreme power, that Ahmed’s original concession either contemplated or sanctioned their detatchment from the paramount state. They were most probably granted as appanages, but held on feudal tenure, their " syuds,” or lords, being bound to render military aid to the suzerain whenever called upon to do so. 1 In another place, replying to a query whether the tribes of Oman, to whom the late hyud Saeed owed his election to the sovereignty, and who had co-operated with him in the extension and consolidation of the African dependencies of the kingdom, might not justly claim a voice in the disposal of those territories. Colonel Rigby writes,—" The late Imaum 157 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). Imauni succeeded in establishing Ids power over the East Coast of Africa chiefly through the mutual jealousies and dissensions of the petty chiefs, who frequently sent envoys to Muscat to solicit his interference. I do not think that it would ever occur to any Arabs in Oman that they had any voice in the succession to the government of the African possessions on the ground supposed. I think they were regarded as being at the absolute disposal of the I maura ; and the fact that all the property of the State, such as ships ot war, arms, &c., were considered as the private estate of the Imaum, strengthens this opinion.”* 19. To this I reply that the mutual jealousies of the native petty chiefs were un doubtedly availed of by the late Syud Saeed to extend his conquests in Eastern Africa ; but it is equally certain that he acquired the sovereignty over Zanzibar, Peraba, and Mombasa, as also over several other localities on the African continent, in virtue oí his havino- been elected to succeed his father Syud Sultan, who had conquered them from the Portuguese. Hence, as the suffrages of the tribes of Oman contributed to invest the late Syud %aeed with supreme authority over those dependencies, it is but reasonable to sup pose that the tribes at the present day claim the same privilege still. And further, as Syud Sultan does not appear to have arrogated to himself the right to dispose of the forelo-n possessions of the kingdom, there is no valid ground for presuming that his son could leo-itlmately exercise that prerogative. Moreover, the argument drawn from a comparison of the sovereign’s right to dispose of the sovereignty, because the property of the State was considered to form part of his private estate, is fallacious. The sover^nty, as we have seen, depended on election, and, strictly speaking, the State property of Oman, was confined almost exclusively to the fortresses of the kingdom, which a successor o-enerally inherited, though not unfrequelitly obliged to coerce some of the garrisons to recoo-nise Ids supremacy. All other movable and immovable property, including what he orio-inally possessed, as well' as what he had added thereto during his reign from the public revenues, were held as belonging to the private estate of his predecessor. Such, undoubtedly is, and ever has been, the law of inheritance in the succession among the Imams and kind's of Oman, and it serves to explain what otherwise seems most anomalous in the will of the late Sultan Syud Saeed. By that instrument the testator directs that, after the payment of certain legacies, all his p^perty, including his ships of war (two only exce%1, which are bequeathed to the "Treasury of the Mussulmans that is to the State), his money, palaces, furniture, plantations, &c.,_ shall be divided among ns sundvum/cMldren "acœrdn^ as Cbxl has m-damed m II^ kw;' t butrm pmvnnmi whatever is made for the succession, and no bequests devised from any propeijty which, acrreeably with pre-existing usage, was considered tobe public,and therefore as belonging of rio-ht to his successor in the sovereignty. It was in accordance with this law that his Hio-hness Syud Maieed (who nevertheless claims the sovereignty of the Zanzibar territories ancf all the rights appertaining thereto) only sirred equally with his brothers in the inheritance left by their father. Thus Colonel Eigby says, “ Ihe ships of war, guns, stores of every description, even the arms in the possession or the troops, were set down at a valuation, and charged against the new ruler as a debt due to Ins father s estate.” f 20. The only logical inference deducible from the foregoing considerations is in strict accordance with the conclusion arrived at by the Reverend Mr. Badger after a careful inquiry into the laws which have regulated the succession among the Imaums and Kings of Oman for several centuries. He writes—" Among all the sovereigns * # * not one occurs who is recorded to have assumed or exercised the right of nominating a successor, or of disposing of his territories by will or otherwise. On the death of a ruler, the member of his family who happened to exercise the greatest influence at the time, either put himself forward, or was put forward by the people, to succeed to the sovereignty. The claim was frequently disputed by other of the relations of the deceased, and intestine family wars followed, the strongest ultimately gaining the ascendancy ; but even in such cases the rio-ht to the sovereignty does not appear to have been regarded as valid without the concurrence of the principal tribes. § 21. Havino- thus, as I conceive, fairly answered all arguments adduced in support of the contrary view, and proved, as well by the admission of His Highness Syud Majeed and of Colonel Ricrby as by historical evidence, that the sovereigns of Oman did not, in accordance with pre-established law or usage, posssess the right of disposing of tlmir dominions, it results that the claims of Syud Majeed to the sovereignty of the Zanzibar territories, as in any degree founded on the will or wishes of the late Syud Saeed, aie invalid and nugatory. 22 I proceed, in the next place, to consider the argument adduced by Syud Majeed in behalf of his claims to the sovereignty, on the ground of his having been recognised as the ruler of Zanzibar and its African dependencies by several of the foreign poweis which had previously been in alliance with his predecessor and father, the late Syud Saeed. It is unnecessary, however, to enlarge on that point, which has already been sumciently discussed in paragraph 9 of this Report ; for even admitting that the alleged recognition has actually been tendered by France and the United States of America, and subsequently by the Hanseatic Republic, || after a full investigation into the merits of the dispute re- o-ardino- the sovereignty still pending between Syud Majeed and Syud Thoweynee (which, at b^st’ is very doubtful), the fact that the two brothers have voluntarily referred the settle- 0JA6. ^3 ment Appendix, No. 8. * Appendix B, reply to Query 23. t Muscat Report, Appendix C. J Appendix K, para graph 11. § Muscat Report, Appendix B, paragraph 1. ¡I Appendix B, replies to Queries 13 and 21, 158 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Apjiendix, * Appendix graph 4. i Appendix graph 5. § Appendix ] to Query 14. I; Appendix B; to Query 16. No. 8. ment of their diiferences in that respect to the Eight honourable the Governor General is ~ a plain avowal of the existence of their rival claims, and eifectually invalidates any such recognition unless eventually found to be in accordance with the final decision of the elected arbitrator. 23. The argument next adduced by Syud Majeed, on the ground of his bavin«- been acknowledged as sovereign by his elder brother Syud Thoweynee of Muscat, beinr^based , paia- Qjj one-sided evidence, is inadmissible. His Highness alleges* that Mahomed biii^Salem, the envoy of Syud Thoweynee, who was fully authorised to come to an understandino* with him on all public as well as private matters connected with the death of their late father, did fully recognise that Zanzibar and its African dependencies belonged of right to him ; on the other hand, Syud Thoweynee disavows that any such concession was ever authorised or made by or for him, and unhappily no documentary evidence is forthcoming to verify the assertion oí either party. For a similar reason, no satisfactory conclusion can be drawn from the contradictory statements regarding the yearly grant of forty thousand crowns which Syud Majeed agreed to pay to Syud Thoweynee, the latter aifirmino- that his agent accepted it in his behalf as tribute ; whereas Syud Majeed insists that it was criven and accepted as ^friendly gift, and on the express condition that he should be reco^ised by his brother Thoweynee as the supreme ruler of Zanzibar and its dependencies. The only two documents produced by Syud Majeed in sujjport of his assertions have already been described in paragraph 11. In the letter written by Mahomed bin Salem from Muscat to the Customs master at Zanzibar, he does, indeed, speak of the grant made by Majeed to Thoweynee as a “masaadeh ”—that is, an aid or subsidy ;f but, on the one hand, it is by no means apparent that Syud Thoweynee sanctioned such a definition of the money; and, on the other, it is just the style which Mahomed bin Salem might bo expected to adopt in writing to Zanzibar, supposing, what I believe to be now generally believed, that the said agent, in his transactions between the two brothers, had managed to deceive both parties to his own advantage. The other document—namely, Syud Majeed’s order to the customs mastei at Zanzibai to pay to his brother a “ subsidy ” of forty thousand crowns iier annum —may go a certain way to indicate what His Highness’s own views were in bestowing the grant ; but it fails to prove in any degree that Syud Thoweynee had accepted it in*^that light. His Highness, in his written statement, also alludes to a declaration which Mahomed bin Salem had drawn up, previous to quitting Zanzibar, for presentation to Syud Thoweynee on his return to Muscat. According to him it was to the foilov/in«- effect:—‘‘I, Mahomed bin Salem, ask of Majeed bin Saeed an annual subsidy of forty j, para- thousand crowns in behalf of his brother Thoweynee bin Saeed.”f No such paper is forth coming ; and the circumstances under which it is stated to have been prepared are so im probable as to throw considerable doubt on His Highness’s veracity. 24. Summing up the foregoing considerations, I am led to conclude that Syud Majeed’s claims to the independent sovereignty of Zanzibar, as based on his alleged recognition by Syud Thoweynee of Muscat, through the medium of his agent and plenipotentiary, Mahomed bin Salem, must be pronounced untenable. 25. I shall now proceed to discuss the last argument urged in behalf of Syud Maieed’s claims, namely, his election as their sovereign by the chiefs of Zanzibar and its Afriean depenÿncies. His Highness’s own statement to that effect, already quoted in pararrranh 10, IS fully confirmed by the testimony of Colonel Eigby, who believes that, if tlm suf frages of the principal chiefs were taken, the majority would undoubtedly elect Syud i, reply Majeed in preference to Syud Thoweynee.§ And again, referring to the meditated attack from Muscat in 1859, the same officer writes; W hen the invasion of the Zanzibar dominions by Syud Thoweynee was expected, the inhabitants of the Sowahili rose en masse to support Syud Majeed. Many tribes under their own chiefs came over to Zanzibar; every accessible point on the coast was occupied ; and when some of the dhows which had Syud Thoweynee’s troops on board endeavoured to procure wood and water, they were ariven from every point at which they attempted to land, and at length were oblio-ed, in consequence, to surrender to Syud Majeed’s ships-of-war. At Zanzibar the Sowahili popu lation and the natives of the Comoro Isles -were all in arms to support Syud Majeed, and I heard many of them state, as a reason for doing so, that the Muscat Arabs come here to 1 V children and carry them away as slaves. The northern Arabs are feared and . I’epiy hated, at Zanzibar. || Without attempting to analyse the causes which led to this general preference of Syud Majeed to Syud Thowyenee, there is no good reason to doubt the fact of its existence. That being the case, the question naturally arises whether such recognition of his claims validly entitles Syud Majeed to the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its African dependencies. 27. I have already pointed out (paragraph 14) that the supreme power over Oman was conferred by election, and (paragraph 3) that, in virtue of that election, his late Hio-hness Syud Saeed acquired the right of sovereignty over the African dependencies of the parent state. It does not appear, however (in fact, it is highly improbable), that the people of those dependencies enjoyed the privilege of sharing in the election of the sovereign. Up to t The distinction between the import of the Arabic terms which I have throughout expressed by the EDghshwoTd8"sub8idy"and "tribute" is most explicit. Theformerdenotesaeiftaccol-dedsoleEby the will of the giver ; the latter implies obligation, and a proof of subjection to superior authority. ^ ^ ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 159 to the period referred to, they were doubtless regarded as a conquered race ; as subjects. Appendix, No. 8. not citizens. They were ruled by local authorities generally sent from the seat of govern ment at Muscat, and, as a people, were not allowed any part in the public administration. For obvious reasons, such must necessarily have been the state of those countries on the accession of the late Syud Saeed. Their conquest by his predecessor was of recent date, and their subjection to Oman was, in many instances, merely nominal. Moreover, their importance, both in a political and commercial point of view, was then inconsiderable, the Arabs valuing them more as a nursery from whence they could readily procure an abundant supply of slaves than for any other cause. U nder such circumstances, it is not surprising that the people of Zanzibar and its African dependencies should have had no voice in the election of their sovereign. 28. But during the reigm of his late Highness Syud Saeed, extending over a period of 50 years, the general condition of those countries underwent a surprising change : his sovereignty over them was firmly established: large numbers of Arabs from Oman settled on the African mainland and the adjacent islands ; agriculture and commerce were extensively promoted ; and Zanzibar, which in 1834 was described by the commander of Her Majesty’s ship “Imogene” as having ‘Oittle or no trade,” possessed in 1859 an aggre- * Rkby’s gate trade estimated at 1,664,577 /. sterling.* Moreover, the revenue derivable from letter, No. 39, of those dependencies has increased in the same rates. Colonel Rigby writes : “ Twenty-five i860, years aoo the late Imaum did not receive more than 50,000 crowns of annual revenue from his African possessions. In 1847 it had increased to 145,000 crowns; and at pre sent the revenue amounts to 206,000 crowns.”! In 1840 Syud Saeed removed the seat ^ Appendix B, reply of government from Muscat to Zanzibar, ruling Oman mostly through a deputy ; and it to Query 39. was doubtless ov/ing to the presence and energy of the sovereign that the African posses sions of the kingdom made such remarkable and social commercial progress. Those pos sessions are actually more extensive, and far more fertile and valuable in every way, than the Arabian territories, and their annual revenue exceeds the revenue of the latter to the amount of 77,000 crowns, or about 16,000/. sterling. 29. Such being the altered condition and circumstances of the African dependencies, it seems consonant with reason and justice (considering the form of government which pre vailed in Oman) that the people of those countries should have a voice in the election of the sovereio-n. They accordingly availed themselves of the prorogative on the death of the late Syud Saeed, and chose his son Syud Majeed to be their ruler in preference to Syud Thoweynee, who had succeeded to the sovereignty of the parent State. Regarded from one point of view, the Act may be characterised as a national revolution, and as such, Syud Thoweynee, the sovereign of Oman, was justified in counteracting it, and in attempting to establish his own claims by an appeal to arms if success was unattainable in any other way. Apart from all consideration of the alleged cause which eventually induced him to project an invasion of the Zanzibar territories for that purpose, namely, the non-payment by Syud Majeed of the stipulated sum of 40,000 crowns after the first year ; the custom in similar cases which had invariably obtained, especially in the family of the reigning dynasty on the demise of the sovereign, fully warranted Syud Thoweynee in regarding the attitude assumed by Syud Majeed as an usurpation of the hereditary rights of the sovereigns of Oman. 30. Svud Thoweynee prepared accordingly to contest the sovereignty of the African dependencies with his brother Majeed. With that object in view, he probably resorted to every available stratagem to secure ultimate success ; and there can be little doubt that, Avhen his expedition sailed from Muscat, he had won over a party at Zanzibar, chiefly among the El-Harlh tribe, who were ready co-operate with him. Syud Majeed, on the other hand, made corresponding preparations to repel the invasion, and it may fairly be presumed that he was equally active in the use of all the intrigues sanctioned by Arab warfare to thwart the schemes of his antagonist. There is every reason, indeed, to believe that to this end he took advantage of the misunderstanding which existed at the time between Syud Thoweynee and Syud Toorkee of Sohar, and by dint of persuasions and promises succeeded in enlisting the latter on his side. 31. Such was the attitude of the belligerent parties when the Government of Bombay interposed to prevent a collision between them. At the solicitation of the late Lord Elphinstone, Syud Thowevnee agreed to abandon the expedition to Zanzibar, and to refer his claims to the arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General of India, Syud Majeed at Zanzibar consenting, through Colonel Rigby, to abide in like manner by his Lordship’s decision. 32. The intrigues and counter-intrigues which followed this arrangement, and which, in October of last year, resulted in an Insurrection of the El-Harth tribe at Zanzibar, headed by Syud Barghfish, call for notice, chiefly with a view to determine the culpability of the respective parties in fomenting them. Under the plea of recalling a part of the expedition which had preceded him to Zanzibar, Syud Thoweynee is severely censured! for having attempted, through liis agent llamed bin Salem, to settle the differences subsisting between himself and his brother Syud Majeed, after he had consented to submit his claims to the arbitration of the Governor General of India. His .Highness’s explanation of that trans action is to the following effect :—After receiving the communication from Government through Colonel Russell, which induced me to abandon the expedition and to submit my 0.U6. u 4 case f Letter from the Government of India, No. 4590, of 1859, Foreign Department. 160 APPENDIX TO EEPOET I'EOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. * Muscat Report, paragraph 51. t Muscat Report, paragraphs 44 and 45. X Appendix B, reply to Query 14. § Muscat Report, paragraph 54, Appendix G. jj Muscat Report, Appendix H. li" Muscat Report, paragraphs 56, 57, and Appendix I. ** Äluscat Report, paragraph 58. ft Appendix L, paragraph 14. +Î Appendix B, reply to Query 32. §§ Muscat Report, Appendix I. 11 Appendix B, reply to Query 33. Letter No. 8, Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. *** Colonel Rigby’s letter, No. 110, of 1859. tft Muscat Report, paragraph 31. case to the arbitration of the Governor General, I understood that an oflScer would be sent to Zanzibar to institute the necessary inquiries, and as I deemed it desirable to have an agent on the spot to represent me, I decided to send Hamed bin Salem in that capacity. My intention in this respect was communicated to Colonel Russell. I do not deny having written the letter to Syud Majeed, but I declare that it was one of friendship merely, and that any overtures which might have been made by Hamed bin Salem, in consequence of that letter, were by no means designed to set aside the final arbitration of the Governor General. My intention was, by previously establishing a more friendly understand in«' with Syud Majeed, to render the task of arbitration easier, and the result more satisfactory to both parties.”* Allowing for a certain degree of native disingenuousness in this apology, it is not devoid of plausibility ; and further, it is very questionable whether Syud Thoweynee fully appreciated the extent of restraint which he had voluntarily incurred bv accepting the arbitration of a third party. On all such points of international law, Syud Majeed had the advantage of Colonel Rigby’s constant advice and guidance ; whereas the British agent at Muscat at the time was an illiterate Jew, who was as incapable of advising Syud Thoweynee as his Highness was naturally backward to consult him. 33. For the remaining charges brought against Syud Thoweynee, of having, through his agents and others, created disaffection at Zanzibar, and excited the El-Harth tribe to rebel against Syud Majeed, I must refer the Honourable the Governor in Council to my Muscat report, where his Highness’s vindication of himself is also recorded.f On a careful review of the whole, it appears to me that, although Syud Thoweynee had not ceased to correspond directly with the disaffected at Zanzibar, and endeavoured to maintain a party there favourable to his ulterior views, nevertheless he is not justly chargeable with many of the acts alleged against his agents, nor with having instigated the rebellion of the El-Harth in October 1859. I am confirmed in this conclusion by the opinion of Colonel Rigby, who, in writing of that tribe, says—“ Their rebellion last year was not intended to favour either Syud Thoweynee or Syud Barghâsh, but with the liope of getting rid of the whole family of the late Imam, and then obtaining possession of the government.Moreover, the charges made against Hamed bin Salem, as Syud Thoweynee’s ¡mincipal agent, in fomentino- the insurrection at Zanzibar, are considerably qualified by the friendly tenor of the letters addressed to that individual on his final departure for Muscat by Syud Majeed himself ; § and Suleiman bin Hamed, his Highness’ Vizier, in whose integrity Colonel Rigby formerly placed great confidence, but whom he has since had cause to regard as a most unprincipled man, did not hesitate, in a letter to Syud Thoweynee, to imply that Colonel Rigby was in some degree responsible for the rebellion of 1859, and for the subsequent conduct of Syud Barghâsh. (| 34. The numerous charges made against Syud Thoweynee, of having acted throughout under French influence, were rebutted by his Highness in the manner already reported. 1 am further able to confirm his account of the paper submitted to him by the French Commodore De Bangle** by the admission of Syud Majeed, who,in his written statement,tf relates that, on being appealed to by the former to do so, he had directed his vizier Suleiman bin Hamed, to draw up a document of precisely the same import as that described by Syud Thoweynee as having been handed to him at Muscat by the French Commodore. Equally inconclusive in proof of this general imputation is the statement of Colonel Rigby that the French Consul was known to be carrying on a very active correspondence with Syud Thoweynee. The letters from Muscat to the disaffected Arabs here (Zanzibar) were sent under cover to the French Consul.That no collusion existed in this matter between the parties referred to is evident from the tenor of the French Consul’s official despatch to Syud Thoweynee, wherein he specially requests His Highness not to enclose any letters for the Arabs at Zanzibar in the letters which he may do him the honour to address to him. §§ Moreover, Syud Majeed frankly acknowledged* that he had no evidence to prove that his brother had been acting under the influence of the French; and Colonel Rigby himself, who had framed several of his inferential charges against Syud Thoweynee, in that respect, on the assertions of the then French Consul at Zanzibar, now writes— Trom subsequent exqierience, I have very little faith in anything the French Consul said on any subject.” ||¡¡ But if Syud Thoweynee is justly chargeable in any degree with having intrigued against Syud Majeed after he had consented to refer the settlement of his claims to the arbitration of the Governor General of India, Syud Majeed is equally open to the imputa tion of having kept up a secret correspondence with Syud Toorkee of Sohar, who was well known to be disaffected towards his suzerain at Muscat, and was actively plottino- with the tribes and with the Wahabees to undermine his authority over Oman.f 1Í The ex- planation given by Syud Majeed of the guns, money, and munitions of war, despatched by him to Syud Toorkee in March 1859, is undoubtedly very plausible ;*** but under the cir cumstances of the case, it fails to carry conviction to the mind of anyone well versed in the sophistry and equivocation of the Arabs. The letter also written by Syud Majeed at the commencement of the current year to his brother at Sohar, advising him of a remittance of 2,000 dollars, which letter was intercepted by Syud Thoweynee,j-j-j- is another ground of suspicion against the former ; and in a subsequent part of this report I shall have occa sion to add some further considerations which will tend to confirm the opinion here ex pressed—that His Highness, Syud Majeed, chiefly with a view to strengthen his own posi tion. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 161 tiou, was not less actively engaged against Syud Thoweynee through the medium of Syud Toorkee of Sohar, than was Syud Thoweynee, through his agent at Zanzibar, to weaken the authority of his brother Syud Majeed. 36. I have deemed it pertinent to enter into the foregoing discussion of the mutual attitude and conduct of the two rival brothers as a precaution against any unfair bias towards either. That done, it is of some importance to inquire what would have been the probable result had the two parties come into actual collision on the occasion of Syud Thoweynee’s projected invasion of Zanzibar. 37. As regards the chances of Syud Thoweynee, I have already written as follows :— ‘‘ Colonel Rigby,* in his account of the preparation made by Syud Majeed to resist the expected invasion, represents the means at the disposal of the latter as ample to destroy any force brought against him, dwelling especially on the enthusiasm of the people in his cause. Subsequently, however, and long after the expedition of Syud Thoweynee had returned to Muscat, his re^^ort of the state of affairs at Zanzibar led the Government to conclude that the j)osition of Syud Majeed at Zanzibar was not secure :f and later still, on the occasion of the outbreak, when the El-Harth Arabs rose in support of Syud Barghash, all the force which Syud Majeed could bring against them was ineffectual, and the rising was not suppressed until assistance from three British men-of^war had been sent to co operate with them, when, as it is averred, the Arabs yielded because they would not fight against the British.”! Subsequent inquiry confirms me rather than otherwise in the obvious drift of the foregoing quotation. The elaborate account given by his Highness Syud Majeed § of the insurrection at Zanzibar in October 1859, divested of its vain colour ing, shows that he was hard pressed by the insurgents ; and Colonel Rigby, in attempting to reconcile a former statement of his, that the faction opposed to Majeed was utterly contemptible ” with the position which that faction had secured on the occasion referred to, renders it highly probable that, without the opportune assistance of the British, the struggle would have been prolonged, and the final result at least doubtful. || 38. On the other hand, however, it is by no means certain that the success of the insur gents would have placed Zanzibar in the hands of Syud Thoweynee. Colonel Rigby is of opinion that the El-Harth were actuated by private aims, and availed theinselve^f Syud Thoweynee’s antagonism to Syud Majeed—not for his sake, but for their own, anxious, if possible, to get rid of the whole family of the late Imam.”^[ Besides which (and the reflection is of considerable importance in this inquiry), there is strong reason for believing that, had Syud Thoweynee persisted in the invasion of Zanzibar, the tribes in Oman would have thrown off their allegiance to him, and elected another sovereign in his stead. This contingency was foreseen by the late Lord Elphinstone, and recorded by him in aii -able Minute, dated 10th August 1859. His Lordship writes—“ When Colonel Russell was at Muscat, he heard it said openly that it was well for Syud Thoweynee that he had listened to the advice of this Government and returned to Muscat ; for if he had not done 80, Syud Toorkee would undoubtedly have attacked Muscat in his absence, and would probably have succeeded in making himself master of it, and of all the Imam’s possessions in Oman. In grasping at the shadow of sovereignty in Zanzibar, Syud Thoweynee would have lost the substance in Muscat.” Considering that Muscat would have been almost denuded of ships and troops ; that the restless and mercenary tribes of Oman have never failed to seize any promising opportunity for bartering their influence and acquirino- gam; and that Syud Toorkee was on the spot quite prepared to avail himself of so favourable an ocaasion for promoting his own ambitious views—there is good ground for believino- that a civil war would have followed the continued absence of Syud Thoweynee and that the sovereignty of Oman would have been lost to him perhaps for ever Syud Majeed was doubtless fully aware of these weak points in the position of his antagonist, and was not backward to take advantage of them. His strategy could best be carried out through his brother at Sohar, who was accordingly subsidised by him to that end. Cnder the circumstances of tiie case, “it was quite natural,” so writes Lord Elphin stone, " that Syud Majeed should send arms and ammunition to Syud Toorkee with the view of Syud Toorkee’s creating a diversion in his favour at Muscat.”** 39. To sum up Considering the fact that the people of Zanzibar and its Africa] dependencies did, on the death of the late Syud Saeed, elect his son Syud Majeed to be thei ruler in his stead ;tt considering that the altered condition of those dependencies durin< the last half century fully entitled them to that privilege ;$! considering that, if Syu! Ihow eynee, the elected sovereign of the parent state, was justified in coercing them int, submission, the people of the African dependencies, on the other hand, were equalb justified in resisting him ;§§ considering that it is very doubtful whether any such attemp on his part would have been successful ; |||| and considering the probability that, if persistec 111 by feyud Thow^eynee, the projected invasion of Zanzibar would have led to the forfeitur. of his supremacy over Oman, # I arrive at the conclusion, on these grounds exclusively that Syud Majeed s claims to the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its African dependencie are superior to any which can be adduced in favour of Syud Thoweynee. 40. But further, the argument on the score of expediency, involving the future pros perity of the Muscat as well as the Zanzibar state, preponderates unquestionably in favou’ of the foregoing conclusion. This is so forcibly pointed out by Colonel Rigby in reply U one of the queries submitted to him, that, to secure for his remarks the considáation wM^l ^ thej Appendix, No. 8. * Letter No. 19 of 1859. t Resolution of the Honourable Board, 16th November 1859. Î Muscat Report, paragraph 24. § Appendix L. II Appendix B, reply to Query 15. ^ Appendix B, reply to Query 14. ** Resolution of the Honourable Board, IGtliNoveinber 1859. ft Paragraplrs 25 and 26. ÎÎ Paragraplis 28 and 29. §§ Paragraph 80. il il Paragra¡)h 37. Paragraph 38, 162 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. they merit, I reproduce them entire from the Appendix. That officer writes—I con- sider that the connection which existed between Oman and a country so far remote as East Africa, was always an unnatural one, and ever prejudicial to the interests of both countries. This I mean with reference to the want of all system and regularity in the government of Arab states, in which everything depends on the personal influence and presence of the ruling chief. The selections from the records of the Bombay Govern ment relating to the Persian Gulf abundantly prove the dangers and disorders which constantly threatened the late Imam’s possessions in Oman in consequence of his absence at Zanzibar, On several occasions the danger was only averted by the influence and intervention of the British Government. Had the late Imam continued to reside at Muscat, it is probable that, with his energetic, shrewd character, he would have greatly extended his power, and firmly established it. In 1846 Lieutenant Colonel Hamertou writes to the Secretary to Government as follows :—‘ I brought to the notice of his High ness the injury which was occasioned to his interests in Arabia from his protracted stay at Zanzibar, and that the Government at Muscat was but ill-administered. His Highness replied that this had been a matter of much distress to him lately.’ And in another letter during the same year, he writes to the Secretary to Government, Bombay—‘ I have, in obedience to instructions, most fully communicated to his Highness the Imam the state of his affairs in Arabia, as appears from the copies of the documents enclosed with the letter. His Highness was aware of everything, but did not appear to consider matters so serious as perhaps they are. The Imam has always appeared to me to care little for his Arabian possessions further than the seaports. His Highness’s influence in the interior of Oman is irretrievably lost, from the feeble nature of his government ; and he knows and feels it. His Highness last year deputed Sheikh Alii bin Massood to proceed to Oman from Zanzibar, to try to procure men from the different tribes in Oman to assist his Highness in the war he is now carrying on against the people of Sewee ; but the Sheikh has returned without being able to procure a single sword from the tribes in Oman.’ “ As an Arab chief, the late Imam was a very superior man ; it may be many years before his equal is found among his successors. From his personal bravery, his wealth, and his long reign, he had far more influence amongst those by whom he was surrounded than is likely to be possessed by either of his sons. Nevertheless, his absence from Oman destroyed his influence with the tribes, and nearly caused him the loss of all his Arabian possessions. “ With respect to the Zanzibar dominions, I think their complete severance from Muscat would soon lead to the stoppage of the northern slave-trade. The ruler of Zanzibar would feel independent of the northern Arabs, who every year swarm at Zanzibar during the north-east monsoon, to prey upon him.” The sum distributed by Syud Majeed amongst these people every year is a serious drain upon the Zanzibar Treasury. I imagine that the only reason why these Arabs are thus paid is with the idea that their aid may one day be required. If these payments were stopped, and vigorous measures were adopted for one or two seasons by an English gunboat to capture the boats of these piratical tribes when found carrying slaves, 1 think they would soon discontinue visiting this coast, and probably find some more honest occupation. “ I think, if Zanzibar is governed with prudence, it may perform a very important part in the future commerce and civilisation of East Africa. From Port Natal to Gape Gardafui, the only state from which any progress or stability can be hoped is Zanzibar. Its commerce has rapidly increased within the last few years, and it bids fair to become the chief emporium of trade on the east coast. Its ])Opulation possesses valuable elements for commerce in the wealthy and numerous settlers from India, and the enterprising Arabs and Sowahilis who travel over Central Africa, distributing foreign goods in exchange for the products of the country. The Portuguese possessions on the east coast are in a hopeless state of decay, and there is not the slightest probability ot the Portuguese ever advancing the civilisation or commerce of the interior. If Zanzibar should be an independent state, the dominions of its ruler would probably soon extend into the interior, and his power would be consolidated, and in time it might form a considerable African kingdom. But supposing that, from the non-residence of the ruling chief, from its being continually held as a dependency of Muscat, from neglect or feeble rule, such as Oman has suflered from for so many years in consequence of the late Imam being a non-resident, the Zanzibar state were gradually to lose its power over the territories of the mainland, the petty sultans and chiefs would soon become independent ; the treaties for the suppression of the slave trade would be disregarded, foreign eettle- « Appendix B, reply ments would be established, and all hope of progress be destroyed.”* to Query 36. Avould be superfluous to add anything to these considerations in favour of the independent sovereignty of Zanzibar. Fortunately the expediency on which they are based, and which alone would hardly suffice to justify the severance of that state from the parent state of Muscat, is adequately supported and confirmed by the arguments founded on right, which have already been discussed in the foregoing pages. 42. But if, notwithstanding these combined considerations, Syud Thoweynec, as the ove reign of Oman, may still" be deemed to have some claim on the African territories of the kingdom, either in virtue of the relationship which has hitherto existed between those dependencies and the parent state, or by way of indemnity for any chance which, throuo’h having consented to"forego his projected invasion of Zanzibar, he may consider “ that ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 163 that he has forfeited for himself aiid his successors, or in consideration of his recognition Appendix, JNo. 8, . of the future independence of the Zanzibar state, I judge that the compensation offered — on that behalf by Syud Majeed is a fair equivalent for such pretensions. The amount of that compensation is more than Syud Thoweynee is ever likely to gain from the revenues of Zanzibar, were it to continue a dependency of Muscat, and would, moreover, by enabling him to establish his authority over Oman, be of far greater use to him than the sovereignty over a distant possession, the population of which are notoriously ill-affected towards him. I should be less disposed to insist on this point, were it not that the obligation was acknowledged by Syud Majeed himself when he first volunteered to grant to Syud Thoweynee a yearly subsidy of 40,000 crowns. Colonel Rigby states that, during the lifetime of the late Imam, 10,000 crowns were annually sent from Zanzibar to Muscat on account of the tribute to the Wahabee Ameer, that this was a fixed payment. Other sums were sent as required ; some years 10,000 crowns, and some years, if hostilities were going on in Oman, considerably more.”* On the death of his late Highness, Syud * Appendix B,replj Majeed, according to his own statement, wrote to Syud Thoweynee offering to remit him to Query 20. this sum of 10,000 crowns to assist him in paying the Wahabees ; (a) and further, in case of emergency, to assist him with his money, his influence, and his troops.f Subsequently, t Appendix L, para- yielding to the arguments or solicitations of Mahomed bin Salem, Syud Majeed eno-aged graph 3. to raise the amount to an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns.J * j Idem, paragraph 43. With regard to the conditions averred by Syud Majeed to have been insisted on by him in voting this grant, namely, first, that he should be recognised by Syud Thowevnee as his father s successor over the Zanzibar territories ; and secondly, that Syud Thoweynee should abstain m future from all hostilities with their common brother Syud Toorkee,S 8 Idem, paragraph there is no evidence whatever to corroborate his Highness’s allegation, and my firm 5. conviction is that no such terms were attached to the concession. It is, moreover, worthy of note that Syud Majeed, in his written statement, entirely overlooks what he had before repeatedly declared, namely, that 10,000 of the stipulated sum of 40,000 crowns were to be transferred to Syud Foorkee, and that it was on account of Syud Thoweynee’s infriíiíre- ment of that condition that he discontinued the payment of the subsidy to the lat^r. Colonel Rigby, who had formerly hazarded these statements on the authority of his Highness, il now writes consider it very unlikely that any stipulation was made || Letter No. 116 of relative to one-fourth of the promised subsidy being paid to Syud Toorkee. I have 1859. always had great doubts on this point, because Thoweynee and Toorkee were on bad terms with each other at the time the agreement with Mahomed bin Salem was made, and also because I was informed that the allowance made from the Muscat Treasury to Sohar during the life of the late Imam was only 1,200 crowns per annum. If the whole of the tribute to the Wahabee Chief is, and always has been, paid from the Muscat 'treasury, it is, I consider, a strong confirmation of the doubts which I entertain, for Syud Toorkee could have no possible claim to such a payment from the Zanzibar Treasury.”These ^AppendixB,reply suspicions are confirmed by the tenor of Syud Majeed’s note to the customs master at to Query 25. Zanzibar, wherein he states as follows :—‘^We have granted to our brother Thoweynee bin Saeed a subsidy of 40,000 crowns every year from the beginning of the year 1274, half (to be paid) during the south-west monsoon, and the other half during the north-east monsoon,”** without hinting that the payment of the said gratuity was to be dependent on ** Appendix H. the observance of any condition by his Highness Syud Thoweynee. 44. Under these circumstances, I am of opinion that Syud Majeed is bound to Syud Thoweynee in the sum of 40,000 crowns per annum; and further, considering that the existing variance between the two brothers originated in the non -fulfilment of that obli gation by the former, under the false plea that the latter had violated the attached con dition, I judge that it would be only fair that Syud Majeed should be called upon to make good his original promise, by disbursing to Syud Thoweynee the arrears of the stipulated subsidy due since the date when its payment was suspended. 45. A question of considerable importance, touching the duration of this subsidy, here suggests itself. The arrangement as it stands has respect to the two brothers only, no provision whatever being made that it should continue in force beyond their own lifetime. But although the strict letter of all we know of the mutual agreement might be held to sanction that limitation, the grounds upon which the subsidy was first offered by Syud Majeed, and the considerations which subsequently induced him to increase the amount to 40,000 crowns per annum,ff clearly imply that he was negotiating on the part of the Appendix L, pa, Zanzibar state, and that the subsidy was to be a pf^rmanent charge on its revenues in ragraph 5. behalf of the Sovereign of Muscat. The transaction indeed, as far as I can judge from the evidence adduced, was a family compact, entered into by Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed as the representatives of their brothers and of the subjects of the two states, whereby it was agreed to divide the sovereignty exercised by their late father into two imarly equal shares, the Zanzibar state engaging, through Syud Majeed, to compensate the Muscat state for the loss which it would sustain by the partition to the extent of 40,000 crowns per annum. 46. Recapitulating the conclusions arrived at through the foregoing discussions, I submit (a) The annual tribute to the Wahabees, including presents, amounts to 12,000 crowns. X 2 0.116. 164 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. submit the following results as the most equitable terms for settling the existing dispute between the rival parties ;— Terms of the Arhitration, 1st. That Syud Majeed should be confirmed in the independent sovereignty over Zanzibar and its African territories. 2nd. That as regards the succession to that sovereignty, neither the ruler of Muscat, nor the tribes of Oman, shall have any right whatever to interfere ; but the Sovereign of Zanzibar, or the sovereign in conjunction with the people, shall be left absolutely free to make whatever arrangements they may deem expedient for appointing future successors to Syud Majeed. 3rd. That in consideration of these concessions, Syud Majeed shall be bound to remit to Syud Thoweynee the stipulated yearly subsidy of 40,000 crowns ; and further, to liquidate all the arrears due on that account since the payment was suspended. 4th. That this subsidy of 40,000 crowns per annum shall be a primary and per manent charge on the revenues of the Zanzibar state, payable by the Sovereign of that state to the ruling Sovereign of Muscat and Oman. 47. The liberty accorded me by the Honourable the Governor in Council, of recom mending a fair adjustment of the differences existing between their Highnesses Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed, has warranted mein submitting these terms as, in my opinion, the best which can be proposed to that end. I do not feel authorised to exceed the limits of my commission by advising any precautionary measures for the due observance of those terms by the rival parties ; nevertheless, as it does not appear that the Right Honourable the Governor General has undertaken to guarantee that his final arbitration shall be carried out, and as it is more than probable that pretexts will be constantly devised on both sides to evade the obligations imposed by his Lordship’s decision, pretexts which, by re-opening the existing dispute, will entail the most disastrous consequences to the welfare of the two states, I venture with much diffidence to suggest whether the following subsi diary terms might not be insisted on as a safeguard against such evasions :— 5th. That no cause whatever, other than an open attempt on the part of Syud Thoweynee or his successors to infringe upon the independence of the Zanzibar sovereignty, shall be held to justify Syud Majeed or his successors in withholding the stipulated subsidy. 6th. That in the event of any such attempt being made by the ruler of Muscat, or, on the other hand, in the event of the Sovereign of the Zanzibar state failing, under any plea whatever, to pay the aforesaid subsidy, the aggrieved party shall submit the case to the Viceroy and Governor General of India before proceeding to settle the dispute by an appeal to arms. * Appendix K, Enclosure. t Appendix B, reply to (¿ucry 40. t Appendix L, para graph (5. § Appendix B, reply to Query 17. I Appendix K, Enclosure. Appendix K. ** Appendix'B, rC' ply to Query 39. 48. I have deemed it desirable to insist on the payment of the subsidy agreed on between the two parties, because various excuses are urged by Syud Majeed to evade that obligation.* The most reasonable of these is the actual condition of his Highness’ finances. On this subject Colonel Rigby writes : The difficulty arises from the embar rassed state of the Zanzibar treasury. Syud Majeed is entirely dependent on the will of his customs master for supplies of money, and were he now to bind himself to the payment of an annual sum, and the customs master subsequently refused to advance the amount, Syud Majeed might be compelled to break bis engagement without any fault of his own.’ As an offset, however, against the difficulty. Colonel Rigby subjoins—“ But if his High ness could be persuaded to establish a small force of disciplined troops, with a few light guns, in place of the useless rabble now in his pay, and would also get rid of most of the large ships which he now has, and which are of no use whatever, and in place of them keep two or three small vessels efficiently manned, it would be a great direct saving to him ; and knowing that he had troops he could rely on, he would feel more independent of the Arabs from the north, and of the chiefs of tribes, amongst whom he squanders so much money .”t Syud Majeed himself estimates the amount which he pays yearly in gratuities to the northern Arabs at 15,000 crowns and Colonel Rigby gives a list of several of the principal chiefs of Zanzibar who are subsidised by Syud Majeed, and whose afvo-regate incomes from his treasury exceed 10,000 crowns per annum.§ The saving of these sums alone (and there would certainly be no reason for their being continued when once the sovereignty of Zanzibar was secured to Syud Majeed) would suffice to cover more than one-half of the Muscat subsidy ; and if, in addition thereto, his Highness would abstain from other useless expenditure, there can be no doubt that he would be able to meet the obligation with comparative ease. As regards his debts to the customs master, amounting to 327,000 crowns,|| and those to his orphan brothers, whose share of their father’s iiffieritance he has borrowed to the extent of seven lacs of crowns,^ Colonel Rigby, after reviewing Syud Majeed’s financial position, comes to the conclusion that, with prudence and care, his existing liabilities might soon be paid off.”** 49. But the finances of Syud Thoweynee are comparatively as much embarrassed as those of Syud Majeed, and the payment annually of 40,000 crowns by the latter, considering the capabilities of the Zanzibar territories, will still leave him in better circumstances than the ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 165 * Appendix B, reply to Query 38. t Letter No, 1 of 1860, paragraph 13. the ruler of Muscat(«). lu fact, without that aid I do not perceive how Syud Thoweynee can Appendix, Ko. 8. continue long to administer the government of Oman. Hence, as so many grave consider- ations are involved in the prompt and regular payment of the stipulated subsidy, I trust that the Rio’ht honourable the Governor General (should his Lordship coincide in the view here taken of the subject) will attach such sanctions as he may deem expedient to ensure the faithful discharge of that obligation by his Highness Syud Majeed. 50. I shall now proceed to notice briefly several collateral points connected with the main subject of this report. And first—Colonel Rigby’s recommendation that some steps should be taken to provide for the future succession to the sovereignty of Zanzibar m the event of that state being permanently severed from Muscat. He writes thus ‘ I think it will be extremely advantageous to the future prosperity of the Zanzibar state, if some an-ano-ement as to the future succession can be made in the event of Syud Majeed being decla^d its independent chief ; for this prince has no male issue, and I think it not likely that he will have any. I think that it might be left to the choice of all the family oí the late Imam, or Syud Majeed might nominate one of his brothers to succeed him, subject to the ratification of the principal chiefs at Zanzibar. If the members of the Syud s f^^^v could be induced always to admit in future the claims of primogeniture, I think it would be a very great advantage. At present the subject is always in doubt, and leads to quarrels and assassinations in the family.”* I fully concur with Colonel Rigby in believing that oreat advantages might reasonably be anticipated if any such arrangement could be mad^ In fact, I once entertained some hope of being able to effect it,t but increased experience of the peculiar political constitution (if it may be so called) of these petty sovereignties, and of the intractable temper and inveterate prejudices of the Arab tribes on all matters in any way connected with their inherited rights, to say nothing of their cross venality, has induced me, however reluctantly, to abandon the idea as impracticable. There would, indeed, be little difficulty in securing the consent of Syud Majeed’s brothers at Zanzibar, and of the principal chiefs there, to almost any scheme for providing for the succession which might be proposed to them by us ; but no such concurrence would be regarded on their part as depriving them of the privilege of acting in direct opposition to their most solemn obligations in a matter of this nature, or of bartering whatever influence they micht possess in the election of a new sovereign to the highest biddei. Hence, unless the British Government undertook to guarantee the arrangement and enforce com pliance with its provisions, no pre-organised scheme of the kind is kkely to succeed better than the custom which has hitherto prevailed among the tribes of Oman. And as I do not conceive that Her Majesty’s Government is disposed to entangle itself with respon sibilities of that nature, I judge that it will be far more expedient to Wve such questions to be settled by the people without any interference on our part. Failing male issue, Svud Majeed’s present idea is, should the sovereignty be awarded to him, to associate one of his brothers with himself in the administration, so that, in the event of his death, the neonle from having been accustomed to regard that brother as his successor, will be pre- ^»idtoraRfyhiscHhn ^ the Myenflgn^\ Under p^ndhu' cmcums^nces ofthe Government ind people of the Zanzibar territories, his Highness scheme is, m my opinion, as good as any other that could be adopted. 51. Another point which I deem it desirable to notice is Syud Thoweynee s grievance, submitted by him to the late Lord Elphinstone, that Syud Majeed had wrongfully assumed the guardianship of the younger orphan children of the late Syud Saeed at Zanzibar, and had either appropriated, or taken into his hands, the management of their shares their father’s inheritance.^ It is undoubtedly true that Syud Majeed has taken on himself the office of o-uardian to his younger brothers and sisters who are under age, and has so far appropriated their property as to borrow and use it ; nevertheless, he openly acknowledges his liability to them to the extent of seven lacs of crowns.% He, moreover, justifies this uroceeding on the ground of having been appointed an executor of his father’s will con- lointly with Bint Seif and Mahomed bin Salem, and maintains that, as the former has cinpp died and the latter retired to Mecca, the entire responsibility of executing his father’s will devolves on him. By the only will of the late Syud Saeed, hitherto forth- ÄatÄ:; S: Bint Seif are dead, and Mahomed bin Salem has declined to act Syud ihoweynee, as the eldest brother, demands that the “ property of the orphans shall be given up by Majid and deposited with a trustworthy person, in whose custody all parties may feel satisfied that it will be safe.lf On the other hand, Syud Majeed avers that, on the death of Khaled, his father appointed him a joint executor with Bint Seif and Mahomed bin Salem, and he promises to obtain the said will from the latter, and to have it forwarded, through the f Letter No. 205 of 1869, Persian Department. § Appendix K, paragraph 10. II Muscat llepoit, Appendix G. ^ Letter No. 2C5 of 1859, Persian Department. (a) Zanzibar. The revenue of Zanzibar is estimated at - - - " ■ Svud Majeed's outstanding liabilities,independent of seven lacs of crowns borrowed from lus orphan brothers (for the greater part of which, however, he holds their shares of the movable and immovable property which fell to them by inheritance from their father), at - Muscat. The revenue of Muscat is estimated at Svud Thoweynee's liabilities at - 0.116. X 3 Crowns. 206,000 327,000 129.600 81,000 166 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. * Appendix L. t Colonel Rigby's letter, No. 103 of 1859. Î Appendix L, para graphs 10, II, 12. § Muscat Report, paragraph 49. || Letter No. 1860, Foreig Department. British Consul at Jeddah, to the Government of Bombay.* Should such a document be iound. It will put an end to this sore question between the rival brothers, whose only object 18, 1 tear, to despoil their orphan relatives. Any interference therefore on our oart may be postponed until the will referred to is produced ; and in the event of the document not being forthcoming, and Syud Thoweynee persisting in his demand, the Government might then take such steps as may seem most expedient to prevent an open rupture between the two brothers, which this dispute is not unlikely to occasion. 52. I take it for granted that some opinion will be expected from me on the case of byud Larghash, who has already been here nearly a year a pensioner on the bounty of the Government. His Excellency in Council is doubtless aware that he was expelled from Zanzibar on account oí the leading part which he took in the rebellion against Svud Ma,)eed in October 1859, and that before leaving he signed a formal engagement, swearin«- on the Koran to abide by the same, that he would quit Zanzibar for ever, and neve^ attempt to return without the express permission of Syud Majeed.f There is every reason c him by Colonel Rigby and conñímed by oyud Majeed,! *^1 having conspired with the El-Harth tribe to overturn the Government are substantially true. It is very probable, moreover, that, whereas he was in reality merely a tool in the hands of the El-Harth, he himself entertained the ambitious desio-p of dethroning his brother and of ruling in his stead. It is equally clear that, before'^and throughout the disturbances, he wished to be guided by the counsels of the French party The following extract from a letter written by him to "the address of the French Consul at Zanzibar, and piÿed up in the fortihed house which he had vacated on the second approach of Syud Majeed s troops, accompanied by a detachment of British sailors, leaves no doubt on that point My brother Majeed’s wish is to give the country to the Eno-lish and he has spoken thereof openly, not once, nor twice, but often. We, however, wifi not give our county either W the English or to the French, or to the Americans, or to any one else; but if we it, we shall do so only at the cost of our blood, and of war to tlá death. As to yourself be fully confident : if you are buying or selling in the plantations be not afraid, your transactions will be safe.” ^ palliation of Syud Barghâsli’s conduct (apart fiom Syud Thoweynee s estimate of his character when he styled him a lackbrain) & IS the complicated state of the political affairs which existed at Zanzibar at the period of the insurrection. Syud Majeed’s right to the sovereignty was disputed by the powerful tribe of tne Fl-Harth; and, on the othei hand, Syud Thoweynee was endeavourincr to ^cure what suppôt be could ^ establish his own claim to the territories of Zanzibar The commoticn which ensued m consequence of this rivalry was a mere repetition If similai distui canees which, from time immemorial, have accompanied every fresh succes- M ^ sovereignty of Oman, and generally speaking, even the ringleaders, as well as the abettors of the losing party, have uniformly been treated with the greatest lenity bv the successful candidate on his confirmation in the sovereignty. Such has always been the normal mode of proceeding among the Arabs of Oman. Open rebellion in such cases has been considered an honour rather than a crime ; so much so, indeed, that the popular voice would h^dly be in favour of a new ruler who had attained the supremacy whhout a struggle with his competitors. ^ »vuuouia 54. Should the independeut sovereignty be awarded to Syud Majeed, I think that under proper guarantees, he might with safety exercise a corresponding leniency by per mitting Syud Barghash to return to his home and family at Zanzibar. His Hi4LL and within his absolute power. Hence there is little chance of Syud Harghâsh being able, even were he so disposed, to organize a party in opposition to his brother Majeed, a#'"f ,1 tSsÃÈ r=,'rzí:,':a r.Ä abject terms, soliciting permission to return, and promising solemnly to conduct himself in utui e as a loyal subject. No answer has as yet been received from his Hio-hness and I psippsiiïüü at once ensure his return to Zanzibar; and, as I have already observed, I do not think k probable that he will abuse the indulgence. Sohar. 55. As intimately connected with the principal subject of this report I avail of the rJglrdlg GotlrJorln Ço%iï'ktwb"'w 56. In ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OP AFRICA). 167 56. In my report from Muscat^ after carefully examining all the arguments which had been adduced in support of this claim, I came to the conclusion that they were “ incon clusive, apart from the reflection that they were, moreover, open to complete refutation if the more general question of the right of the late Syud Saeed to divide his territories is decided in the negative ; ’’ and again, that the considerations which had been urged on the opposite side “ formed, in my opinion, a mass of evidence decidedly adverse to the claim set forth in behalf of Syud Toorkee.”* 57. Additional research at Zanzibar fully confirms me in the foregoing conclusion. On submitting to Colonel Rigby, for further information, the statements which he had inci dentally transmitted to Government in behalf of Syud Toorkee, he replied : “ From what I had always been told by Arabs at Zanzibar, and also from what Syud Hilal said, I was under the impression that Syud Toorkee had been placed in possession of Sohar by his father as an independent state, in the same manner as it had been formerly granted by the Imam Ahmed, during his own life, to his son Kees.” In paragraph 17 of this report, I have already pointed out the inaptness of the comparison here instituted ; but Colonel Rigby subjoins, My impressions having been formed from the statements of interested persons were probably erroneous.”t 58. Another consideration which led Colonel Rigby to conclude that Sohar was inde pendent of Muscat, he expresses in these words; I think that Sohar must have been regarded as an independent state, as an engagement was entered into between the British Government and Seif bin Hamood, Chief of Sohar, dated 22nd May 1849, for the preven tion of the slave trade, and an Act of the British Parliament, 16 Viet. c. 16, dated 9th May 1853, was passed to give effect to this engagement (wiWe Hertslet’s Treatise, vol. IX., page 715).} In the year 1849 Sohar had acquired, through the lapse of nearly a century, a nominal independence, though it is extremely improbable that the original concession by Sultan Ahmed involved any such privilege ; % but however that may be. Colonel Rigby appears to overlook the fact that Sohar was captured by the late Syud Saeed in 1851, and continued up to his death a dependency of Muscat.” ü 59. Syud Majeed, when questioned on the subject, frankly admitted that no proof existed to establish Syud Toorkee-s pretensions to the independent sovereignty of Sohar, and in his appended written statement, his Highness says, I do not know what Toorkee’s real position is, whether he is independent or subject to the ruler of Muscat. What I only know is, that our late father made over Oman and its dependencies to my brother Thoweynee, in the same way that he made over Zanzibar and its dependencies to our brother Khaled, and on his death he made them over to me.”5i 60. The foregoing arguments will, I trust, be regarded as decisive against the claims of Syud Toorkee to the independent sovereignty of Sohar. In a political point of view, more especially in its bearings on the future tranquillity of Oman, and the peace of the maritime tribes in the Persian Gulf, it is fortunate that the question admits of no other solution ; for Syud Toorkee is represented as being a dangerous intriguer and a most extortionate ruler. In my letter No. 8 of the 27th June, I submitted to Government a general account of his sinister proceedings, and what steps I had taken to arrest them. The letter which I addressed to him on that occasion was so far successful that he subse quently sought an interview with Syud Thoweynee ; but his Highness declined any nego tiations with him until the final decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General was made known. Syud Toorkee’s reply to my letter, which I have since received through Mr. Rassam, is attached in Appendix M. 61. Should the Honourable the Governor in Council concur in the conclusion which I have formed on this subject, it will be most desirable, in justice to the ruler of Muscat, as also in order to put an end to the unsettled state of affairs in Oman, owing to the equivocal position of Syud Toorkee, that his Highness Syud Thoweynee should be officially informed of his recognition by the Government of India as the paramount sovereign of Sohar. It is equally expedient that the same decision should be formally made known to Syud Toorkee ; and also that, after due deliberation, his claim to be inde pendent of the Sultan of Muscat has been disallowed. A superadded friendly injunction to both parties, to act in concert for the welfare of the country might lead to a permanent reconciliation between them; and I know no person better qualified than Mr. Rassam to make these communications, or more likely to bring about a good understanding between the two brothers. As Mr. Rassam’s appointment is only temporary, I venture to suggest that his services may be secured in this matter before his departure from Muscat. 62. I presume that Syud Majeed is, in some measure, prepared for the tenor of the foregoing decision regarding Sohar ; nevertheless, considering the relations which have hitherto existed betwixt him and his brother Syud Toorkee (relations which the doubtful position of the latter and his own misunderstanding with Syud Thoweynee may have jus tified for the time), it appears to me advisable that his Highness should be informed that the Government of India have fully recognised the right of Syud Thoweynee to the sovereignty of Sohar. Such a formal declaration, by putting his Highness on his guard against fostering any future intrigues of Syud Toorkee, may prove an additional security for the peace of Oman. 63. Before bringing this report to a close, I venture to offer one or two suo-gestions 0.116. x4 ° with Appendix, No. ft. * Muscat Report, paragraphs 30 to 33, f Appendix B, reply to Query 41. X Appendix B, reply to Query 8. § Vide supra, para graph 17. I; Government Selections, Persian Gulf, page 231. Appendix L, para graph 5. 168 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, Xo. 8. * Government Selections, Persian Gulf, page 211. with regard to Muscat and Zanzibar, should the final arbitration of the Kio-ht Honourable the Governor General decide that the latter shall hereafter form a separate kino-dom. In the first place, I think it would be expedient, under such circumstances, tcT conclude separate treaties of commerce and agreements for the suppression of slavery with the rulers of both states, inasmuch as those now in force were entered into between the British Government and the late Syud Saeed as the paramount sovereign of the con joined provinces. Several important alterations would be required in the word inn- of those documents, and the occasion might be availed of to introduce any modification in the existing commercial treaty which the interest of British trade, as well on the east coast of Africa as at Muscat, may render desirable. Moreover, should Her Majesty’s Government concur in the recommendations which I submitted in my late report on the slave trade, the same opportunity might be taken to embody them in a formal aoreement for the effectual abolition of that traffic on the east coast of Africa, and within the terri tories dependent on Muscat. 64. My next suggestion is that, in the event of Muscat being permanently severed from Zanzibar, a proper and duly qualified British agent should be accredited to the ruler of the former state. I learn from the “ Persian Gulf” Government selections that a British Besident was appointed to Muscat in 1840, who was shortly after created a consul by the Home Government, and subsequently directed to establish his consulate at Zanzibar, where the Imam thenceforth principally resided.* By the tenor of the original appointment, it would seem that the Besident or Agent at Muscat was placed under the general superintendence of the Besident of the Persian Gulf; but I ani not aware how the removal of the former to Zanzibar affected that arrangement.’ The Govern ment, however, appears thereafter to have been represented at Muscat by a native Jew a very good man, I understand, in his way, but perfectly unfitted, both from want of social status and general capacity, to occupy such a position. This person, I believe, was required to correspond on all matters affecting British interests, as well as on the current political affairs of the country, with the Government of Bombay, the Besident in the Persian Gulf, and with his immediate superior, the British Agent at Zanzibar ; never theless, the man himself being unable to write, was obliged to employ an Arab to indite his letters. Such was the state of our representative relations with Muscat until a few months ago, when Lieutenant Chester, of the Indian Navy, held the post for a short time and subsequently Mr. Hormuzd Bassam, one of the Assistant Politicals at Aden was put in temporary charge of the British Agency at that place. ' 65. There is valid ground for believing that many of the fierce contests which have parties in Oman, and among the tribes bordering on the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf, might have been restrained had there been a British representative on the spot with sufficient authority and judgment to exercise a salutary influence over them. The Agent at Muscat, even had he been so qualified, was not empowered to act and the time which necessarily elapsed before instructions could be received from the Besident at Bushire must have been a serious drawback on his efficiency, I am further of opinion that the late serious misunderstandings between Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed might have been prevented in a great measure had there been a discreet and com petent British Agent at Muscat capable of affording timely advice to the former 4s it was. Ins Highness, of course, disdained to consult Hezkiel the Jew ; and Captain Jones', the Besident at Bushire, if in every other respect fit and acceptable to the sovereign, was at too great a distance to effect any good. As in some measure a fair proof of the truth of the foregoiiig remarks, I may instance the fact that, since Mr. Bassam took up his resi dence at Muscat, no disturbances whatever have occurred among the tribes of Oman and those which were rife at the period of his arrival have been arrested. 66. Under any circumstances, therefore, it appears to me that an officer of becoming ^spectabiiity and of jiroper qualifications should be appointed to the agency at Muscat. But such an arrangement will almost be indispensable in the event of that state beino- permanently separated from Zanzibar. Muscat will then cease to be what it had virtually become, a mere dependency since the late Syud Saeed fixed his abode at Zanzibar. It vill be the residence of an independent sovereign, and the seat of the government of Oman, exercising considerable influence, for good or for evil, over a large poition of Arabia, including the western shores of the Persian Gulf; besides which, our commercial interests in that quarter call for such a provision on the part of the Government. There is a large trading community of British-Indian subjects within the territories of Muscat * that town itself has become a station for the electric telegraph ; and it seems hio-hlv probable that regular communication by steamers will shortly be established between Bombay and the Persian Gulf, viâ Muscat, which will give an increased stimulus to the trade of those countries. 67. These considerations will, I hope, induce the Honourable the Governor in Council to recommend the appointment here suggested. It is to be regretted that Mr. Bassam who was originally engaged for Aden, is not available for the post. He "respectfully declines to remain permanently at Muscat ; and arrangements will, I trust, be made by Government to relieve him as soon as practicable. Moreover, Mr. Bassam is urgently required at Aden, where his services hitherto have been eminently useful ; I had almost said indispensable. The difficulty, perhaps, will be to find a competent successor; for the Agent at Muscat should be well acquainted with the Arabic language; have some know ledge 169 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). ledge of Arab laws and customs ; and, together with firmness of disposition, should possess No. 8. a temper calculated to conciliate the natural impetuosity and obstinate puerility of the Arab character. 68. In addition to the foregoing suggestion, it appears to me desirable that the British Agent at Muscat should be independent of the Resident in the Persian Gulf, and under the immediate orders of Government. The greater nearness of Muscat to Bombay is, of itself, an adequate ground for that arrangement ; and if a duly qualified officer is appointed to the post, there seems to be no reason whatever why he should be subject to any imme diate control. Moreover, judging from experience of the past, I do not think that the system hitherto prevailing has worked satisfactorily. The settlements in the Gulf, which are farmed by the ruler of Muscat from the Persian Government, as also the intimate relations existing between the tribes dependent on Oman and those more or less under Persian domination, undoubtedly call for frequent intercommunication between the British Agent at Muscat and the Resident at Bushire ; but whilst his official independency need not interfere in any way with the due discharge of those duties, the Agent at Muscat will be enabled thereby to render more effectual support to British interests, and to exercise a more powerful influence over the sovereign and people of Oman. 69. The range of topics embraced in the foregoing pages, and the important bearing which the final decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General on the main sub ject discussed will exercise over the future welfare of Arabia and the East Coast of Africa, must be my apology for the length of this report. I cannot conclude, however, without gratefully acknowledging the obligation I am under to the Rev. Mr. Badger, my associate in the Commission. Unaided by his special qualifications, and by the cheerful zeal which he has applied to his laborious task, I should certainly have failed to unravel some impor tant points in the case before me, and my report would have been deficient in that accu racy and completeness which I trust it will now be found to possess. It is not easy for me to say how much I am indebted for his assistance on this, as well as on other occasions of importance, which have already been acknowledged by me in various despatches to your address ; but as this is possibly the last service of its kind which the Rev. Mr. Badger will have the opportunity of rendering to the Government of India, I indulge the hope that this accomplished public servant may carry into his retirement a suitable recognition of the ability for which he is so conspicuous, and the generous zeal which has ever prompted the application of that ability to the best interests of the State. I have, &c. (signed) W. M. Coghlan, Brigadier, In charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. APPENDICES to Letter No. 17, dated 4th December 1860. Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. (Secret Department.— No. 12 of 1860.) From Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, in charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission, to Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Righy, Her Majesty’s Consul and Britisli Agent at Zanzibar. Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. Sir, Dated Zanzibar, 1 October 1860. I have the honour to apprise you of my arrival at Zanzibar, accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Badger, commissioned by Her Majesty’s Go\ernment of Bombay to institute an inquiry into the rival claims of their Highnesses Syud Thovveynee and Syud Majeed, which is to precede the final arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General of India. 2. It is perfectly understood that Syud Majeed has accepted that arbitration; nevertheless, in order to guard against any doubt or misunderstanding which might otherwise arise, here after in a matter of so much importance, it appears to me desirable that his Highness should engage to abide by the decision of the Governor General in the same formal manner as was required of his Highness Syud Thoweynee of M uscat. I append a copy of the bond executed by the latter, and shall feel obliged by your obtaining for me, with as little delay as possible, an engagement of like import from his Highness Syud Majeed. 3. Being, moreover, most desirous of securing your co-operation in the inquiry entrusted to me, and also of profiting by your intimate acquaintance with all the transactions which have transpired between the rival claimants since the death of their father, the late Syud Saeed, 1 have drawn up the accompanying list of queries (marked A),* begging that, in your reply. * As these queries, marked A., and a subsequent list marked B., re-appear in Colonel Rigby’s replies, I have thought proper to omit them here. 0.116. Y 170 APPENDIX TO EEPOET FEOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, reply, you will be pleased to afford me all the information in your power on the different ■ — points therein submitted. Several of those points have reference to occurrences and statements which have already formed part of your official correspondence on this subject, and on which I am anxious to obtain further elucidation. Others are proposed with the view of eliciting your opinion on the best means for securing the independence and prosperity of his late Highness’s dominions, subsequent to the award of the Right honourable the Governor General in the matter of the dispute now pending between the two brothers. Any suggestions from you on such points will be most acceptable. 5. Having been further directed by the Honourable the Governor of Bombay in Council to make careful inquiries as to the extent of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa, and on the best means for its prevention or suppression, I have drawn up a separate list of queries on that subject (marked B),* to which I solicit the favour of your reply. Your extensive local knowledge, combined with your strenuous exertions to arrest the nefirious traffic in the territories dependent on Zanzibar will enable you to afford me valuable assist ance in my researches, and 1 shall be most thankful for your co-operation in suggesting any measures hkely to effectuate the earnest wishes of Her Majesty’s Government for the abolition of slavery on the east coast of Africa. More especially do I request the aid of your counsel as to the feasibility and desirableness of a revision of the existing treaty with the late Imam, and on the probable results of any attempt on our part to obtain the abrogation of the immunity v\hich still permits the free transport of slaves between La moo and kilwa on the mainland, and several of the adjacent islands. I have, &c. (signed) JV. 31. Coghîan, Brigadier, In charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. [Translation of the Arabic Bond whereby Syud Thoweynee engaçred to abide by the arbi tration of the Right Honourable the Governor General of India, in the dispute regarding the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its dependencies, now pending between his His High ness and his brother Syud Majeed.j I, (he Syud Thoweynee bin Saeed bin Sultan, declare that, whereas the high Government of India have required of me that I should not proceed against Zanzibar, I, in accordance with their request, have abstained from so doing ; and all the claims I have against my brother Majeedj I have submitted (or the information of Government by the kind hands of Colonel Russell. And now, whatever the esteemed award of his Excellency the Governor General may be in his arbitration between me and my brother Majeed ; whatever he may decree I shall abide by it. I am quite willing to abide by his decision, whatever that may be; and further, I hereby bind myself that I will do nothing against, and will in no way molest, now or hereafter, my brother Majeed, until I have received the award of his Excellency the Governor General Sahib, and the issue of his arbitration between us. (Signed by my own hand) Thoiceynee. Dated 22nd Suffer, 1276. Signed by his Highness Syud Thoweynee, in my presence, this 21st day of September 1859. (signed) C. J. Cruttenden, Commander, Commanding Her Majesty’s Sloop “ Ferooz,” Indian Navy. (Secret Department.—No. 53 uf 1860.) From Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Righy, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar, to Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, in charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission at Zanzibar, dated Zanzibar, 5 October 1860. Sir. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 12 of 1860, Secret Department, dated the 1st instant, relative to the rival claims of their Highnesses Syud Thoweynee of Muscat and Syud Majeed of Zanzibar. 2. As desired in the second paragraph of your letter, 1 herewith forward you a bond in the Arabic language ( annexed, marked A), which was written and sealed in my presence by his Highness Syud Majeed, and in which he engages to abide by the decision of his Lordship the Viceroy and Governor General of India in all matters of dispute between himself and his brother Syud Thoweynee. 3. I also * These, together with Colonel Rigby’s replies, have already been submitted to Government in my Report on the Slave Trade, No. 14, dated Ist November 1860. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 171 3. I also forward the accompanying li.-t of answers (marked B) to the queries, relative to the disputed claims of their Highnesses, which accmnpanied your letter. 4. With reference to the above answers, I beg to remark on the difficulty that exists in procuring any testimony on many points that can be relied on. Tliere is litile or no documentary evidence, as the Arabs very seldom keep any written record of even the most important affairs. The records of the British Consulate are also very imperfect. For a considerable period prior to his death, Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton, my predecessor, was generally incapacitated by severe illness from attending to business. With the exception of one Arabic and Persian writer, he had no office establishment whatever. The late I lajee Khaleel, who was the writer alluded to, was also completely worn out by sickness, and died a few months after my arrival liere. When I took charge of the Consulate in July 1858, I found no regular files of letters later than 1852, and no index to letters received or forwarded. During the absence of Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton at Muscat, the Consulate here remained closed, and in his last visit to that place he was absent from Zanzibar from the 11th of April 1861 to the 3rd of February 1853. 5. The secretary to his Highness Syud Majeed, a Persian, by name Ahmed bin Naaman, who was for many years the confidential secretary of the late Imam, is now in so feeble a state of mind and body that he is unable to give any information, and from the experience 1 have acquired of Zanzibar Arabs, I do not think that the slightest reliance can be placed on the statements of any of them. 6. I will prepare the answers to the second series of queries which accompanied your letter, and forward them to you as soon as possible. I have, &c., (signed) ^ C. P. Pighy^ Lieutenant Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent at Zanzibar. Appendix (A.) [Translation of the foregoing Arabic Bond.] In the name of God the Most Merciful. I, the unworthy Majeed bin Saeed, declare, in respect of the dispute and contention which have arisen betwixt me and my brother Thoweynee regarding the sovereignty of Zanzibar and its African dependencies, that I have referred the settlement of the said dispute, and the termination of the said contention, to his Lordship the Governor General, the' Viceroy of Her Exalted Majesty in the Government of India. And whatever the said Governor shall decide, I will accept the same, and I will agree to whatever he may award to me. This I declare on my affirmation, with an upright mind, and binding myself and my actions thereto. Let this be known to all. Salaam. Written by the hand of the unworthy Majeed bin Saeed. Rabiaa-el-Awwal, 1277. Wntten and s. aled in my presence, by his Highness Syud Majeed bin Saeed, this 3rd day of October 1860. •' (signed) C. P. Rigby, Lieutenant Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar. (True Translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (B.) Lieutenant Colonel Rigby's Answer to the List of Queries matked A. in Brigadier CoglilarCs Letter to his Address, No. 12, of 1860. Q,uery 1. Have you any additional arguments in sovereignty of Zanzibar and its dependencies? Amwer.—None. favour of Syud Majeed to the Y 2 Appendix, No. 8, Appendix (A.) Appendix (B.) 0.116. Q. 2.—TFas 172 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, No. 19, of 1859. No. 19, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. No. 40, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. Q. 2.—Was any reply received from the Foreign Office to Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton’s letter to Lord Clarendon, dated lOtli November 1856, wherein he states what the late Syud Sfieed’s intentions had been prior to his death regarding the succession. A.—Yes; a reply was received from Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated 31st March 1857, together with a letter from Her Majesty Queen Victoria to his highness Prince Majeed bin Saeed. Copies of both these letters are annexed, marked C. and D. respectively. Q. 3.—In Colonel Hamerton’s letter just referred to, after stating that Syud Saeed had regarded Syud Majeed in the place of his second son Klialed, since the death of the latter in 18^54, he observes, “ But it is now difficult to perceive what turn affairs may take.” What meaning do you attach to this remark? A.—1 think that it may have had reference to the late Imam not having left any written will of his intentions regarding the future position of his different sons, and also to the conduct of Syud Barghash and the El-Harth tribe of Arabs. The only member of the late Imam’s family who was with him at the time of his death was Syud Barghash, and as he cherished ambitious designs, he no doubt destroyed any documents left by his father. The ship of war “ Victoria,” on board of which the death of the late Imam occurred, and the “ Artemise”, which was in company, anchored about 5 p.m., five miles south of the harbour, and about midnight Syud Barghash secretly landed, before it was known that his father’s death had occurred on board, and endeavoured to obtain possession of the Fort of Zanzibar. The Belooch Jemadar in command refused to admit him. He then secretly purchased arms and ammunition, and endeavoured to collect a party to aid him in seizin^ the government; but on the following morning, when the death of the Imam became known, the people hailed Syud Majeed as their Sultan. The El-Harth tribe, which had always been disaffected towards the Imam’s family, showed signs of rebellion, and the wealthiest chief of the tribe, by name Abdallah bin Salim, called on Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton, and asked him what they should do, as the island was without a ruler. Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton told him that if he attempted to disturb the peace, his head would fall within 24 hours, and turned him out of the Consulate. The expression quoted in the question may probably have referred to these circumstances which had occurred just before. Q. 4.—Syud Saeed’s intentions with regard to his sons Khaledand Thoweynee are clearly stated in his own letter to Lord Aberdeen, dated 23rd July 1844. Was any reply to that letter received by his late highness from the British Government? A.—No reply exists in the recoids of the Consulate. Q. 5.—Syud Hilal informed you that Syud Saeed had notified to the other foreign Governments in alliance with him, his intention to divide his dominions between the Prince Thoweynee and Khaled. Are you aware whether any replies were received to the notifi cation, and what was ihe tenor of them? A. I really do not know whether the notification was made to any other Government. The French Government had no Consul or Agent accredited to the late Imam prior to 1846. Q. 6.—Syud Majeed’s promotion to the position which the late Syud Saeed had intended for Syud Khaled rests at present on the testimony of Colonel Hamerton as to what his highness’s intentions were prior to his death, and on your own statement that the succession of Majeed to Khaled y/as proclaimed, after the decease of the latter, in open durbar. Are voll aware whether Syud Saeed notified this appointment to any of the foreign Governments ? t)o any native records exist attesting it as the act of the late sovereign? A. I am not aware whether the appointment was notified to any foreign Governments. I believe no native documents or records exist on this or almost any other subject, or, if any such do exist, that no person about his highness Syud Majeed knows where to find them. Q. 7.—You prove satisfactorily that primogeniture has generally been disregarded in the succession to the sovereignty of Oman, but you speak of the late Syud Saeed as having been elected” to the exclusion of his elder brother. Who elected him ? If elected, then his predecessor did not nominate him. Are you aware how Saeed’s predecessors attained the sovereignty ? The only instance which you adduce of any of the Imaums having exercised the right of nominating a successor is that of Syud Saeed. Do you know of any other instance ? Syud Hilal’s account of the mode of succession, as reported by you, is as follows :— Might, coupled with election by the tribe, is the only right;” and again, d’he one who had most influence with the tribe was elected.” If such had been the rule hitherto, on what ground could Syud Saeed abolish it, and introduce a new mode of succession? A.—By the term election” I mean that he was proclaimed and accepted as their ruler by the Arabs of Oman to the exclusion of his elder brother. I do not think there was ever any regular form of voting in practice amongst the Arabs of Oman. The father of Syud Saeed succeeded in 1803 to the sovereignty to tue exclusion of his two elder brothers ; and the grandfather of Syud Saeed, by name Ahmed bin Saeed, divided his dominions during his own life, having appointed his son Kees to be chief of Sohar, and his seventh and youngest son Mahomed to be chief of Suik. The late Imam evidently considered that he possessed the right to dispose of his dominions as he pleased, from having, during his own life, disinherited his eldest son Hilal. But if the successor thus nominated were not acceptable to the people, I think they would refuse to accept him. Q. 8.—You state that Ahmed bin Saeed, grandfather of Syud Saeed, had, during his lifetime ,'4'E mi ox SLAVE TJRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 173 lifetime, given Soliar to Kees and Suik to Mahomed bin Ahmed. Are you certain that Appendix, No. 8. those chiefs were not still regarded as feudatories to the suzerain of Oman? A. 1 think that Sohar must have been regarded as an independent state, as an engage ment was entered into between the British Government and Seif bin Hamood, chief of Sohar, dated 22nd May 1849, for the prevention of the slave trade, and an Act of the British Parliament, 16 Viet. c. 16, dated 9fh May 1853, was passed to give effect to this engage ment {ride Herlslet’s Treaties, vol. IX., page 715% I have no information regarding Suik, except what was told to me by Syud Hilal, who was chief of that territory up to the year 1828, and he stated to me as a proof that he was then an independent prince, that several of the Bedouin tribes paid him tribute. The exact relation of Soh.ar and Suik to Muscat could probably he ascertained from the records of the Bushire residency. Q. 9.—You adduce the alleged intention of Syud Saeed to give Zanzibar to his second No. 4G, of 1859. son K haled, and Muscat to his third son Thoweynee,as proving that his late highness intended Zanzibar to he independent of Muscat. But does not that argument fail when, on the death of Khaled, Thooenee became virtually the first son in consequence of Hilal having been disinherited by his father. J,— Sy\\d Hilal adduced as a proof of the late Imam’s intention to render his African possessions altogether independent of Muscatafter his own deatli, that, afer he disinherited his eldest son, he appointed his second son to succeed to the government of his African possessions, and his third son to succeed him at Muscat; so that, supposing such not to have been his intention, the elder sem would have been subordinate to the younger. On the death of the second son Khaled, the Imam appointed his fourth surviving son Majeed to occupy the same position which Kaled had held. Majeed was a favourite son, whilst Thoweynee had caused his father great trouble and anxiety by his quarrels with the chiefs and tribes in Oman. Q. 10. In like manner, d( es not Syud Hillal’s argument fail when he attempts to establish the prospective independency of Zanzibar from the fact that Syud Saeed iiad taken up his abode at the latter place and appointed his second son Khaled as governor there? I mean, does not the argument lose its foice when, by the death of Khaled, Thoweynee became the senior son ? A.—I understood S\ud Hilal to mean that, so long as the late Imam made Muscat his permanent residence and seat of government, Zanzibar and the African possessions were considered as dependencies of Muscat; but when the Imam transferred the seat of Govern ment to Zanzibar, and made it his permanent residence, it could no longer be regarded, according to the ideas of Arabs, as a dependency of Muscat, and that consequently, during the life of the late Imam, Zanzibar had ceased tobe a dependency, that Zanzibar and Muscat were regarded as two independent territories under one ruler, similar to the connection whic h existed between Great Britain and Hanover. Q, 11.—You attempt to show that Thoweynee's claim to Muscat is as questionable as that No. 40, of 1869. of Majeed to Zanzibar. Unless the late Syud Saeed had the right of dividing his territories bv will, it would undoubtedly be so ; but if Thoweynee were to rest his claims on election and the recoo nifion of the tribes, would not such suffrage, according to the custom hitherto prevailing in°Oman with regard to the succession, give him a superior right ? A.—I think it would. 1 think, if a ruler of Oman were to appoint as his successor a person who was not acceptable to the Arab tribes and chiefs, that they would refuse to acknowledge him, and elect as their ruler a person who was more popular with them. Q, 12.—To what place and ruler were ynu accredited on your appointment as British Agent and Her Majesty’s Consul ? ^ I ^vas appointed as “British Agent at Zanzibar” by the Bombay Government, and subsequently was appointed as “ Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar.” Q, 13.—Are you aware to whom the other foreign Consuls at Zanzibar are accre dited? —The French Consul and United Slates Consul are accredited to the Sultan of Zan zibar, and also to the Sultan of Muscat. The Consul of the Hanseatic Republics of Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg, is accredited to his Highness Syud Majeed, Sultan of Zanzibar. He is nut accredited to the Sultan of Muscat, as the republics have no treaty with that prince. . . Q 14. What do you believe would be the result if the suffrages of the principal chiefs at Zanzibar were taken; would the majority be in favour of Thoweynee or Majeed ? j In favour of Syud Majeed. The only persons at Zanzibar who have shown themselves to be inimical to Syud Majeed are some of the chiefs of the El-Harth tribe. Their rebellion last year was not intended to favour either Syud Thoweynee or Syud Barghash, but with the hope of getting rid of the whole family of the late Imam, and thus obtaining possession of the government. Q. 15.—You remark that, with the exception of a few of the great slave proprietors of No. 46, of 1859. the El-Harth tribe, there is no party at Zanzibar favourable to I'howeynee ; and again, that the faction opposed to Majeed is “ utterly contemptible.” How do you reconcile these state- No. 45, of 1859. ments with the position which the El-Harth maintained on the occasion of the erneute of October 1859, when Majeed was unable to coerce them without the assistance of a British No 103, of 1859. force ? ^ On the occasion of the rebellion of Syud Barghash, the position which he occupied in the interior of the island was a very strong one. He had secretly prepared it for defence and armed it with cannon. No Arabs or Beloochees would storm such a position; and as it was well provisioned, it might have held out for a long time. Syud Barghash had plenty 0.U6. T3 of 174 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. No. 46, of 1869. No. 40, of 1869. No. 40, of 1869. of money, his brother Syud Majeed having a few days previously given him 14,000 crowns for his expenses at Muscat. He had also received money from Syud Thoweynee for the purpose of fomenting insurrection here. The possession of so much money enabled him to hire a number of mercenaries, consisting of Soorees and other northern Arabs, and even natives of India. At first only about 200 men of the El-Harth tribe joined him but the indecision and procrastination of Syud Majeed in taking measures to suppress the rebellion induced many others to join Syud ßarghash from day to day, and thus the rebellion became dangerous. However, several of the more respectable of the El-Harth chiefs took no part in the rebellion and remained quiet in the town. Amongst these were Mahomed bin Bashire, Syud bin Salim El-Murghoobee, Hoossain bin Mahomed, and Syud bin Masaood. Q. 16.—You also state that the Sowahili would never acknowledge Syud Thoweynee, asso ciating as they do the foreign slave trade with the Muscat Arabs." Is it to be inte,red from this that the Muscat Arabs are more addicted to the traffic than those of Zanzibar, and (hat the Sowahili are opposed to the slave trade ?—The fact that slavery is still carried on to a great extent between Zanzibar and the coast seems to militate against any such conclusion. .4.—When the invasion of the Zanzibar dominions by Syud Thoweynee was expected, the inhabitants of the Sowahili rose en masse to support Syud Majeed. Many tribes under their own chiefs came over to Zanzibar; every accessible point on the coast north of Zanzibar was occupied; and when some of the dhows which had Syud Thoweynee’s ir./ops on board endeavoured to procure wood and water, they were driven from every point at which they attempted to land, and at length were obliged, in consequence, to surrender to Syud Majeed's ships of war. At Zanzibar, the Sowahili population and the natives of the Comoro Isles were all in arms to support Syud Majeed, and I heard many of them state, as a reas.m for doing so, that the Muscat Arabs came here to kidnap their children and carry them away as slaves. The northern Arabs are feared and hated at Zanzibar. No doubt a very exten sive export of slaves does still take place from Zanz bar and the east coa>t to the Persian Gulf arid the coast of Arabia. I had no idea of the great extent of this traific until I saw how it was carried on during the last north-east monsoon, nor how impotent the Sultan is to check it. li he employs Ids troops for the purpose, they are as active as the pirate tribes in kidnapping children and slaves. 1 estimate that at least 4,000 slaves are >till taken north every year, and of these, probably, more than half are stolen from the island of Zanzibar and the villages and plantations "U the coast. This is the cau>e of the animosity the Sowahili bear to the Muscat and other northern Aiabs. Q. ]7.—On what ground did Syud Majeed pay Abdallah bin Salem, chief of the El-Harth the yearly sura of 1,200 crowns, and allow all his goods to pass free through the custom house ? A.-—Several of the principal chiefs receive annual sums from the Treasury, and enjoy immunity from the payment of customs duties on their goods landed at the custom house. They are as follows; viz. :— Syud Sooliman bin Ahmed Abdoolah bin Salem Hoosein bin Mahomed Mahomed bin Abdullah Shukshee Syud Hamood - - - Nas-sir bin Saeed - German Crowns. - 5,000 - 1,200 300 - 1,000 - 2,000 500 Q. 18.—If the report was true that the El-Harth chiefs corresponded with Thoweynee, and promi-ed him their aid in deposing Majeed, may it not fairly be inferred that they preferred the former to the latter? A. The design of the El-Harth tribe was to foment dissensions betwetn the sons of the late Imam, hoping to obtain power for themselves. They had always been disaffected, and when the late Imam visited Muscat, he made the weakhinst chief of the tribe, Abdullah bin Salem, accompany him as a hostage. Q. 19.—What is the number of the El-Harth, and how do you estimate their influence at Zanzibar ? A.—As near as ii is possible to form an opinion, the adult males of the tribe probably amount to 800. They have no influence beyond their own tribe. The other chief tribe's which inhabit Zanzibar—namely, El-Shakshi, Masakara, and El-Shastri—are not friendly to the El-Harth. Q. 20.—In a clause of his last will, Syud Saeed bequeathed two ships to (he Treasury of the Mussulmans.” What do you understand thereby ? What treasury is indicated ? ^ A.—1 understand that the two ships referred to are the " Caroline, ” and “ Curlew," which have been retained by Syud Thoweynee as his own property. I feel very doubtful as’to the true imaning of the expression. Ahmed bin Naaman, the late Imam’s confidential secretary, states that it means ‘‘ Wakf,” or pious foundation. Q. 21.—Has Majeed been officially recognised by any of the foreign governments ? What was the substance of Syud Majecd’s letters to the French Government, and what was the tenor of the reply which he received? A.—Yes; he has been recognised by all the foreign Governments which have Consuls at Zanzibar, namely, GI eat Britain, France, the United States, and the Hanseatic Republics as Sultan of Zanzibar. 1 am nut aware of the tenor of Syud Majeed's letters to the French Government. A copy of the letter addressed by the Emperor of the French to Syud Majeed is ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 175 is herewith annexed (marked E.), and also of that of the President of the United State® (marked F). Q. 22.—Can you state precisely what part of the African coast, and what islands besides Zanzibar, were inherited by the late Syud Saeed when he succeeded to the sovereignty ? A.—Prerious to the accession of the late fmarn, in 1806, to the government of Oman, the connection of that state with the territories now forming the Zanzibar dominions was little more than nominal. Mombasa, Lamoo, Palta, Kilwa, &c., were separate republics governed by their own eldeis and chiefs. When a ship of war from Muscat visited their ports, they usually aeknowledyed the suzeraineté of the Imaum<. Mombasa and the Island of Pemba weie placed under the British flag in 1823, by a convention concluded with the Sultan of xMombasa. Q. 23.—You aie aware of the feudal service owed by the tribes of Oman to the reigning sovereign. Was it not principally by their aid that Syud Saeed was enabled to extend his conquests and to consolidate his empire in Africa ? If so, and if, in addition thereto, Syud Saeed owed his sovereignty to election, may not the said tribes claim some right in the disposal of those territories ? A.—The late Imam succeeded in establishing his power over the coast of East Africa chiefly through the mutual jealousies and dissensions of the petty chiefs, who frequently sent envoys to Muscat to solicit his interference. I do not think that it would ever occur to any Arabs in Oman that they had any voice in the succession to the government of the Afiican possessions on the ground supposed. I think they were regarded as being at the absolute disposal ol the Imam, and that the fact that all the property of the State, such as ships of war, arms, &c., were considered as the private estate of the Imam, strengthens this opinion. Q. 24.—Have you discovered any additional proof of the statement made by Syud Majeed regarding the conditions on which he promised to pay annually to Syud Thoweynee the sum of 40,000 crowns ? You are doubtless aware that Syud llioweynee maintains that the amount was promised as tribute ; and he avers that Mahomed bin Salem, who conducted the nego tiation on his behalf received the first instalment as such from Syud Majeed. As no docu- memary evidence is f rthcoming with regard to this transaction, do you not conceive it probable that Mahomed bin Salem, for his own private ends, may have represented the matter in that light to Thoweynee, while, in accepting the sum from Majeed, he was willing to regard it as a fraternal gift ? A.—None. I have never been able to obtain a single document relative to the subject, excepting a letter from the Muscat envoy, Mahomed bin Salem, to Luddah Damjee, the Customs master, who was appointed Syud Majeed's agent for the payment oftiie money, in which he terms it “ Masaadeh,’’ i. e., aid or assistance. Also a memorandum in the hand writing of Syud Majeed, addressed to Ltidda Damjee, appointing him the agent, in which the same word is used. As I have never seen Mahomed bin Salem, attd know nothing of his character, I cannot form an opinion as to whether he may have deceived Syud Thoweynee as to the terms on which Syud Majeed had agreed to pay him the 40,000 crowns annually. Q. 25.—But if, as is stated, 10,000 crowns of the promised subsidy were to be paid to Syud Toorkee, why did not Majeed remit that amount direct to him ? It seems strange that he should not liave done so, especially since it appears to be maintained at Zanzibar {vide Syud Hilal’s testimonyj tiiat Toorkee was as independent at Sobar as Thoweynee was at Muscat. A.—I consider it very unlikely that any stipulation was made relative to one-fourth of the promised subsidy being paid to Syud Toorkee. I have always had great doubts on this point, because Thoweynee and Toorkee were on bad terms with each other at the time the agreement with Mahomed bin Salem was made ; and also because 1 was informed that the allowance made from the Muscat treasury to Sohar during the life of the late Imam was only 1,200 crowns per annum. If the whole of the tribute paid to the Wahabee chief is, and always has been, paid from the Muscat treasury, it is, I consider, a strong confirma tion of the doubts 1 entertain; for Syud Toorkee could have no possible claims to such a payment from the Zanzibar treasury. Q. 26.—You state that 5,000 crowns of the instalment of 20,000, paid to Mahomed bin Salem for Thoweynee, was to be given to Toorkee to enable him to pay the tribute to the VVahabees. Are you aware that the whole of the tribute to the Wahaliee Ameer is, and always has been, paid by the Muscat treasury ? A.— I am not. 1 had always been led to believe ¡hat the Sohar state paid tribute to the Wahabee Ameei. Q. 27.—Thoweynee states that the French and American Consuls, as well as the late Colonel Hamerton, were cognizant of the arrangement whereby Majeed agreed to pay him the 40,000 crowns as tribute. Was any record of the transaction left by Colonel Hamerton in the Consulate? A.—I have repeatedly been informed that no Consul was present when the arrangement was made with Mahomed bin Salem. No record of the transaction was left by Colonel Hamerton in the Consulate. The persons stated to have been present when the agreement respecting the payment of the 40,000 crowns was made are—1st. Mahomed bin Salem, the Muscat envoy; 2nd, Syud Sooliman bin Hamed ; 3rd, Mahomed bin Saeed, the second surviving son of the late Imam ; and 4th, the Secretary to Syud Majeed, Ahmed bin Naaman. Q. 28.—It is repeatedly noted in your correspondence that the Zanzibar treasury was in 0.116. T 4 the Appendix, No. 8, No. 46, of 1869. Annexed, marked G. Annexed,marked H. No. 46, of 1859. No. 116, of 1869. 176 APPENDIX TO REPOET FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, No. 19, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. No. 46, of 1869. No. 6.3, of 1859. No. 53, of 1859. No. 69, of 1859. the habit of assisting the treasury of Muscat. Are you aware to what extent, and on what grounds, the subsidy was paid ? A. The Customs master, who always acted as treasurer to the late Imam, informs me that 10,000 crowns were annually sent from Zanzibar to Muscat on account of the tribute to the Wahabee Ameer ; that this was as fixed payment. Other sums were sent as required; some years 10,000 crowns, and some years, if hostilities were going on in Oman, consider ably more than this. The late Imam was possessed of large estates in Zanzibar. I think the treasuries of Zanzibar and Muscat were considered as one, and at the absolute disposal of the Imam. Q. 20. (B.)—Will you be cood enough to procure for me a statement of the present income and expenditure of the Zanzibar state, and the amount, if any, of its outstanding lialnlities ? A.—My letter to the Secretary to Government, Bombay, No. 52, of 1860, Secret Department,* fully answers this and the following question 29. (That query was as follows:—Government have several times suggested some compromise between” the two brothers on the basis of the payment of this 40,000 crowns annually to Syud Thoweynee. Have yi)U ever attempted such a compromise, and with what result ?) Q. 30. You report that “ any attempt on the part of Syud Thoweynee to usurp the Govern ment of Zanzibar would give the French an excuse for the occupation of that island.” What are your grounds for that opinion? Elsewhere you regard the French as being favourable to Thoweynee’s pretensions. A. It has been thought for several years past that the French meditated forming establishments on the east coast of Africa. The letters of Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton for some years refer to this intention, and show that the late Imam was in constant fear of French usurpation. From conversations wiih the late French Consul at Zanzibar, I had ascertained that he was fully aware of the intended invasion from Muscat long before it was suspected here; and as he told me he sliould support Syud Thoweynee immediately on his arrival, I formed the opinion that the French had interested motives, and wuuld take advantage of any opportunity to place the island under the French flag. I considered the French were favourable to Syud Thovveynee’s pretensions in consequence of some negotia tions which had taken place at Muscat when the French frigate“ La Sybille” visited that mirt ; also, because Syud Majeed had firmly rejected every proposal made to him by the French to permit «the export of slaves from his dominions. Q. 31.—You say that the French Government have had some secret negotiations with Syud Thoweynee, and will strongly endeavour to have Zanzibar declared a dependency of M liscat, and then obtain the cession of a port on the African coast from Thoweynee. What proof have you of this ? A.—His Highness Syud Majeed one day spoke to me on the subject of his having addressed two letters to the Emperor of the French, announcing his father’s death and his own accession, and of his having received no answer. I alluded to the subject one day in conversation with the French Consul, when he informed me that he believed tiie reason was, that certain negotiations liad taken place at Muscat between Syud Thoweynee and the commander of the “ La Sybille,” and that the French Government did not expect Syud Majeed to retain the government of Zanzibar, and therefore hesiiated to acknowledo-e him. Afterwards, during a discussion 1 had with the French Commodore Le Vicomte De'Langle on board the corvette “ La Cordeliere,” the French Consul stated that he had already received instructions how he was to act in case of Syud Thoweynee visiting Zanzibar. This proved to me that the French Government was acquainted with Syud Thoweynee’s desi ms. When Syud Thoweynee’s ship “Caroline” arrived here shortly after, the two principal dermTnds made by his agent Ahmed bin Salim were the payment of the 40,000 crowns annually, and the cession to him of the port of Mombasa. I therefore had a strong opinion that the cession of this port was demanded in order to make it over to the French as a reward for their support. The aggressive intentions of the French were a frequent topic of conversa tion amongst all the mercantile classes here at that time, as it is at present. Q. 32.—In a letter to Captain Jones you state that you have reported to Government the strong grounds which you have for believing that Thoweynee is acting under French influence. What are they, apart from any observations which the French Consul may have made on the subject? A.—The French Consul was known to be carrying on a very active correspondence with Syud Thoweynee. The letters from Muscat to the disaflected”Arabs here were sent under cover to the French Consul. Syud Barghash was instigated by the French Consul to rebel* and promised French protection. These were my reasons, coupled with what I have already stated regarding the visit of the French frigate “ La Sybille” to Muscat. Q. 33.—The French Consul informed you that his Government had not recognised Syud Majeed, owing to what had passed between Syud Thoweynee and the commander of the “ La Sybille.’’ Do you implicitly believe that statement, and have you any good authority for knowing what passed on that occasion between the two parties? A.—From subsequent experience, 1 had very little faith in anything the French Consul said on any subject. He was a Russian-Pole, and before quitting Zanzibar boasted that his proceedings here had brought him into notice and led to his advancement. I have no knowledge whatever of what passed on the occasion referred to. Q. 34.—You believe that Syud Thoweynee asked Syud Majeed to cede to him the port of Mombasa For facility of reference, a copy of that letter is attached, marked K. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 177 Momba-a in order that he niight present it to the French. On what ground is this opinion Appendix, No. 8, formed ? Syiid Tlinweynee disclaims it altogether. A.—This question is answered by my reply to question 31. Q. 35.—You are doubtless aware that, prior to ih^ notification of the existing treaty between Muscat and France, his late Highness Syud Saeed requested to know the precise import of Article XVII. in the said treaty, which gives to France “ liberty to hire or erect houses and warehouses at Zanzibar or elsewhere.” It appears from a memorandum pub lished in the “ Persian Gulf” Government Selections, page 71, that his late Highness was satisfied with the explanation given by Commodore Monsieur Romain Desfosses. Never theless, as this point may eventually give rise to grave discussions, I shali feel obliged if you would provide me with a copy of anv correspondence which may have passed on the subject, either through the Consulate or the Foreign Department of the Government of his late Highness Syud Saeed? A.— Co pies of all correspondence on this subject, which is on the records of the Consulate, is herewith annexed, marked L* Q. 36.—Will you point out in detail any advantages likely to result by the severance of the Zanzibar state from that of Muscat? A.—1 consider that the connection that existed between Oman and a country so remote as East Africa was always an unnatural one, and very prejudicial to the interests of both countries. This I mean with reference to the want of all system and regularity in the government of Arab states, in w hich everything depends on the personal influence and presence of the ruling chief. The selections from the records of the Bombay Government relating to the Persian Gulf abundantly prove the dangers and disorders which constantly threatened the late Imam’s possessions in Oman in consequence of his absence at Zanzibar. On several occasions the threatened danger was only averted by the influence and interven tion of the British Government. Had the late Imam continued to reside at Muscat, it is probable that, with his energetic, shrewd character, he would have greatly extended his power, and firmly established it. In 1846 Lieutenant Colonel Hamerton writes to the Secretary to Government as follows : “ I brought to the notice of his Highness the injury which was occasioned to his interests in Arabia from his protracted stay at Zanzibar, and that the government at Muscat was but ill administend. His Highness replied that ibis had been a matter of much distress to him lately.” And in another letter during the same year he writes to the Secretary to Government, Bombay, “ I have, in obedience to instruc tions, most fully communicated to his Highness the Imam the state of his affairs in Arabia, as appeals from the copies of the documents inclosed with the letter. His Highness was aware of everything, but did not appear to consider matters so serious as perhaps they are. The imam has always appeared to me to care but little for his Arabian possessions further than the seaports. His Highness’s influence in the interior of Omanis irretrievably lost, from the feeble nature of his government, and he knows and feels it. His Highness last year deputed Sheikh Ali bin Masaood to proceed to Oman from Zanzibar to try to procure men from the different tribes in Oman to assist his Highness in the war he is now carrying on against the people of Sewee, but the Sheikh has returned without being able to procure a single sword (iom the tribes in Oman.” As an Arab chief, the late Imam was a very superior man ; it may be many years before his equal is found amongst his successors. From his personal bravery, his wealth, and his long reign, he had far more influence amongst those by whom he was surrounded than is likely to be possessed by either of his sons. Nevertheless, his absence from Oman de^tioyed his influence with the tribes, and nearly caused him the loss of all his Arabian possessions. With respect to ihe Zanzibar dominions, I think its complete severance from Muscat would soon lead to the stoppage of the northern slave-tiade. The ruler of Zanzibar would feel independent of the northern Arabs, who every year swarm at Zanzibar during the north-east monsoon to prey upon him. The sums distributed by Syud Majeed amongst these people every year is a serious drain upon the Zanzibar treasury. I imagine the only reason why these Arabs are thus paid is with tlie idea that their aid may some day be required. If these payments were stopped, and vigorous measures were adopted for one or two seasons by an English gunboat to capture the boats of these piratical tribes when found carrying slaves, I think they would soon discontinue to visit this coast, and probably find some more honest occupation. I think that, if Zanzibar is governed with prudence, it may perform a very important part in the future commerce and civilisation of East Africa. From Port Natal to Cape Guardafùi the only state from which any progress or stability can be hoped is Zanzibar, its commerce has rapidly increased within the last few years, and it bids fair to become the chief emporium of tiade on the east coast. Its population possesses valuable elements for commerce in the wealthy and numerous settlers from India, and the enterprising Arabs and Sowahllis who travel over Central Africa, distributing foreign goods in exchange for the products of the country. 'Ihe Portuguese possessions on the east coast are in a hopeless state of decay, and there is not the slightest probability of the Portuguese ever advancing the civilis ation or commerce of the interior. If Zanzibar should be an independent state, the dominions of its ruler would probably soon extend into the interior, and his power would be consolidated, and in time it might form a considerable African kingdom. But supposing that from the non-residence of the ruling chief; from its being continually held as a dependency of Muscat ; from neglect or feeble rule, suchas Oman has suffered from for so * As this point has no direct hearing on the subject of the present inquiry, the correspondence referred to is omitted from the attached Appendices. 0.116. Z Appendix, No. 8. No. 19, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. No. 19, of 1859. No. 46, of 1859. 178 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE SO many years in consequence of the late Imam being a non-resident, the Zanzibar State were to gradually lose its power over the territories of the mainland, the petty sultans and chiefs would become independent; the treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade would be disregarded ; foreign settlements would be established ; and all hope of progress would be destroyed. Q. 37.—Will you further point out the disadvantages of the two states being conjoined as heretofore under one paramount sovereign ? A. This question is answered by the first part of my answer to the last. Q. 38.—In the event of the Governor General’s arbitration awarding absolute indepen dence to the Zanzibar State under the sovereignty of Syud Majeed, how would you prO|)ose to provide for the future succession ? By election of the people and tribes ; by the c airns of primogeniture in the Syud fimily ; or by the will of the sovereign? A.—I think it will be extremely advantageous to the future prosperity of the Zanzibar State, if some arrangements as to ihe future succession can be made in the event of Syud Majeed being declared its independent chief; for this prince has no male issue, and I think it not likely that he will have any. I think that it might be left to the choice of all the family of the late Imam, or Syud Majeed mi^ht nominate one of his brothers to succeed him, subject to the ratification of the principal chiefs at Zanzibar. If the members of the Syud’s family could be induced to always, in future, admit the claims of primogeniture, I think it would be a very great advantage. At present the subject is always in doubt, and leads to quarrels and assassinations in the family. Q. 39.—Should the arbitration decree the union of the two states under the suzerainty of Syud Thoweynee, as they were foimerly conjoined und r that of the .ate Syud Saeed, what arrangements would you deem most desirable for 'he governorship of Zanzibar and its dependencies ? A. That the Government slnmld be administered as at present by Syud Majeed, and that he should not be subject to any interference on the part of his sovereign so long as he con tinued to pay the Muscat Treasury whatever sum might be agreed upon. At present the finances of the Zanzibar State are very much embarrassed, but with ¡.rudence and care the existing liabilities might soon be paid off. Twenty-ñve years ago the late Imam did not receive more than 50,000 crowns of annual revenue from his African possessions. In 1847 it had increased to 145,000 crowns, and at present the revenue amounts to 208,000 crowns. Q- 40.—Should the balance of argument on the score of general expediency, involving the future prosperity of the Zanzibar State, he in favour of Syud Majeed, and that of right derived from pre-existing custom, be on the side of Syud Thowevnee, would it not be prac ticable and desirable to effect a comriromise on the basis of the * stipulated sum of 40,000 crowns being paid by Syud Majeed to Syud Thoweynee as tribute, the former being allowed to retain the governorship of Zanzibar and its dependencies for life, and the future succes sion being left to be decided as heretofore ? A.— In this case I think it would be highly desirable to effect a compromise, but the difficulty arises from the embarrassed state of the Zanzibar treasury. Syud Majeed is en tirely di pendent on the will of his Customs Master for supplies of money, and were he now to bind himself to the payment of an annual sum, and the Customs Master subsequently refused to advance the amount, Syud Majeed might be compelled to break his engao-ement without any fault of bis own. But if his Highness could be prevailed on to establish a small force of disciplined troops with a few light guns, in place of the useless rabble now in his pay, and would also get rid of most of the large ships which he now has, and which are of no use whatever, and in place of them keep two or three small vessels efficiently manned, it would be a great direct saving to him ; and knowing that he had troops he con id rely on, he would feel more independent of the Arabs from the north and of the chiefs of tribes amongst whom he now squanders so much money. With regard to the succession being h ft to be decided as heretofore, I think that it would be a v, ly great advantage, and probably avert lunch future evil, if some arrangement regarding it could be come to at the time the question of present sovereignty is settled. SOHAR. Query 41. Colonel Hamerton, in his letter to Lord Clarendon, dated 7th November 1854, does not allude to any arrangement whereby the late Syud Saeed constituted his son Torkee ruler of Sobar, independent of Muscat. No such arrangement is to be found either in Colonel Hamerton’s letter, 31st July 1844, to Lord Aberdeen, or in the letter of his late Highness Syud Saeed to his Lordship, dated 23rd July 1844. On the other hand you state that “ Syud Toorkee was put in possession of Schar by his father,” and from the con tents it is to be inferred tluif Sobar was to be as independent of Muscat as Zanzibar. And in another place you adduce Syud Hilal’s testimony to the same efleet. Will you be (rood enough to furnish me with any other arguments in favour of the alleo-( d independency of Sobar under Syud Torkee ? o i J Answer.—'No document whatever exists in the records of the Consulate on this subject. From what I had always been told by Arabs at Zanzibar, and also from what Syud HilaL said, I was under the impression that Syud Torkee had been placed in possession of Sobar by his father as an independent State, in the same manner as it had formerly been granted by ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 179 by tlie Imam Ahmed, during his own life, to his sou Kees. My Impressions having been formed from the statements of interested (¡ersons, were probably erroneous. Probably the exact position of Syud Toorkee at Sobar, during his father’s life, can be ascertained from the records of the Bush ire Hesideuty. (signed) C. P. Ri^by, Lieutenant Colonel, Her Maje'ty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar. Appendix (C.) To his Highness the Prince Majeed bin Saecd, Zanzibar. Our Beloved and Esteemed Friend, THE letters which your Highness lately addressed to Viscount Palmerston and to me were in due time received through Colonel Hamerton, the British Consul at Zanzibar. By these letters we have learnt the painful intelligence of the death of your Highness’ fathe r, Sultan Syud bin Sultan, Imam of Muscat, which took place at sea, on board his Highness’ frigate “Queen Victoria,” on the morning of the 19th of October last. We have received this news with great sorrow, knowing the friendship which the late Imam always entertained for the British Government and nation, and his desire to maintain the most intimate rela tions between his dominions and those of the Queen, our Sovereign. While we assure you of our unfeigned condolence on the benavement which we have sustained, we cannot but express our full conviction that your Highness will continue to show towards British subjects and commerce the same favour and protection which they always received at the hands of your late father, who thus acquired for himself the sincere friendship and good-will of the Queen and her Government. We request you to acce¡M our earnest wishes for your unin terrupted health and happiness, and so we recommend ycu to the protection of the Almighty. Written at London, the 31st day of March 1857. (signed) Clarendon. Appendix (D.) \ictoria, by the grace of God, Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &.C. &c., to his Highness the Prince Majeed bin Sneed, of Zanzibar, sendeth greeting: Our Good and Esteemed Friend, Our Consul, Colonel Hamerton, has communicated to us tin letter by which your High ness announced to us the melancholy inteliigence of the death of \our father Sultan Saeed bin Sultan, Imam of Muscat, which took place at sea on board his Highness’ fngae “ Queen Victoria ” on the morning ot the 19th of Octobe r last. Prom the friendly feelings which we have ever entertained towards the late Imam, and the attachment which he always manifested for us, our Government, and people, the painful news of his decease has caused us sincere regret. We thank your Highness for your attention in acquainting us with the loss of our departed friend, and while we unfeignedly condole with you on the bereavement with which it has pleased the Most High thus to visit you, we request you to accept our best wishes for your welfare and happiness, and so we recommend you to the protection of the Almighty. Given at our Court at Buckingham Palace, the twentieth year of our reign. in London, the 28th day of March 1857, in Your affectionate friend, (signed) (countersigned) Yictoria, R. Clarendon. Appendix (E.) Napoleon, par la grace de Dieu et la volonté nationale, Empereur des Français, au glorieux Sultan Majeed, fils de Seid, Imam de Muscale, salut. Très il ustre et magnifique Seigneur, nous avons appris avec un vif interet votre avène ment au suprêrije pouvoir, après la mort de votre père bicn-aimé, le Sultan Seid, de venerable mémoire, qui s’était toujours montré l’ami fidèle et dévoué de la France. Nous ne doutons pas que votie sagesse et votre prudence n’assure le bonheur des peuples que Dieu a confié à votre sollicitude. Nous nous plaisons, en cette circonstance à vous renouveler les félicitations que nous vous avons déjà fait exprimer par notre ministre des 0.116. Z 2 affaires Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (G.) Appendix (D.) Appendix (E.) 180 APPENDIX TO KEPOET FEOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (F.) Appendix (G.) Appendix (H.) affaires étrangères. Laderniere lettre que vous nous avez écrite est une preuve nouvelle des vos sentiments affectueux à notre egarde, et du désir que vous animé de rendre de plus en plus intimes les rapports d’amitié établis entre nos deux pays. Nos dispositions sont parfaitement d’accord avec les vôtres, et nous aurons toujours a cœur de favoriser l’heureux dévelloppement des relations reciproques, et de vous donner des marques de notre estime et de notre bienveillance sur ce. Très illustre et magnifique Seigneur, nous prions Dieu qu’il vous ait en sa sainte et digne garde. Ecrit au Quartier Général de Verced, le 4me Juin de l’an de grace 1859- (signed) Napoleon. A. Wa lew ski. Appendix (F.) James Buchanan, President of the United States of America, to our great and good friend the Sultan of Zanzibar. May your days be many, and your reign he prosperous and glorious ! 1 have received the letter which your Highness was pleased to address to me on the 5th of November last, conveying the sad intelligence of the death of your honoured father, and announcing your own elevation to the exalted position which in life he so worthily occupied. In tendering to your Higness my sincere condolence on the former event, which has bereaved you of a beloved parent, and your subjects of a monarch whom they obeyed with reverence, I offer to you at the same time my sincere congratulations on your accession to the throne of the sultancy, and my fervent wishes that your reign may be prosperous and happy. T pray God to have you always, great and good friend, in His safe and holy keeping. Written at the City of Washington the 16th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1857, and in the 81st year of the independence of the United States of America. (signed) James Buchanan, President. L. Cass, Secretary of State. Appendix (Gr.) Translation of a Letter from Mahomed bin Salem to Luddah bin Damjee. From Mahomed bin Salem to our beloved friend Luddah bin Damjee, the Banian agent for our friend Ziram bin Sewjee, agent of the Customs of Zanzibar; may God preserve him I A. C.—Our brother Nasir bin All bin Taleb is coming to you on certain business, and we wish you to deliver to him the balance of the money in your hands on account of the draft which our brother Majeed bin Saeed drew on you for the aid (subsidy) to his brother Thoweynee bin Saeed. He is his (Thoweynee’s) man, and comes from him. Of the draft for the 40,000 crowns, 14,000 have been paid. Please to settle with him now for the remaining 26,000. ***** * * » * * From your unworthy friend Mahomed bin Salem with his own hand. 14 Rejeb 1274. (True Translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix (H.) Translation of a Note from his Highness Syud Majeed to the Banian Ziram, authorising him to pay 40,000 crowns to Syud Thoiveynee every year. To our beloved fiiend Ziram, may God preserve him ! We have granted to our brother Thoweynee bin Saeed a subsidy of 40,000 crowns every year from the beginning of the year 1274, half (to be paid) during the south west monsoon, and the other half during the north east monsoon. You can transmit the amount from Bombay, and our friend Luddah will deduct it from us at Zanzibar. Written by the unworthy Majeed with his own hand. (True Translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger, ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). ]81 Appendix (K.) To H. L. Anderson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, dated Zanzibar, 18 September 1860. (Secret Department.)—(No. 52 of 1880.) I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letters and enclosures, as per margin,* relative to the dispute between the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar, and desiring meto ascertain whether his Highness Syud Mujeecl is still willing to make an annual payment, as he formerly agreed to do, of 40,000 crowns annually as a free gift, not a tribute, to his brother Syud Thoweynee, ruler of Muscat; and stating that the agreement on the part of his Highness Syud Majeed, should constitute the basis of a permanent settlement of the existing dispute between him and his brother Syud Thoweynee. » # # # * 6. After a long interview with his Highness on this subject yesterday, during which he repeatedly expressed bis earnest desire to comply with the wishes ol his Lordship the Viceroy, he sent me a letter (a translation of which is herewith enclosed), the contents of which he desired me to communicate to Government for consideration, before giving a positive answer relative to the proposed payment. 7. I was aware that his Highness was indebted to the customs master here to the amount of 327,000 crowns, and as the payment of interest on money is considered by Arabs unlawful, his Highness some months ago raised the import duty on slaves from one dollar per head to two dollars, and also increased the duty on ivory brought here from the mainland, in order to compensate the customs master for the loss of interest on the sum due to him. The en lire revenue of the Zanzibar state amounts to 206,000 crowns per annum, viz. ; Crowns. Annual farm of customs at Zanzibar - - - - 180,000 Ditto - ditto for Island of Pemba - - 6,000 Tax paid in lieu of carvie by the Mukhatlim - •• 10,000 German Crowns - - - 206,000 There is no tax upon land or houses, or any other payment to the state whatsoever. 8. The agent of the customs master acts as treasurer and banker, and scarcely a dollar reaches his Highness or any of his family except through him. Being indebted to him in 80 large a sum, his Highness is entirely dependent on his goodwill for any money he requires, and the agent here of the customs master has of late frequently told his Highness that he must in fuuire confine his payments to sums absolutely required for the service of the State, and for the household expenses of his Highness and the members of his family. 9. I was also aware that the large sum of ready money left by the late Imam was expended during the disturbances ; but Arabs have such a dislike to talk of their family affairs, that I did not know that his Highness owes so large a sum as seven lacs of crowns to his young brothers and sisters on account of their shares of their father’s property. 10. On the death of the late Imam, all the property of the state was accounted as forming part of the private estate. The shijis of war, guns, stores of every description, even the arms in possession of the troops, were set down at a valuation, and charged against the new ruler as a debt due to his father’s estate, and thus ii is that his Highness owes so large a sum to his brothers and sisters. The property left by the late Imam was divided amongst the 34 surviving children. The sum afiportioned to each son was 57,917 crowns, and to each daughter 28,958 crowns, and a great portion of these sums was debited to his Highness as follows :— Price of the Frigate “ Shah A Hum ” - - „ “Victoria” - - - “ Piedmontese ” - - ,, CorvetteArtemise ” - - - “ Nazree ” - - - :: : : : Rupees Price of the Trading Ship “Nadir Shah” - „ „ “Saleh” _ - - „ Plantations and houses - - - ,, Horses ------ „ Arras, jewels, and household property Jiupees. 1,50,000 1,55,000 50,000 30,000 18,000 10,000 8,500 4,21,000 = Total Crowns Crowns. 195,814 23,256 1,000 173,933 6,360 25,000 425,363 In • The references, and several paragraphs of this letter, not being relevant to the subject of this inquiry, are omitted. 0.116. z 3 Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (K.) 182 APPENDIX TO EEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. In addition to the above the new corvette “ Iskunder Shah,” built for his Highness in Bombay, cost him four lacs and thirty thousand rupees; and the debt owing by his Highness to his customs master is mostly on account of advances made in l^ombay to the builders of this vessel. 11. His Highness appears to consider that lie has been very unfairly treated by his brother Syud Thoaeynee, wlio took possession or all his deceased father’s property in Oman of every description, and has not accounted to the estate for any portion of it ; and when his Highness sent his ship Nazree ” to Muscat and sold it there for 11,000 crowns, Syud Th iweynee seized the money and appropriated it, although Syud Majeed had paid 18,000 rupees for this vessel to his fatlier’s estate. 12. During the disturbances In re, money was squandered on the chiefs and their followers in a very lavish manner. I have urged on his Highness the absolute necessity of economy and retrenchment, and he has within the last month reduced the expenditure on his ships and troops from 9,000 to 7,000 crowns per mensem. He is paying the debt due to the customs master by instalments of 5,000 crowns per men em, and he has 5,000 crowns per mensem left for the expenses of all the branches of his family, and the stipends paid to the chief Arabs, all of whom, though c nitnbutino nothing to the State, and many being pos sessed of private wealth, do not scruple to accept pensions from the Saltan. His Highness is very frugal and abstemious in his own habits, but he has little idea of the value of money, and he is surrounded by a greedy and unprincipled set of people. With the exception of the customs master, there is not a single honest or trustworthy person about him, or any one wliose word on oath could be trusted. I have, he. (signed) C. P. Rigby. (Enclosure.) Translation of a Letter from His Highness Syud Majeed, Sultan of Zanzibar, to Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Rigby, Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar, dated 2nd of Rabia-el-Awwal. A.H. 1277, corresponding to the 11th September a.d. 1860. A. C.—We have heard and understood all that you have represented to us relative to the annual payment lo our brother Syud Tiioweynee of 40,000 crowns, and that the agree- m nt on our part to do so would lead to a termination of the existing disputes between us. We will never depart from the wishes of the British Government; but you are acquainted with our state, and how little money we have at our disposal. All our resources were exhausted during the period of hosdlities which our brother fhoweynee commenced against us, and to repel which we were obliged to raise troops and make expensive preparations. And even after the British Government had so kindly interfered and pro ven ed an invasion of oiir dominions, he continued to aid and abet oui brother Syud Barg hash and the El-Harth trilles, and furnished them v\i h money to rebel against us, and, in consequence, all the property we possessed was expended in defensive measures ; and besides this we have become indebted to our friend Ziiam'bin Sewjee, the farmer in the customs, in the sum of 327,000 crowns; and, in addition to this, we owe to oiir orphan brothers and sisters the sum of seven lacs of crowns; and all this is owing to our brother Thoweynee. If we now pay our brother Thoweynee 40,000 crowns per anniium, how can we satisfy the claims of Zirarn and of our orphan brothers and sisters, and how can we keep up the necessary troops for the preservation of order in our dominions? for ihe countries of Zanzibar and Africa do not resemble Oman: without troops it is impossible to do so. Moreover, we desire to complain to the Bmish Government of the conduct of our brother Thowevnee; for he has deprived ui of our rights, by keeping to himself all the ships, and horses, and date-trees, and household property, which our late father died possessed of in Oman; and he has appropriated to himself the price of our ship “ Nazree,” amounting to 11,000 crowns. Nevertheless, whatever the British Government deems advisable for us to do, please God we will agree to, and will not raise any objection. And for whatever \ou may wish, the sign is with you. Dated 2nd of Rabia-el-Awwal a h. 1277. [Postcriptum written by his Highness Syud Majeed, with his own hand.] Please to inform Government that all the property to which I succeeded at Zanzibar on the death ot my late father, viz., the ships of war and public stores, &,c. &c., I did not take as the heritage of the State, but paid the price of everything in ready money to my father’s estate, for the benefit of my brothers and sisters. Salaam. Written by the humble servant of God, (signed) Majeed bin Saaed. (True translated purport.) (sigvud) L’. P. Rigby, Lieutenant Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar. (True copies.) (signed) W. M. Coghlan, Brigadier, In charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 183 Appendix (L.) Translation of the ritten Statement of his Claimsand Grievances presented by his Highness Syud Blajeed to Biigadii r Coghlan, at Zanzibar, on the 14th October 1860. T PURPOSE sid mitting to his Lord>lîip the Governor General of India a detailed stulenient of my case, and of the complaints which I have to make against my brother Thovveynee for his conduct towards me. 2. I beg then to inform your exalted Excellency that, after the death of my brother Khaled, my father appointed me governor in his stead over Zanzibar, the main land of Africa and its islands, and he wrote to that effect to all the chiefs of Africa and the islands, as also to the commandants of tioop', directing ihem to submit to me and to obey my orders. He also notified the same to all the Consuls resident at Zanzibar, and the letter of your [late] respected agent, Colonel Hamerton, on the subject is still in my possession; for when my father had made all this known to him. Colonel Hamerton replied that he had reported it to the exalted [British] Government, and that the Government had approved thereof, namely, that I should be ruler over the mainland of Africa and its islands, in the same manner as my father had previouslv ordained with regard to my brother Khaled. From that time the Consuls visited me in uniform, and the principal persons of these dominions were aware tliat I was their ruler ; moreover, by the aid of God, the country and people were obedient to me. 1 continued to occupy that position for two years, when my fatlier ihe lat9 Sultan Saeed, having left Oman on his return to Zanzibar, died at sea. 3. When 1 beard the report of his death, I called together my brothers and family, and all the people in these parts from link [Delgado] to Marbat, in order that they might recognise me. To this they all agreed, and they accordingly elected me to be ruler over them, and entrusted me with the direction oí their affairs. When I was thus installed, I informed all the resident Consuls thereof, and they called on me in uniform, and congratu lated me on my accession to the kingdom. I -dso wrote to the sovereigns of Europe, namely, to Her IVIaJesty Queen Victoria, and to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, also to the Emperor of the French and to the President of the United Sta'es, and they accredited their Consuls to me at Z mzf ar. Surely, had there been, in their estimation, another ruler over Africa bci-ides myself, they would first have sent them to him. Then, alter this my recognition, I dis ¡latched my frigate, the “Taj,” to Muscat, and wrote a letter to my brother llioweynee bin Sated, apprising him of the death of our father, and how the rule had devolved on me. In the same letter I set him on his guard against our enemies in Oman, bade him to keep a good heart, and always to think well of me, f n" I would continue to assist him to pay the 10]000 crowns to the Wahabees as our father Saeed bin Sultan had clone. I moreover told him that, in the event of anything serious befalling him, I should be ready to aid him with my power, my money, and my people. I directed the captain af the frigate to land the said letter at one of the ports of Oman called El-Iladd, and wrote to the Sheikh oftbat place to carry the letter to my^ brother Thoweynee. The frigate I ordered to proceed from El-Hadd to Bombay, ai d I wrote a letter to the Governor of Bombay, informing him of all that had happened. I made the above arrangement on Th tweynee's behalf, and lest the sudden announcement of our father’s death might give rise to disturbances while he was off his guard, when his enemies mi_ht take advantage of the occasion to act against him and the kingdom of Oman. Hence I thought it most prudent that the letter should first reach him privately, that he might be put on his guard against his eneniif s, and that the knowledge of our father’s death should not be generally known until proper precautions had been taken. This letter reached him, and in his reply he stated how much he was grieved at our father’s death. He also congratulated me on my succession, and told me that he would shortly send to me Mahomed bin Salem and Mahomed bin Saeed. These accordingly took their departure, and reached Zanzibar in ti e “ Caroline.” Mahomed bin Salem was joint-executor with me; for by his first will, our father appointed as executors after his death his son Khaled bin Saeed, Mahomed bin Salem, and his wife Biot Stif. When Kaled died, he altered ihat will, and appointed me an executor after his death, togetlier with Mahomed bin Salem, Bint Seif, and Suleiman bin Homed. This will is still iu the hands of Mahomed bin Salem, and I will write to him to deliver it over to the British Consul at Jeddah, that it may be forwarded through Aden to Bombay, 4. To return: Mahomed bin Salem arrived here bringing ä letter from my brother Thoweynee, wherein he wrote that he had sent Mahomed bin Salem and Mahomed bin Saeed, who would declare everything to me by word of mouth. Moreover, that I was to consider as from him everything that Mahomed bin Salem might say, that he had fully em powered him to act on his behalf, and would abide by whatever he might decide. On reading this letter, I said to Mahomed bin Salem,“ What is your idea?” He replied, “ I think it will be best to divide everything left by our father amongst his children, except the coun tries and the kingdom, it being known and acknowledged that Oman and its dependencies belong to Thoweynee bin Saeed, and Zanzibar and its African dependencies to \ou.” This division was accordingly agi er d on, with the omission of the countries and kingdom. Every thing was divided, both small and great; all the ships, houses, gardens, furniture, and money ; each one receiving his share, and T also my share like one of the rest. Ü.116. z4 Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (L.) 5. But 184 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, 5. But when Mahomed bin Salem was about to depart, he said to me, “ Majeed, you know your brother’s affairs; what little money he has in hand, and how great his expenditure is? You know, moreover, that the revenues of Oman do not cover its expenses, and I fear that, unless you assist your brother every year with a sum of money, the kingdom of Oman will pass out of your hands, and those who are evil disposed towards you will avail of the oppor tunity to do mischief. Will you not, therefore, appoint your brother a certain aid and sub sidy to enable him to provide as well for himself as for Oman ? ” To this I replied, I have already told my brother Thoweynee that 1 would assist him as our late father h id done, namely, in the sum due to the Wahabees; and further, that in any case of emergency I would aid him with rny power, my money, and my troops.” He rejoined, “ Well, but Oman is not now what it once wms. Since the death of our father Saeed, the Arabs have become troublesome, and every enemy there is on the alert. This must be set at rest ; and it is my opinion, considering the affection which I bear to you, O children of S teed, that you should consider yourselves as one, and your rule as one, and give your brother an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns, to enable him to quell the disturbances in Oman.” To this I replied, “ O, Mahomed, you are on the place of our father,and 1 will not differ from you in opinion. What you say to be right is right ; nevertheless, as you ask of me this subsidy of 40,000 crowns, in behalf of my brother Thoweynee, I must set forth the conditions whereon I will grant it.” lie rejoined, State them, and I will guarantee their acceptance by Thoweynee; for has he not already told you by letter that whatever I do or say is as done and said by him? ” I replied, Yes. In the first place, then, I stipulate that I am to be my father’s successor, and that Thoweynee must recognise me as such.” He said, “ Agreed to.” Then I said, “ He is not to stir up strife against Tooikee, neither is he to injure him in any way ; and if Toorkee does wrong, he must apprise me of it, for I consider him under my care. Notwithstanding, I do not know what his leal position is; whether he is independent or subject to the ruler of Muscat. What I only know is, that our late father made over Oman and its dependencies to my brother Thoweynee, in the same way that he made over Zanzibar and its dependencies to our brother Khaled, and on the death of Khalecl he made them over to me.” He replied, “ Í consent thereto.” Then I said, “ If my brother Thoweynee observe these two conditions, I will give him an aid and subsidy of 40,000 crowns every year ; but if he violate them, he will have no claim on me for a single crown.” He replied, “ I agree to that also.” There were present at this coversation Suleiman bin Hamed, and the Secretary Ahmed bin Naanian, and my brother IMahomed bin Saeed, and Luddah, the Customs Master. After this Mahomed bin Salem said, “ On rny arrival at Muscat, Thoweynee may not believe that I have asked you to grant him an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns unless you write him a letter to that effect.” Thereupon I directed him to write as follows: “ I, Mahomed bin Salem, asked of Majeed bin Saeed an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns on behalf of his brother Thoweynee bin Saeed.” On this I wrote, “ This is true. Written by the unworthy Majeed with his own hand.” 6. Finally, Mahomed bin Salem left for Muscat, taking with him the portions of ray brothers who were in Oman; and after his departure we sent by an American ship 14,000 crowns on account of the 40,000 above referred to. But when Mahomed bin Salem reached Muscat, he found my brother Thoweynee at war with Tooikee. Whereupon he said to him “ How is it that you act thus after what 1 have stipulated on your behalf? If Majeed should hear of this, he will refuse the subsidy which I asked him to grant you.” When Thoweynee heard this he made peace with Toorkee and returned to Muscat, when he r eceived his share of the inheritance which had been brought by Mahomed bin Salem, and also the money on account of the subsidy which had arrived by the American ship. He also sent me a letter by his man Nassir bin Ali bin Taleb, wherein he states, “ The money which you were good enough to send has reached me : may your prosperity continue.” This letter is still in my possession ; and with the letter he sent his man Nassir bin Ali to receive the balance of the money. And Mahomed bin Salem also wrote to me by him, saying, “ Theweynee’s man, Nassir bin Ali, comes to ycu to receive the balance of the money. Be careful to confirm the words which passed between us, and to fulfil the arrangement which I made between you.” This letter also is still with me. Mahomed bin Salem also wrote a letter by the same Nassir bin All to Luddah, the Customs agent at Zanzibar, wherein he says, “ Thoweynee’s man, Nassir bin Ali, comes to you to receive the balance of the money which we asked of Majeed as a subsidy to his brother Thoweynee.” (This letter also isin exist ence. ) Finally, Nassir bin Ali received the balance of the money, and then went in amono’ the people, secretly corrupting their minds, and promising them all sorts of things from Thooenee. As reported to us moreover, he said, “ Barghash will act for Thoweynee, for he is on his side, and do whatever he bids you.” After this, Nassir bin Ali went to Muscat and on his arrival there, Thoweynee rose up against Toorkee. On seeing this, how Thoweynee failed to keep his engagement, Mahomed bm Salem retired from Muscat and went to Mecca for he was ashamed of such conduct on my account. Nevertheless, I knew nothing of what was transpiring there, but was already collecting the money for the following year, and had intended sending it by my frigate, the“ Artemise.” Just then, however, 1 heaTd of Thoweynee having made war on Toorkee, at which I was much surprised ; and a few days after I learned that he was preparing to attack me also, in violation of the agreement which had been made through Mahomed bin Salem. I was then in doubt what to do; and, indeed, had he not made war on me, [ should not have withheld the subsidy from him ; neither was it ever my iuteniion to deprive the subjects of Oman of the profit which they derive from me; for they come to me every year, and I distribute about 15,000 crowns in gratuities amono* them. ® 7. A few ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 185 prev.il ed, they should he lords ot Zanzibar, and Barghash its ruler, wln^n they raiui,t expedí ESS“—“'-“ he was ashamed of leavuiy- from the town, and preferred embarking from the o-arden’ ai l6 ^ t' oops to march against him, and all the people joined me, with ^ ^ the Appendix, No 8, 186 APPENDIX TO DEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No- 8, the exception of some of the lower classes of the El-Harth. Again we sent a message bidding him to go, but with the same result. Then we sent to Inm Hamood Inn Self bm Msellini, and Seif bin Khalfan, and Hussein bm Mahomed the Chief ol the El-Harth, and Hashim bin Swelira-el-Harethy, and Seif b.n Mahomed-el-Wall, and Ma.mmed bm Moorbarek, to advise him and those with him to desist, and to warn them of the conse quences of their conduct. Nevertheless they would not listen, but declared that they would not abandon Barghash ; and Barghash said that he would not quit Zanzibar, adding that if Maieed did not come out against him, he would proceed with Ins men against me, fiolit me in the town, and kill those who supported me. About this time we found a no(^ from BaiM-hasb addressed to the French Consul Cochet, wherein he wntes, ' W hat is vour opinion if, in coming to the t twn to attack Majeed, we meet with any English or other Christians on the road, shall we kill them or not? Give me your reply on this point. We also heard (but God knows the truth) that while Barghash was in the gardens, the French Consul used to supply him with munitions of war, powder, shot, &c. However, when we perceived that matters had reached such a pitch, we determined to act; but as the Government ship “ Assaye ” was in the harbour, deeming it proper that the [British] Government should be made aware of everyibing, and also of what I intended to do, I advised with Colonel Rigby (Captain Adams being present), and told them all about Bargbash’s affair, and that I'proposed attacking him. As the house in which Barghash had fortified himself was a very stronsc one, it was necessary that 1 should t ike guns lo destroy it; but haying no gunners of my own, they were kind enough to supply me with nine Englishmen for' the occasion, who accompanied us with our troops to Beiter-Ras, where we remained that night, the house which Barghash occupied being about three hours distant. In the morning our troops advanced, and we biyouacked ata place called Mevera, and in the evening moved towards the position occupied by Barghash and his people. Though it was raming hard T ordered my troops to attack, when such of Barghash s people as were on the outside retreated, leaving the rest, who still continued to maintain their ground. At this time we had no guns sufficiently large to batter the house, and as the rain was falling in torrents, I ordered my troops to retire, intending to send for some larg-r guns, as swords and muskets alone could do little against the f .rtlfied building. Accord ingly a fier spending the night, and then intending to renew the attack on the following day with larger guns, we. heard at about 10 o’clock at night that Barghash and his people had evacuated the house, which I then ordered to be occupied by an officer and a party of my soldiers. Next movninti Captain Berkeley, with a party of brave British soldiers, joined me, and I informed him of all that had occurred, and how Barghash had fled to the garden of Hu sein bin Mahomed. His advice was that the fortified position should be destroyed, and he accordingly directed a British officer and some soldiers to level it ; this is what took place so far. 11 Bar«hash, however, had escaped to the tower and entered his house during the night. On hearing this, I sent Saood to ascertain the truth, and to inform Colonel Rigby, whom I had requested to take charge of the town during my absence. Saood accordingly commu nicated with the Colonel, and it was decided that some of my own soldiers, with a party from the frigate, should surround Barihash’s house till the morning, lest he should escape. Colonel Rigby, however, and Saood wished to force the door open and bring the inmates out; but Hamood bin Ahmed bin Seif undertook to effect this without breaking the door; so he called to Barghash to open the door, and not to be afraid. He did so at once, and was brought forthwith to my house; this is what took place in the town. 12. As to myself, on waking 1 ordered my troops to return, and on reaching the town was met by Colonel Rigby and Saood, who told me all that had liappened. So I enteied my house accompanied by Colonel Rigby, and met there Captain Adams, and Captain Berkeley, and Sultan bin Hamood, and my brothers, and Barghash. On asking the latter what had induced him to actas he had done, he replied, “It is useless to talk of the past; all I now ask for is my personal safety.” I answered, “ You shall have it, and all that I require of you is, that you should leave Zanzibar, and here is the Government ship ‘ Assaye’ ready to take you.” He then asked for three days delay to prepare for the voyage, which was granted. He then wrote a paper in the presence of the above named, promising to quit Zanzibar, and never to return without my permission, and the paper was witnessed bv the signatures of all present. Three days after he left in the ‘^Assaye bound for Muscat. It was on account of all this that I cut off the monthly salary which I used to allow Barghash. ' 13. As to the El-Harth, after God had permitted them to be deluded, they repented of their evil deeds, and came in a body to confess their faults, and to ask forgiveness. This was granted, and they then vowed to be obedient to me, and to take part with me against every opponent. At present they appear to be loyal, but God only knows what is in their hearts. 14. After the departure of the “Assaye,” the French Commodore arrived, and requested me to inform him of all tliat had taken place. I directed Suleiman bin Hamed to do this, and he got Ahmed bin Naaman, the Secretary, to write the whole on a paper, and to take it to the Commodore ; but I myself had no conversation with him on the subject. 15. I desire, however, to observe to his Lordship the Governor General, that my brother Thoweynee has been the cause of all these troubles ; for he it was who violated the covenant, annulled ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 187 annulled what Mahomed bin Salem had done ; made war on Toorkee, then prepared to attack me ; ^ent Hamcd bin Salem to do all the mischief whic!) has already been described; instigated Barghash to oppose me, and stirred up the El-Harth to do the same, and to create rebellion in the town Owing to all this I have been obliged to spend large sums of money, and have contracted a debt of 327,000 crowns to the Custon¡s Master, and another of 700,000 crowns to my orphan brothers and sisttrs Had it not been for Thoweynee, I should not have been subject to such expenditure and loss; but wlien he prepared no to attack us, and instigated others to do the same, we were obliged to spend so much money. 16. Further, I have also to complain of fhoweynee that he has not divided with me what was left by our father in Oman; whereas I divided with him all that was left at Zanzibar He has divided neither the property, nor the money, nor the horses, the gardens, the furniture nor the ships, and as if that did not suffice, he actually seized the 11,000 crowns for which my ship the “ JNazree ” was sold [at Must at]. 17. Finally, I have to apprise your exalted Excellency that those commissioned by you have had some conversation with me about curtailing the limits within which it is still lawful to transpoit slaves, and also about abolishing the transport altogether, and whether any aid would be required thereto. I replied that 1 would never oppose the wishes of the high [British] Government; nevertheless your Lordsliip is not ignorant of the condition of these countries, and you are doubtless aware that the prosperity of the subjects of these territoiits is derived chiefly from ploughing and sowing, and that such prosperity r an not be maintained here without slaves ; but your opinion is best. Correct. Written by the unwortliy Majeed with his own hand. 28th Rabia-el-Awwal 1277. (True Translation.) (signed) G. P. Badger. W, M. Coghlan, Brigadier, in charge Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. Appendix (M.) Translation of an Arabic Letter addressed to Brigadier Coghlan by Syud Toorhee of Sohar. From Syud Toorkee bin Saeed bin Sultan, to Brigadier W. M. Coghlan. A. C.—Your honoured letter has arrived, and has delighted and eased our mind, inasmuch as you have shown your fritndly compassion towards us, and are not willing to scorn our rights. We entertain great joy in your counsel, which has removed our sadness. We rely upon you because you have come to this country to put it into order, peace, and concord. This is the system of the noble-minded and generous. In sending you a reply, we find it advisable to entrust the matter to you, and whatever you decide upon we shall not disobey the judgment of the [British] Government, which has, by its equity and justice, exhibited marvellous wisdom. Whatever you deem beneficial to us, we shall be guided by your opinion, and will follow your injunctions. Regarding what you have heard about us, it is without foundation. Our desire is pros perity and the general good. We have more compassion for these parts than any other, and we are anxious for their welfare. We beg you to have confidence in what we have said. We approve of your appoint ment, and whatever you order we will obey. , 2nd Dhu Alliija, 1276 (22 June 1860). ( I rue Translation.) (signed) H. Russam. Resolution by the Honourable Board, dated the 4th February 1861. Resolved, During the lifetime of Syud Saeed, Imam of Muscat and Sultan of Zanzibar, that sovereign appointed his son Syud Thoweynee to be Viceroy of Muscat, and his son Syud Majeed to be Viceroy of Zanzibar and the African Dependencies. On his death, in 1855, each son assumed in his own person the government which he had formerly administered as his father’s lieutenant. Syud Thoweynee subsequently put forward a claim to the sovereignty of Zanzibar in addition to that of Muscat, and was prepared to assert it by 0.116. A A 2 force Appendix, No. 8. Appendix (M.) 188 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. force of arms, when, at the request of the Government of Bombay, he abandoned this intention, and agreed to submit his claim to the arbitration of the Governer General oí India. 2. Syud Thoweynee, it would appear from Brigadier Coghlan’s first report, rests his claim upon the fact that he is sovereign of Muscat, and that in that character he is de jare sovereign of Zanzibar also, as a dependency of Muscat. He does not base his title as ruler of Muscat on any right or custom of primogeniture, but on the fact of his recog nition by the tribes of Oman. He denies that his father left any will, or made any clear indication of his wishes in connection with the succession to his dominions. The only will which the late Imam left related to his private personal property ; but it contained one provision which Syud Thoweynee contends is opposed to the assumption that lie intended to erect Zanzibar into a separate sovereignty. That provision was, that the Imam’s two ships, the “ Caroline” and the Feidh Alim,” were to be given after his death to the treasury of the Mussulmans as a legacy from him. It is contended by Syud Thoweynee that the treasury of the Mussulmans meant the treasury of Muscat, and that therefore the late Imam virtually recognised only one public exchequer. 3. It will be useful to consider and dispose at once of the argument involved in this assertion. The Honourable the Governor in Council has no doubt that, by the treasury of the Mussulmans, the treasury of Muscat was intended ; but the deduction drawn from these premises he considers to be too large. He regards the facts in this light ; the sovereignty of Muscat is in some degree a hierarchy ; a sacred character attaches to the Imam ; a bequest to the treasury of Muscat is therefore a pious offering. The late Syud Saeed had long been a resident at Zanzibar ; it seems therefore to the Honourable the Governor in Council a natural act, and, for one in the Imam’s position, a natural mode of expressing his wishes for him to bequeath a portion of his private property to the land of his birth and the local centre of his religion. He had chosen Zanzibar as his residence, but in the last act of his life he makes a bequest to Muscat, with mingled solemnity and affection, as the treasury of the Mussulmans. The Honourable the Governor in Council does not consider that the fact advanced by Syud Thoweynee, if strained to the utmost, could be regarded as affording a clear indication of the late Imam’s wishes, or as out weighing the inferences to be drawn from Syud Saeed’s letter to Lord Aberdeen. But as the general tenor of Syud Thoweynee’s argument is, that the late Imam possessed no right of regulating the succession, the provision regarding the bequest to the treasury of the Mussulmans is not of material importance in connectioon with his claim, although it demanded notice from the Honourable the Governor in Council in the present place. 4. But the main argument of Syud Thoweynee, that he was recognised by the tribes of Oman as sovereign of Muscat, and that in that character he is de jure sovereign of Zanzibar also, must, in the opinion of the Honourable the Governor in Council, suffice to place the defacto ruler of Zanzibar in the position of one who must prove his title. Syud Majeed does not dispute his brother’s right to the sovereignty of Muscat ; the great question, then, to be decided is, as under the late rulers the sovereignty of their conquests, Zanzibar, &c., was united to that of Muscat, can Syud Majeed establish a valid title to the possession of Zanzibar as a distinct sovereignty ? This question leads the Hononrable the Governor in Council to the consideration of Brigadier Coghlan’s report of the 4th December. 5. Brigadier Coghlan in this elaborate report, after stating the precautionary measure which he had adopted of obtaining from Syud Majeed a formal agreement to abide by the arbitration of the Right Honourable the Governor General of India, proceeds to discuss the grounds on which th^e present ruler of Zanzibar rests his claims to the sovereignty of that portion of his late father’s dominions. 6. The grounds are thus stated :— I. The will or wishes of his late Highness Syud Saeed. II. The recognition of Syud Majeed by foreign Powers. III. His virtual recognition by his rival brother Syud Thoweynee of Muscat. IV. His election as their sovereign by the chiefs of Zanzibar and its African Dependencies. 7. Of the grounds thus stated, the 2nd and 3rd may be at once disposed of. With * respect to the recognition by foreign powers, it will be observed that Her Majesty and the British Government did not allude to Syud Majeed’s sovereignty in the replies returned to the letters announcing his father’s death, and that there is no reason for supposing that the French and American Governments were ever aware that a claimant to the throne of Zanzibar existed in the person of the elder brother of Syud Majeed- They replied to the defacto sovereign; but no argument can be raised upon this circumstance in favour of the assertion that Syud Majeed was the de jure sovereign. 8. So with respect to the virtual recognition by Syud Thoweynee. It is clear that an agreement was negotiated, in virtue of which Syud Majeed was to be left in possession of his father’s African dominions on payment to his brother, the ruler of Muscat, of an annual sum of 40,000 crowns ; but this payment is contended by the one party to have been a tribute, and by the other party to have been a subsidy or gift, implying no inferiority on the part of the donor towards the recipient. There appears great resson to believe that the agent of Syud Thoweynee deceived both parties ; and there certainly was no V ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 189 no formal instrument declaratory of the precise nature of the grant. Under these circum stances no decision can be based on the alleged recognition by Syud Thoweynee of his brother’s claim. 9. The 2nd and 3rd grounds being thus briefly disposed of, the 1st ground (the will or wishes of the late Syud Saeed) is presented for consideration. Two questions naturally arise: 1st. Did the late Imam clearly manifest his wishes? 2ndly. Would the wishes of the late Imam, if ascertained, constitute a valid title to the succession ? To the first of these questions the Honourable the Governor in Council would reply that Syud Saeed did not clearly manifest his wishes, but that there was considerable ground for the inference that they were in accordance with the claims of Syud Majeed. It stands clear upon the evidence, that the late Imam did indicate in his will that on his death his dominions should be divided ; that the Arabian portion should be assigned to Syud 'fhoweynee, and the African portion to Syud Khaled ; that he entrusted during his own life the adminis tration of the respective portions to the sons thus named ; that on Syud Khaled’s death he placed Syud Majeed in authority over the African dominions ; that he led the British Agent, Colonel Hamerton, with whom he had long been on terms of friendly intercourse, to believe that he intended the arrangement to remain in force after his own death. The proof of the late Imam’s wishes is inadequate, but there are very strong presumptions in favour of the conclusion that, if the claim of Syud Majeed were established on other grounds, the British Government would recognise the claim which had the sympathy and support of Syud Saeed. 10. Next, with respect to the question of whether the wishes of the late Imam, if ascertained, could confer a valid title to the succession. The Honourable the Governor in Council considers it to have been clearly shown by Brigadier Coghlan that succession in the Imam’s family has in practice, as generally in Arab chiefships, been regulated by election. The wishes of the late Imam, though they might very naturally exercise a material influence on the opinions of the various chiefs and tribes, could not therefore, from any inherent authority of their own, determine the succession. They might influence the election, and they might still more lend an appearance of legitimacy to pretensions which really owed their success to other causes of a less respectable character, to force or intrigue ; but it cannot be doubted that, if the will of the sovereign was in Muscat and Zanzibar decisive as to the succession, there must have been instruments producible which would have put the fact beyond all doubt. In the absence, then, of all satisfactory proof, the Honourable the Governor in Council fully concurs with Brigadier Coghlan in considering that the will or wishes of the late Imam cannot be regarded, even if ascer tained, as authoritatively decisive of the dispute. They would in all probability have exercised a material influence on the election, and that is all. 11. The last ground, then, on which Syud Majeed bases his claim remains for considera tion, that he was elected by the chiefs and tribes in the late Imam’s African dominions to be their ruler. The Honourable the Governor in Council considers it to have been satisfactorily shown that in the Imam’s family the succession is determined by election. The question then is, was Syud Majeed elected? On this point there can be no doubt. No opposition appears ever to have been manifested in Zanzibar or Africa until some years after Syud Majeed had commenced his rule, and then the opposition might more correctly be termed disaffection to the existing ruler, excited by the intrigues of a rival claimant. That Syud Thoweynee should have commenced these intrigues was but natural, but the Honourable the Governor in Council is of opinion that the conclusion cannot be resisted, that Syud Majeed was elected to the sovereignty without a murmur from those included within the limits of his government, and that he would have continued to rule without protest or resistance but for the acts of those who were not included within the limits of his rule. 12. But an important point is presented for consideration at this period of the discussion. Had the chiefs and tribes of the African dominions, which were conquered dependencies of Muscat, a right to elect their own sovereign without reference to the desires of the chiefs in Oman ? On this point the Honourable the Governor in Council has no difficulty in concurring with Brigadier Coghlan in opinion that the enhanced importance of the African dominions, both in their political and commercial aspects, an importance far surpassing that of Muscat, invested the chiefs of those young and vigorous settlements with a right of exercising a potential voice in the selection of their ruler. The late Imam, by whose courage and administrative ability the dominions had been consolidated and raised to their present prosperity, virtually relieved Zanzibar of its dependent character by making it the seat of government ; and he still further indicated, his views on this point by his desire, after making the administrations distinct during his life, to continue the arrangement after his death, in favour at least of Syud Khaled, if not of Syud Majeed. 13. The Honourable the Governor in Council then holds that Zanzibar had the right of choosing its own ruler, and that it chose Syud Majeed. But another complication is at this point presented for solution. It may be fairly contended by Syud Thoweynee that the election of Syud Majeed was, stripped of all its accidents, a mere exhibition of force ; that Syud Majeed was on the spot when the throne became vacant; that he had all the advan tages derivable from his position as viceroy ; and that no opposition could safely be or ganised against this array of circumstances by those who really favoured the pretensions 0.116. A A 3 of Appendix, No. 8 190 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. of the elder brother ; that, after a fruitless attempt to negotiate, Syud Thoweynee prepared -- to assert his claims by force of arms, and that at this period the British Government in - tervened. He would therefore contend that the election being merely an exhibition o f force, and he being prepared to oppose force by force, it would not be just on the one hand to prevent the employment of force by Muscat, and on the other to recoo-nise a title derived only from force in Zanzibar. The argument is not without its weight, but it may be replied that such or similar fortuitous circumstances as favoured Syud Majeed, influence all elections to sovereignties, and that the time which has elapsed since his accession has, in some degree, legitimated Syud Majeed’s pretensions, has given him another title besides that derived from force ; and would have impressed on the armed demonstration of Syud Thoweynee, had it been prosecuted, the character of an invasion by a foreign power. But the Honourable the Governor in Council does regard the facts that Syud Thoweynee was prepared to assert his claim by an appeal to arms, and that he relinquished his purpose only in deference to the British Government, as investing him with a claim to compromise when contesting a title which is principally derived from ?orce. In seeking for a basis of compromise, attention is naturally directed to the terms on which it is admitted Syud Thoweynee was willing to resign his claims. Those terms were briefly an annual payment of 40,000 crowns by Zanzibar to fd uscat ; but whether as tribute or a subsidy is disputed. The Honourable the Governor in Council is very willino- to admit that the dispute involves a question of considerable importance, but he is o*f opinion that the negotiation indicates the nature of the compromise which the British Government should arrange. ^ He thinks then, as an indemnity for abandonino- his claims on his father’s African dominions, as an adjustment of the balance between the two inheritances, the ruler of Zanzibar should make an annual payment to the ruler of Muscat of 40,000 crowns, and that this payment should be regarded as a subsidy and not as a tribute. It would be unjust to the prosperous state of Zanzibar, exhibiting as it does so much evidence of vitality and such aptitude for self-development, to make it tributary to any foreign sovereign, and especially to one of so effete a state as Muscat. A subsidy, on the other hand, would secure to Syud Thoweynee as much material advantage as he could fairly have expected, under all the circumstances, had he succeeded in dethronintr his brother; it being always remembered, as clearly shown by Brigadier Coghlan and Colonel Kigby, that the defeat of Syud Majeed would not, as a matter of course, have secured the recognition of Syud Thoweynee as sovereign of all the African dominions of the late Imam. 14. There are two points to be noticed before the Honourable the Governor in Council commits this important question to the final decision of the Bight Honourable the Governor General : 1st. Is the subsidy to be permanent ? 2nd. Is it to be paid with arrears ? The Honourable the Governor in Council regards the first of these questions as one of peculiar difficulty. The British Government must naturally be reluctant to impose a perpetual burden on Zanzibar, for the purpose of buying off, as it were, a claimant to the sovereignty ; but, on a balance of all the considerations which surround the question, this seems the only expedient which can be adopted. Syud Thoweynee can hardly with honour resign the claims of his country, not merely his own claims, for a payment which is to determine with his own life. A temporary assignment from the revenues of Zanzibar would only film over the wound which Muscat sustains by the loss of the African depen dencies, and irritation would again break out on Syud Thoweynee’« death. By the per manent subsidy, a motive is given to Muscat to abstain from all ambitious movements against its wealthier brother ; if that motive was removed, designs on Zanzibar would, from generation to generation, be the great point of honour, the great centre of intrio-ue, to which would converge all the daring and adventurous spirits in Oman. The subsidy will be well-spent money, if it preserves Zanzibar from those attacks to which it must otherwise be liable from the needy ambition of Muscat. 15. Next as to the arrears. Brigadier Coghlan is of opinion that they should be demanded from Syud Majeed. The Honourable the Governor in Council will not dispute the conclusion that, in strict justice, Syud Majeed is liable to his brother for the arrears, though it is certainly open to question. But as the arrangement under discussion is essentially one of compromise, it should be considered whether the demand is expedient. The Honourable the Governor in Council cannot think that it is. It must be remembered that Zanzibar has its financial difficulties as well as Muscat, and it is of obvious policy not to impose any burthens on Syud Majeed from which he cannot be reasonably expected to free himself by careful and judicious administration. It is probable that, if not over whelmed at the outset by extraordinary charges and embarrassments, Zanzibar, by the ordinary progress of a state possessing great materials and facilities for commerce,\vill at no very distant period, be able to pay the subsidy without any severe strain on’its resources to regard it as a mere premium of insurance ; but it cannot be doubted that the payment must for some time be regarded as a heavy burthen, and great care must be taken that the vessel is not swamped at once by overloading. To impose a large liability for arrears on Syud Majeed would imperil the stability of the whole arrangement : it would put the heaviest weight on the weakest part ; for, as before stated, it is only now and for the next few years that the subsidy wdll prove an embarrassing burthen to Zanzibar. No pretext should be afforded to either party for breaking the agreement, and under this view the Honourable the Governor in Council would not recommend that Syud Majeed be held liable for more than two years’arrears of subsidy, or 80,000 crowns^. Such a suni 191 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). a sum will be of material benefit to Syucl Thoweynee, and its payment will not be an in- Appendix, No. 8. superable difficulty to Syud Majeed. - 16. The Honourable the Governor in Council, deeming it his duty to submit his opinion on this important discussion, would recommend to the favourable consideration ot the Ri.rht Honourable the Governor General the following propositions as offering the best solution of the many complications which surround the case :— I. That his Highness Syud Majeed be declared ruler of Zanzibar and the African dominions of his late Highness Syud Saeed. II. That the ruler of Zanzibar pay annually to the ruler of Muscat a subsidy of 40,000 crowns. III. That his Highness Syud Majeed pay to his Highness Syud Thoweynee the arrears of the subsidy for two years, or 80,000 crowns. 17. The Honourable the Governor in Council believes that this arrangement is, under all the circumstances, the most just that can be effected ; that it is the best calcu lated to preserve the future peace of the two states : and that it is the one most consistent with the views of the late Syud Saeed, to whom Muscat and Zanzibar owe so much. 18. Brio-adier Coghlan proceeds, in the 50th paragraph of his report, to consider some collateral points connected with the main subject under discussion. 19. The first of these is the propriety, or otherwise, of providing for the succession to the sovereignty of Zanzibar on the death of his Highness Syud Majeed, who at present has no male issue. The Honourable the Governor in Council considers that this is not a question which calls for any expression of opinion by the British Government. It must be left for decision to the chiefs of Zanzibar, who will, without doubt, pay very great respect to any expression of the wishes of Syud Majeed. The more popular the rule of the present Sultan, the greater influence will his wishes exercise on the succession. It is dearly a question which must be left for the future ; any present attempt to regulate the succession would be inconsistent with the principle asserted in the course of this discus sion, that the sovereigns are elected from the members of the royal family. 90 The second point discussed by Brigadier Coghlan is connected with the claims of the youno-er children of the late Syud Saeed at Zanzibar. The Honourable the Governor in Council is of opinion that as these younger children are at Zanzibar, and as the property stated to have been left to them by the late Imam is at Zanzibar, the question of their claims must be left to the justice of the ruler of Zanzibar ; the children are his subjects ; he has acknowledged his obligation to make good to them their inheritance, and, as may be inferred from Brigadier Coghlan’s statements in the 51st paragraph, there is at least as much chance of their obtaining justice from Syud Majeed as from Syud Thoweynee. It will be sufficient, in the opinion of the Honourable the G overnor in Council, if the Agent at Zanzibar be instructed to intimate to Syud Majeed that the British Government does not deem it necessary to issue any orders on the complaint of Syud Thoweynee relative to the inheritance of the younger brothers, believing that full justice will be rendered to them by the Sultan of Zanzibar. 21. Bri^mdier Coghlan next offers some suggestions as to the course to be pursued with respect to'^Syud Barghash, who has now resided for several months in Bombay. The honourable the Governor in Council regards the conduct of this young prince as open to the gravest reprehension. He considers it to be entirely without palliation, and he must also confess that he has very little confidence in the future amendment of the prince, except so far as he may be influenced by his fears. But amidst a choice of difficulties (and there seldom was a case in which, throughout all its turns, the advantages and disad vantages attached to a proposed course of action were so nearly equivalent) the Honour able the Governor in Council believes that the measure suggested by Brigadier C oghlan offers the fairest prospect of success. That officer, in effect, proposes that Syud Barghash, who has in writing made abject submission to his brother, should be permitted to return to Zanzibar and reside there under the surveillance of the British Agent, being at the same time recommended to the forgiveness and protection of Syud Majeed. ^ The Honourable the Governor in Council sees no other course open. It would not be just to impose the maintenance of Syud Barghash upon Syud Thoweynee, but Syud Majeed may fairly be held liable to accept this turbulent prince as a charge on Zanzibar. But, as a part of the arrangement, Syud Barghash should be plainly informed that, in being permitted to return to Zanzibar, and in being recommended to the favourable consideration of the Sultan, it is to be clearly understood, if he again seeks to undermine his brothers authority, the British Government will not interfere to save him from the just reward of his misdeeds, but will leave him to his fate. 22. Brigadier Coghlan, in paragraphs 55 to 62, adverts to a question intimately con nected with the main dispute between Muscat and Zanzibar ; the claim of Syud 1 oorkee to the independent sovereignty of Sohar. The Honourable the Governor in Council fully concurs in the opinion expressed by Brigadier Coghlan, that the claim cannot be maintained. Sohar would seem to be in the position of an appanage to Muscat; a provi sion to a younger brother, and it would neither be just nor politic to dissever it perma nently from the superior power. His Excellency in Council would submit to the Bight n A A 4 Honourable Appendix, No. Decision of the Government of India. 192 APPENDIX TO REPORT PROM SELECT COMMITTEE 8. to^ s7uÄv" pel tribes^ ofdecision will exercise a very salutary effect on the maritime f^ Brigadier Coghlan, that a duly qualified British Agent be appointed to Muscat. His Excellency in Council very heartily concurs in all that Brigadier Coo-hlan has urged upon this subject, with the exception that he is not inclined to think that bene- ht will arise fr^ the proposed arrangement of making the Agent at Muscat entirely inde pendent of the Resident in the Persian Gulf. But he thinks that for the present the inde pendence now existing should be maintained, and he will hereafter have the honour of proposes for the improved arrangement of our several agencies at Aden, Zanzibar, Muscat, and Bushire. 24. Brigadier Coghlan concludes his valuable report with a warm and well-merited expression of his gratitude to the Bey. Mr. Badger. The Honourable the Governor in Council would earnestly commend this accomplished scholar to the iirotection of the Bight Honourable the Governor General. It would be very difficult to over-estimate the solid usefulness of Mr. Badger’s services during his long residence in Aden. The requisition for his presence with the Persian Expeditionary Force, and for his association with the Zanzibar Commission, indicate the high opinion of his ability entertained by officers so well qualified to judge as Sir James Outram and Brigadier Coo-hlan This Government has recently suggested to Her Majesty’s Secretary of State the^ropriety of erfrag,ig the study of the Arabm language and literature in England, bytheÁtaWish- ment of a Professor s chair in one of our seats of leaiming. The Honourable the Goveimor in Council would solicit the support of the Bight Honourable the Governor General to us lecommendation and his advocacy of the pre-eminent claims of the Bev. Mr. Bado-er to the distinction of being the first professor. ® 25. In committing this important case to the final decision of the Bight Honourable the Governor General, the Honourable the Governor in Council feels it his duty to submit to li^ Eordship s favourable consideration the valuable services of Brigadier Coohlan. That officer IS about to retire, on account of impaired health, temporarily, it may be perma- nently. from trie important position which he has long held with such conspicuous ability at Aden. Ihe capacity and resource which he has exhibited in many difficult coniunc- ^res have elicited the cordial acknowledgments of the Government of India, and the close of a castinguished career. The late Lord Elphinstone recommended Brigadier Coghlan s services to the favourable consideration of Her Majesty’s Government and the recommendation was supported by the Bight Honourable the Governor General. The numerous claims to reward which existed on the other side of India, it may be presumed prevented the recognition at that time cf Brigadier Coghlan’s merits ; but the Honourable (signed) 4 February 1861. G. Clerk. W. R. Mansfidà. H. W. Reeves. W. R. Frere. (No. 1532.) From the Officiating Secretary to the Government of India to the Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay. Sir, Foreign Department, Fort 'William, 2 April 1861. T „ ,1 1 , 2 April 1861. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter. No. Ô, dated 15th February, submitting a report by Brigadier Coghlan on the differences existing between his Highness Syud Thoweynee of Muscat and his Highness Syud Majeed of Zanzibar together with a copy of the resolution recorded thereon by the Bombay Government. ' 2. In reply, I am directed to state that his Excellency the Governor General in Council agrees to the three conditions of settlement recommended in the resolution of the Bombay Government, paragraph 16. 3. The limitation to 80,000 crowns of the arrears of subsidy to be paid bv Zanzibar +n Muscat IS expedient, because it names a distinct sum. In the opinion of hi^ Excellency in Council, the demand should be made rather in the form of a compromise than as the X^mable''^'' '' understood, also, that the aggregate amount of the arrears claimable would not much exceed this sum. 4. The three conditions will constitute the decision of the Governor General as arbi trator ; ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 193 trator ; and it should be impressed upon both parties, at the time of delivering to them Appendix, No. 8. the Governor General’s letters, that, as they have solemnly aceepted the arbitration, the Government of India looks to their abiding faithfully by his Excellency’s award. 5. The annual payment of 40,000 crowns is not to be understood as a recognition of any dependence of Zanzibar upon Muscat, neither is it to be considered as merely per sonal between Syud Thoweynee and Syud Majeed, but as a permanent arrangement, com- jiensating the ruler of Muscat for the abandonment of all claims upon Zanzibar, and adjusting the inequality between the two inheritances, which are to be henceforward separate. 6. The Governor General in Council offers no opinion about the rule of succession in Zanzibar ; to do so would, he considers, be travelling beyond the bounds of the question submitted for arbitration. 7. His Excellency in Council agrees with the Bombay Government as to the guardian ship of the younger brothers, and requests that the necessary instructions may be issued to Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar. 8. Syud Barghash must, of course, be free to return to Zanzibar if he pleases, and the Consul should be directed to recommend him to the clemency of Syud Majeed. But there is strong objection to putting him under the Consul’s surveillance. The Consul may very properly give him good advice on occasion arising, and warn him that he will receive no countenance or protection from the Consulate in the event of his behaving disloyally or turbulently ; but the English Consul could not, with any propriety, or without risk of grave embarrassment, undertake to watch the doings of a suspected member of the ruler’s family. 9. The opinion of Brigadier Coghlan and of the Bombay Government, negativing the claim of Syud Toorkee to the independent sovereignty of Sohar, appears to be perfectly just. The communication which it is proposed to make to that chief will be very proper. 10. The proposal to appoint a duly qualified agent to Muscat is entirely approved, and I am directed to request that the Government of Bombay will lose no time in nominating a duly qualified person, if their suggestions for a new arrangement of the agencies in Arabia, Persia, and Zanzibar, are likely to be delayed. 11. The Supreme Government heartily concurs in the commendation given by the Governor in Council to Brigadier Coghlan. It is rare to see an intricate and difficult subject so completely and clearly dealt with as the one now before his Excellency in Brigadier Coghlan’s report, and his Lordship in Council trusts that Her Majesty’s Government will not omit to mark their appreciation of this excellent officer’s valuable services, past and present. 12. The best thanks of the Governor General in Council should also be conveyed to the Rev. Mr. Badger for the important aid which he has given to Brigadier Coghlan in this matter. His Excellency believes that there is no officer of the Indian service who possesses so familiar and cultivated a knowledge of Arabic as Mr. Badger, and the services which this knowledge and his general ability enabled him to render to the army in Persia under Sir James Outram are well known to and appreciated by the Government of India. 13. The Government of India would be glad to receive any suggestions from the Government of Bombay for encouraging the study of Arabic, more especially among the military servants of Government on that side of India. It is possible that the revival of the pecuniary rewards to be bestowed on those who attain a certificate of high proficiency in the language, with the chances of staff employ, would offer sufficient inducements for the purpose. 14. Letters in English to the address of his Highness Syud Thoweynee and his Highness Syud Majeed, signed by the Governor General, and conveying his Excellency’s decision, are herewith forwarded to you for transmission. Copies are also enclosed. Prom these copies the Governor General in Council requests that Arabic translations may be made, expressing fully and accurately the terms of the letters, each of which is to be delivered with its Arabic translation. 1Ö. If Mr. Badger is still at Bombay, it will be satisfactory that the translations should be made by him. 16. The Governor General in Council leaves it to the Governor of Bombay in Council to determine how the letters shall be sent, observing only that there is no necessity to send again an agent or a ship specially to Zanzibar. I have, &c. (signed) G. C. Barnes, Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. B B 0.116. 194 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appsndix, Ko. 8. To His Highness Syud Thoweynee bin Saeed bin Sultni^ of Muscat.—His Hio-liness Syud Mojeed bin Saeed, of Zanzibar. ° Beloved and esteemed Friend, I ADDRESS your Highness on the subject of the unhappy diiferences which have arisen between yourself and your Highness’s brother the ¿“"of for «be settlement of which your Highness has engaged to accept the arbitration of the Viceroy and Governor General of India. Having regard to the friendly relations which have always subsisted between the Government of Her Majesty the Queen and the Governments of Oman and Zanzibar and desiring to prevent war between kinsmen, I accepted the charge of arbitrator between order to obtain the fullest knowledge of all the points in dispute, I directed the Government of Bombay to send an officer to Muscat and Zanzibar to make the necessary inquiries. . Brigadier Coghlan was selected for this purpose,—an officer in whose iudo-ment intelligence, and impartiality the Government of India reposes the utmost confidence. * Brigadier Coghlan has submitted a full and clear report of all the questions at issue between your Highness and your brother. I have given my most careful attention to each of these questions. The terms of my decision are as follows :— 1st. That his Highness Syud Majeed be declared ruler of Zanzibar and the African dominions of his late Highness Syud Saeed. 2nd. That the ruler of Zanzibar pay annually to the ruler of Muscat a subsidy of 40,000 crowns. 3rd. That his Highness Syud Majeed pay to his Highness Syud Thoweynee the arrears of subsidy for two years, or 80,000 crowns. I am satisfied that these terms are just and honourable to both of you; and as you have deliberately and solemnly accepted my arbitration, I shall expect that you will cheeriully and faithfully abide by them, and that they will be carried out without unnecessary delay. ^ The annual payment of 40,000 crowns is not to be understood as a recognition of the dependence of Zanzibar upon Muscat, neither is it to be considered as merely personal between your Highness and your brother it is to extend to your respective henceforward distinct and separate. I am, &c. (signed) Canning. (True copy.) Fort William, 2 April 1861. ^ (signed) C. U. Aitchison, Under Secretary to the Government of India. Memorandum by the Acting Secretary to Government, dated the 15th April 1861 approved by the Honourable Board. ' furnist^tltv'S: may be Êgísammsss: 5. A letter ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 195 5. A letter should also be prepared for the signature of his Excellency the Governor to Appendix, No. 8. Syud Toorkee’s address, communicating to him the views of the Government of India in his case. A copy of this letter should be sent to his Highness Syud Thoweynee, and Mr. Badger might be instructed to use his discretion, on arriving at Muscat, as to the propriety of delivering the letter in person to Syud Toorkee. 6. With the view of giving effect to the above suggestions, the Commander in Chief of the Indian Navy should be requested to provide a steamer for the conveyance of the Reverend Mr. Badger to Muscat on the proposed duty, as early as practicable. 7. The Acting Secretary would further suggest that a copy of the letter from the Supreme Government, and of its enclosure be furnished to Lieutenant Colonel Rigby, with instructions for giving effect to the terms of the arbitration as regards the ruler of Zanzibar. 8. His Highness Syud Barghash should, at the same time, be officially informed of the views of the Supreme Government in his case, and of the conditions on which it has been decided to recommend him to the clemency of his Highness Syud Majeed, in the event of his return to Zanzibar. As a precaution, however, against his immediate return proving an impediment to the ready acceptance of the Governor General’s arbitration by his Highness Syud Majeed, it is not desirable that Syud Barghash should proceed to Zanzibar for the present. 9. A copy of the letter addressed to Syud Barghash should be furnished for the infor mation of Lieutenant Colonel Rigby. 10. As Mr. Rassam’s services are urgently required at Aden, the Reverend Mr. Badger may be authorised to relieve him from his present acting appointment, making the best arrangement available on the spot for the conduct of the Muscat Agency, as a temporary measure, until Government shall be able to make a permanent provision for the agency at that place. 11. A copy of the letter from the Supreme Government, and of the Governor General’s arbitration should be forwarded for the information of the Resident in the Persian Gulf. The Reverend Mr. Badger may be instructed to inform the Resident what arrangement he shall have effected for the conduct of the Muscat Agency on relieving Mr. Rassam from that duty. 12. In consequence of the Governor General’s arbitration, their Highnesses Syuds Thoweynee and Majeed shall henceforth be officially designated Sultan of Muscat, and Sultan of Zanzibar respectively. 13. The question relative to the encouragement of the study of Arabic, on which suggestions are invited in paragraph 13 of the letter from the Government of India, will be hereafter submitted for the consideration of the Honourable Board. 14. Since writing the above, the Acting Secretary has learned that Mr. Pengelley, Naval Assistant to the Auditor General, who has some knowledge of Arabic, might be induced to take up the appointment of Agent at Muscat. The Government of India say that no time should be lost in nominating a duly qualified person to Muscat, and as the presence of such an officer at that place is of importance at the present moment, the Honourable Board may, perhaps, deem it expedient to offer the appointment to Mr. Pengelley. (signed) Approved. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, Acting Secretary. G, Clerk. W. R, Mansfield. W, H. Reeves. 0.116. B B 2 196 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No, 8. 0 (No. 112 A of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Fortes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Reverend G. F. Badger, in charge Mucat-Zanzibar Commission. Sir, Secret Department, 27 April 1861. With reference to Brigadier Coghlan’s report. No 17, of the 4th December last, and to the Resolution of Government thereon, a copy of which has been furnished to you, I am directed to forward herewith copy of a letter from the Government of India, with enclosure, communicating the terms of the Right Honourable the Governor General’s arbitrement on the questions in dispute between his Highness Syud Thoweynee, ruler of Muscat, and his Highness Syud Majeed, ruler of Zanzibar. 2. In forwarding these documents to you, I am desired to state that it appears to his Excellency the Governor in Council it would be a judicious arrangement if you were to proceed to Muscat with the arbitration for delivery to his Highness Syud Thoweynee. 3. With this view, I am instructed to enclose an English letter from his Excellency the Governor to his Highness Syud Thoweynee’s address, giving cover to the original letter from the Governor General, containing his Lordship’s decision with reference to his Highness’s claims. Arabic versions of these letters, prepared by yourself, accompany. 4. The tenor of his Excellency the Governor’s letter will guide you generally in the course of the proceedings to be adopted by you on your arrival at Muscat ; but the Government trust to your own experience and judgment for giving due etfect to the terms of the arbitration. _ 5. I am also desired to transmit to you an English letter, with Arabic version, from his Excellency the Governor to Syud Toorkee’s address, communicating to him the views of the Government of India in his case. You will, on your arrival at Muscat, be in a position to determine the propriety, or otherwise, of delivering these documents in person to Syud Toorkee. A transcript of the Arabic version of his Excellency’s letter is enclosed for the information of his Highness Syud Thoweynee. 6. In accordance with the intimation made in the 15th paragraph of the letter from the Supreme Government, arrangements have been made for the appointment of a quali fied officer as British Agent at Muscat. Lieutenant Pengelley of the Indian Navy has been offered and has accepted the appointment. 7. The services of Her Majesty’s steamer " Zenobia,” which vessel is under orders to proceed to Aden, will be made available for conveying you to Muscat. Lieutenant Pengelley will proceed by the same opportunity. 8. In consequence of the Governor General’s arbitration, their Highnesses Syuds Thoweynee and Majeed shall henceforth be designated Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar. 9. Orders will be issued to the sub-treasurer for the disbursement to you of such a sum of money as you may deem necessary for the contingent expenses connected with your mission. I have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Fortes, Acting Secretary to Government. From His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.c.b.. Governor of Bombay, to His Highness Syud Thoioeynee tin Saeed bin Sultan, Sultan of Muscat. Beloved and esteemed Friend, A. C.—You will receive by this opportunity the decision of his Excellency the Governor General of India in the unhappy differences which have arisen between your self and your Highness’s brother Syud Majeed. The claims of each have been carefully weighed, and I trust that you will be convinced that the settlement awarded is fair and equitable, and equally honourable to both parties. I have no doubt that your Highness, agreeably with your solemn promise, will faithfully abide by the award, now communi cated to you, and I earnestly hope that this adjustment of existing differences may lead to a perfect reconciliation between yourself and your brother Syud Majeed. The future welfare of Oman and Zanzibar will depend on your mutual accord, and if you are united in brotherly affection and wise counsels, the two states will continue to prosper to your own benefit; to the benefit of your respective subjects ; and to the honour of your late father’s renowned memory. This is my sincere wish on your behalf, and in your efforts to attain such beneficial results you may confidently rely on the good offices of the British Government. His Excellency the Governor General concurs with me in recognising your Highness’s right to the sovereignty of Sohar as forming part of the kingdom of Oman. This decision I have 197 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). I have made known to your brother Syud Toorkee, and have further enjoined him to act Appendix, No. 8. accordino-ly. I sincerely trust that he will listen to these friendly counsels, and that vour Hmhness will treat him in a manner which may tend to secure his loyalty and fraternal affection towards you. Above all things, I hope that your prudence will sufhce to prevent any interruption of the peace now prevailing^ in Oman. I enclose a copy ot mv communication to Syud Toorkee for your Highness s infoimation. This letter will be delivered to you by the Reverend Mr. Badger, whom I have com missioned to confer with you personally on these matters. He will confirm to you the sincere wishes of the British Government for the increased prosperity of your kingdom, and what are my own feelings of good-will towards you. I anticipate from hini a tavour- able report of your welfare, and conclude by expressing the hope that your Highness s rule over Oman and its Arabian dependencies may be long, happy, and glorious. Bomljay, 27 April 1861. (signed) G. Clerh From His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.c.b.. Governor of Bombay, to His Highness Syud ISIajeed bin Saeed bin Sultan, Sultan of Zanzibai. Beloved and esteemed Friend, _ ^n A. C You will receive by this opportunity the decision of his Excellency the Governor General of India in the unhappy differences which have arisen between yourself and your Hirrhness's brother Syud Thoweynee of Muscat. The claims of each have been carefully wembed, and I trust you will be convinced that the settlement awarded is fair and eciuitable, and alike honourable to both parties. I have no doubt that your Highness, ai-eeably with your solemn promise, will abide faithfully by the award now communi- c:ted to yrai, arid I earnestly hcipe that Biis adjustnient cf existing difi^^^mces may le^Lil to a perfect reconciliation between yourself and your brother Syud Thoweynee. I he future welfare of Zanzibar and Oman will depend on your mutual accord, and if you srifbmXai rclútl ^mwlTcoÙLZuyrelyon'tho'good offices llilsSæïïpEiÇSS General, that he should be recommended to your Highness s clemency on lus return to Zanvibal He has been distinctly warned, however, that should he hereafter conduct hhnäfturbulently towards your Highness’s authority, he will receive no countenance hinf a favourable report of your welfare, and conclude by expressing the hope that your Hi<^hness’s rule over Zanzibar and its African dependencies may be long, happy, and glorious. (signed) (7. CZerA. Bombay, 27 April 1861. From His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.c.b., Governor of Bombay, to His Highness Syud Toorkee bin Saeed bin Sultan, at Sohar. * P Twts is to inform your Highness that his Excellency the Governor General of friendly counsels will depend your Highness’s future prosperity, and my sincere hope is that such prosperity may never fail you. (,;gned) G. CUrk. Bombay, 27 April 1861. 198 APPENDIX TO EEPOKT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. From His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.c.b., Governor of Bombay, to His Hio-hness Syud.Bargliasli bin Saeed bin Sultan, at Bombay. A. C.—I WRITE to inform your Highness that after a careful review of your case, and in consideration of your solemn promise never again to disturb the peace at Zanzibar, I have resolved, with the concurrence of the Government of India, to recommend you to the clemency and kind consideration of his Highness Syud Majeed, the recognised Sultan of Zanzibar. This intervention on your behalf is exercised in the sincere hope that you will hereafter behave yourself loyally towards his Highness Syud Majeed as your brother and sovereign. Should you at any future time disappoint this expectation by stirrino- up strife at Zanzibar, or by opposing your brother’s lawful authority, you are hereby warned not to look for any protection from the British Government or its representatives. In order that the efforts which are being made in your behalf may not fail with his Highness Syud Majeed, it will be prudent that you should not proceed to Zanzibar for the present. I entertain the sincere hope that your reconciliation with his Hio-hness Syud Majeed may be speedily effected, and that, when once made, it will be lasting, conducive alike to the peace and welfare of the family of your lamented father Syud Saeed, and to the present and future prosperity of the Zanzibar sovereignty. This is my sincere desire and the sincere desire of the British Government. Salaam. ' ’ 27 April 1861. (signed) G. Clerk. (No. 116 A of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Captain F. Jones, Indian Navy, Political liesident in the Persian Gulf. Sir, Secret Department, 30 April 1861. With reference to paragraph 4 of the letter from this Department, No. 70, of the No. 112a, dated the 27th April 1861, to the Rev. March I860, I am directed by the Honourable the Governor in G. P. Badger. Council to transmit, for your information, the enclosed copy of a No. 1532, of the 2nd idem, from the Supreme letter to the Bev. G. P. Badger’s address, with transcript of its ° Hif ExSnty Gov.r.o, .o ,Wr several accompaDÎment* noted in the margin, containing the decision Highnesses Syuds Thoweynee and Majeed. 01 the Bight Honourable the Govemor General on the questions at Letter from His Excellency the Governor to His issuG between the iTilers of Muscat and Zanzibar on the one hand Highness Syud Toorkee of Sohai. and Muscat and Sohar on the other. 2. In accordance with the intimation made in paragraph 15 of the letter from the Supreme Government (forming Enclosure No. 1 to the letter to Mr. Badger’s address), his Excellency the Governor in Council has been pleased to appoint Lieutenant Pengelley, of the Indian Navy, to be British Agent at Muscat, and to vest him. wdth independent authority as the representative of the British Government at that place and its dependencies. 3. In consequence of this result of the Eight Honourable the Governor General’s arbitration, their Highnesses Syuds Thoweynee and Majeed will henceforth be designated Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar respectively. I have, &c. (signed) A. K. Forbes, Acting Secretary to Government. (No. 117 of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Pigby, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent at Zanzibar. Sir, Secret Department, 30 April 1861. With reference to the letter from this Department, No. 235, of the 25th August 1860, I am directed by the Honourable the Governor in Council to forward to you the accom panying transcript of a Kesolution, recorded by this Government on the report submitted by Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, relative to the matters in dispute between the rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar on the one hand, and Muscat and Sohar on the other. 2. I am, at the same time, desired to enclose a copy of a letter from the Supreme Go vernment, communicating the decision of the Eight Honourable the Governor General of India on the questions at issue between the respective rulers. 3. I am also desired to forward to you, for delivery to his Highness Syud Majeed, an English letter, wdth Arabic version, from the Eight Honourable the Governor (General, communicating the terms of his Lordship’s arbitrement. A letter from his Excellency the Governor to his Highness Syud Majeed’s address accompanies. 4. His 199 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 4. His Excellency in Council trusts to your discretion and judgment for giving due Appendix, No. 8. effect to the terms of the arbitrement as affecting his Highness Syud Majeed. 5. It has been deemed advisable, in the absence of Brigadier W. M. Coghlan, to depute the Rev. Gr. P. Badger to Muscat for the purpose of delivering the Governor General’s arbitration to his Highness Syud Thoweynee and for other purposes. The services of Her Majesty’s Indian Navy steamer “ Zenobia,” which vessel is under orders to proceed to Aden, will be made available for the conveyance of Mr. Badger to Muscat. After his arrival at that place, the Rev. Mr. Badger will use his own discretion as to the propriety of proceeding in person to Sohar, for the purpose of making known to Syud Toorkee the decision of the Government of India in his case. A letter addressed by his Excellency the Governor to the Chief of Sohar is enclosed for your information. 6. In accordance with the intimation made in the 15th paragraph of the letter from the Supreme Government, his Excellency the Governor in Council has been pleased to ap point Lieutenant Pengelley, of the Indian Navy, to be British Agent at Muscat, and to vest him with authority, independent of the Resident in the Persian Gulf, as the repre sentative of the British Government at Muscat and its dependencies. 7. In consequence of this result of the Governor General’s arbitration, their Highnesses Syuds Thoweynee and Majeed will henceforth be designed Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar respectively. I have, &c. (signed) A. K. Forhes, Acting Secretary to Government. (No. 1620 of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Lieutenant W. M. Pengelley, Indian Navy. Sir, I am directed to inform you that the Honourable the Governor in Council has been pleased to appoint you British Agent at Muscat on a salary of 600 rupees per mensem, with an allowance of 100 rupees for a writer and boat-hire. 2. Instructions will be furnished to you in a few days for your guidance in the conduct of your duties at Muscat. 3. You are requested to prepare yourself to proceed to your destination by Her Majesty’s steamer “ Zenobia,” which vessel will call intermediately at Muscat on her way to Aden. I have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, Bombay Castle, 24 April 1861. Acting Secretary to Government. (No. 1665 of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Lieutenant W. AI. Pengelley, Indian Navy, British Agent at Muscat. Sir, 1 May 1861. With reference to paragraph 2 of my letter No. 1620, dated the 24th ultimo, I am directed by the Honourable the Governor in Council to communicate to you the following observation* and instructions. 2. In consequence of the disunion of Muscat and Zanzibar after the death of the late Imam Syud Saeed, and the general inefficiency of the late Native Agent durincr the events which followed, this Government found it necessary, in the early part of 1859, to vest the Resident in the Persian Gulf with the control of our political relations with Muscat. 3. Subsequently, in March 1860, on the appointment of the Commission presided over by Brigadier Coghlan, for the investigation of the questions in dispute between the rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar on the one hand, and Muscat and Sohar on the other, Mr. H. Rassam was deputed to Muscat as Acting British Agent, principally with the view of facilitating the important duties entrusted to the Commission. 4. The rival parties having agreed to abide by the arbitrement of the Right Honour able the Governor General, after due inquiry regarding their respective claims had been made, and the Government of India having now communicated the terms of the Governor General’s decision, his Excellency the Governor in Council has been pleased to entrust the Rev. Mr. Badger with the delivery to his Highness Syud Thoweynee of the arbitration as affecting his Highness’s claims. On the completion of this duty Mr. Badger will deter mine the propriety of proceeding to Sohar for the purpose of making known to his 0.116. bb4 Highness 200 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE .1. t' i ii Appendix, No 8. Highness Syud Toorkee tlie decision of the Government of India with reference to the case of that chief. 5. The Supreme Government having at the same time accorded its sanction to the appointment of a duly qualified officer as the representative of the British Government at Muscat, and this appointment having been conferred on you, you will, as already directed, proceed to Muscat in the suite of the Bev. Mr. Badger, who has been furnished ' with a letter from his Excellency the Governor, accrediting you to his Highness Syud Thoweynee. On your installation at Muscat, Mr. Badger will communicate to you such instruction and advice as he may deem necessary for ensuring due efficacy to the pro ceedings which he may adopt in carrying out the objects of his mission. 6. His Excellency the Governor in Council desires that, on your arrival at Muscat, you will confer with Mr. H. Rassam on all points concerning our political relations with his Highness Syud Thoweynee, and with other chiefs of rank, whether dependent on or independent oí Muscat. His Excellency in Council feels sure that you will always bear in mind the bond of friendship which has for so long a period existed between the Chiefs of Muscat and the British Government ; that you will employ your utmost influence in cultivating between Muscat, Zanzibar, and Sobar those amicable feelings towards the establishment of which so much pains are being taken by the Government of Bombay and the Government of India; that you will keep the Resident at Bushire fully informed on every subject which it may in any way concern the British representative there to be cognizant of; that you will constantly contemplate the prospect of our requiring the cordial and active co-operation of the authorities at Muscat in establishing and protecting (entirely at our cost) a line of electric telegraph thence along the coast of Mekran, ob taining with this view exact information regarding the degree of subjection in which the inhabitants of that coast from the Persian Gulf to Sonmeanee are held by Muscat, or Khelat, or by any other authority ; and that you will be courteous and circumspect in your intercourse with French, American, or other European officers of rank visiting the port of Muscat. 7. You will not fail to bear in mind that the suppression of the slave trade is an object which the British Government has very much at heart, and his Excellency the Governor in Council relies on your good temper and tact for enlisting his Highness the Imam of Muscat in aid of it. 8. In the discharge of your ordinary duties, you will be careful, as a general rule, to avoid all needless interference with the claims of traders and others against Arab chiefs and tribes within the limits of your control, and to extend the protection of the British flag to none save British subjects, when such protection is absolutely necessary. 9. Finally, I am desired to request that you will keep a diary of all your proceedings and of such events as you may deem noteworthy, transmitting a copy of it with your reports, whenever opportunities offer, to the Political Department of this Government, to which you must consider yourself directly subordinate. I have, &G. (signed) A. Kinloclt Forhes, Bombay Castle, 1 May 1861. Acting Secretary to Government. From Sir George Clerk, K.C.B., Governor of Bombay, to His Highness Syud Tkoxoeynee bin Saeed bin Sultan, Sultan of Muscat. 0,—These friendly lines are to inform your Highness that we have appointed Lieutenant Walter Murray Pengelley, of the Indian Navy, to be British Agent with your Highness at Muscat, in succession to Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, _ Confiding in his ability and discretion, we recommend him to your Highness’s recognition and favour. He will be the ordinary channel of communication between the two Governments, and we doubt not that your Highness, as heretofore, will co-operate heartily with Lieutenant Pengelley in all matters connected with the interests of the British Government and its subjects within your territories. We regret much, on your account and our own, that it is neces sary for Mr. Rassam to return to Aden; but we confidently hope that Lieutenant Peno-elley will prove equally acceptable to you, and that he will continue to maintain the Sime friendly relations with your Highness which have characterised Mr. Rassam’s agency at Muscat, and which have gained for him the high approbation of this Govern ment; and so we bid you farewell. (signed) G. Clerk. Bombay, 29 April 1861. ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 201 (Secret Department.—No. 6 of 1861.) Appendix, No. From Reverend George Percy 13adger, in charge Muscat-Zanzlbar Commission, to A. K- Forbes, Esq., Acting- Secretary to Government, Bombay. Miiscat-Zanzibar Commission, Aden, 1 June 1861. I HAVE the honour to report, for the information of the Honourable the Governor in Council, that I reached Muscat from Bombay on the 11th ultimo. 2. His Highness Syud Thoweynee being absent at one of his country seats at the time, his Vizier immediately proceeded thither to inform him of my arrival. On the return of his Hio'hness to Muscat early the following morning, I paid him a complimentary visit, accompanied by Commander Cruttenden and several officers of Her Majesty’s steamer “ Zenobia,” when I formally introduced Lieutenant Pengelley to his Highness as the newly-appointed British Agent at Muscat. 3. Mr. Rassam had previously delivered to Syud Thoweynee the official letters of which I was the bearer, and I was gratified to perceive from his general demeanour on the occasion that he appeared highly pleased with their contents. At the termination of our visit, his Highness intimated to me that he had ordered all his vessels in the harbour to diiss ships in honour of the occasion : and a salute of 101 guns was fired to celebrate the auspicious termination of the long-pending dispute between himself and his brother Syud Majeed. 4. At several subsequent interviews, his Highness frequently reiterated how deeply he felt indebted to the generositv of the British Government for all the trouble and ex pense which the settlement of'this question had involved, and how highly he appreciated the impartiality of the final arbitrement. In reply to his inquiry how and when the awarded arrears of 80,000 crowns, and the yearly subsidy of 40,000 crowns, wouM be paid, I advised his Highness to come to a friendly understanding with his Highness Syud Majeed on the subject, and to appoint an Agent at Zanzibar to receive the money ; uiging him at the same time, in consideration of the embarrassed state of his brother’s finances, to exercise the greatest forbearance toward him In exacting payment. His Highness then asked whether the British Agent at Zanzibar was empowered to insist upon the terms of the arbitration being fulfilled by Syud Majeed. To this, I replied that the Supreme Government of India had directed the officers who should be charged with com- municatino- the decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General to his Highness and to hi? Highness’s brother, to impress upon them both that they were expected to abide faithfully by his Excellency’s award ; and that, although the Government was not bound to enforce the conditions of the arbitration by either party, I nevertheless enter tained no doubt that the influence of the British Agent at Zanzibar would be used, in a friendly manner, to see that the award was duly carried out. Subject to this qualification, 1 saw no objection to his Highness’ proposition, that the person whom he mio-ht authorise to receive the money from Syud Majeed should be recommended to Colonel Rigby’s good offices, through the British Agent at Muscat, and I accordingly requested Lieutenant Pengelley to communicate with Colonel Rigby in that sense as soon as his Highness should inform him that he had appointed a deputy to treat with Syud Majeed on the subject at Zanzibar. 5. Syud Thoweynee further inquired of me whether any arrangement had been made by the Government of India for the future succession to the Zanzibar sovereignty. Beino- aware of the general impression prevailing in these parts that Syud Majeed will not live tono-, and that it is by no means improbable that the chiefs and people of Zanzibar (many cj' whom are becoming notoriously disaffected towards him) might, in case of his death, elect Syud Thoweynee as his successor ; and suspecting, moreover, that Syud Thoweynee himself was not without some hope of the kind, I deemed it desirable to caution his Highness against fostering anticipations which might never be realised, and the enter tainment of winch might eventually expose him to the suspicion of attempting to infringe on the authority of the Zanzibar sovereignty. At the same lime, however, I did not hesitate to inform his Highness that the Right Honourable the Governor General in Council had purposely abstained from offering any opinion on the rule of the succession in Zanzibar, his Excellency having judged that to do so he must have travelled beyond the bounds of the question submitted to his arbitration. His Highness then put the case directly, whether, in the event of Syud Majeed’s death, and the people of Zanzibar elect ing- him in his stead, the British Government would oppose his succession ? Not feeling authorised to give a decisive answer to this query, I replied in general terms (premising that I expressed my personal opinion merely) that I did not believe the British Govern ment would interfere in such a case against the unanimous wishes of the people; at the same time I did not fail to impress upon his Highness that he would best secure the favourable sympathy of the British Government, now and hereafter, by restricting his 0 110 *^ * Cc aspirations 202 APPENDIX TO EEPOET EEOM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8, aspirations to promoting the prosperity of his own suhjeets and kingdom, leaving the future in the hands of Providence. The caution was well received, and his Highness expressed himself pleased with my explanation. 6. I had several interviews with his Highness respecting Sohar, and the decision of the Government on the claims of Syud Toorkee was highly satisfactory to him. By all accounts that prince has entirely alienated the aifections of the population from him, and a deputation of the principal inhabitants had lately come to Syud Thoweynee entreating him to relieve them from his intolerable oppression. It is notorious that he has become a confirmed drinker, and common report charges him with the most wanton conduct towards the wives and daughters of the townspeople. To arrest, if possible, the progress of his tyranny, Mr. Rassam had intended visiting Syud Toorkee in person, and his Highness did not then object, although he entertained very slender hope that his brother would reform and listen to reason. On the same ground, he recommended me not to pro ceed to Sohar, urging, as an additional motive against it, that Syud Toorkee would not hesitate to represent my visit as one of sympathy on the part of a special agent of the British Government, and might succeed thereby in confirming his few adherents in their contumacy. Judging that these arguments were not devoid of force, I relinquished the idea of proceeding to Sohar, and dispatched the letter of his Excellency the Governor to Syud Toorkee with an accompaniment from myself, a translation of which is attached to this report. I have further requested Lieutenant Pengelley, on the arrival of the replies, to forward them to Government by the first opportunity. 7. It is possible that on learning the decision of Government, as conveyed to him through Sir George Clerk’s letter, Syud Toorkee may submit himself at once to Syud Thoweynee, in which case his Highness has promised to treat him kindly, and to provide for him elsewhere than at Sohar ; but should he persist in defying his authority, his High ness will probably proceed to coerce him. He did not distinctly avow such to be his in tention, but it will be his only resource ; and as his suzerainty over Syud Toorkee has now been fully recognised by Government, I did not feel warranted either in demanding from him what his intentions were with regard to Sohar, or in dissuading him from what I presume is his meditated purpose. Fortunately, the inhabitants of that place are quite estranged from Syud Toorkee, and he has but few adherents either there or elsewhere. On the other hand, most of the Arab tribes in the neighbouring districts, the Wahabees included, are on the most friendly terms with Syud Thoweynee ; so that, in the event of hostilities between the two brothers, the conflict will probably be of short duration, and will not be likely to spread beyond the fortress of Sohar. 8. His Highness was much gratified to find that a responsible British officer had been nominated to the agency at Muscat. The arrival of Lieutenant Pengelley, indeed, seemed to relieve him of the apprehension that in losing Mr. Rassam, whose services were highly appreciated by him, his dignity would again be lowered by the appointment of a native Agent to represent our Government at his eapital. Another cause of satis faction to his Highness was that, by this arrangement, he trusts to be relieved in future from what he considers the unwarrantable interference of the Resident at Bushire, and of his native Agents in the Persian Gulf, with his sovereign prerogatives. The post is becoming one of increased importance both in a commercial and political point of view, and I trust that Lieutenant Pengelley will conduct the duties of the agency to the satis faction of Government. There is a resident Indian population, amounting to many thousand British subjects, within his Highness’ territories, who are mostly engaged in trade, and last year upwards of 150 vessels, either under British colours or British pro tection, entered the port of Muscat alone. I find, moreover, that owing to the constant communication kept up between Museat, Bunder Abbas, and the coast of Mekran, and to the intimate commercial and social relations existing between those places (there are several hundred Beloochees in the service of his Highness, among whom are some very respectable men), Muscat is most eligibly situated for collecting information respecting the progress of events eastward of the Persian frontier. 9. I transmit herewith the replies of his Highness Syud Thoweynee to the letters ad dressed to him by the Right Honourable the Governor General and his Excellency the Governor of Bombay. Having been authorised to open his Highness’ replies for the purpose of translating them, I attach the English versions in the accompanying Appen dices, marked severally 2, 3, and 4. 10. Syud Thoweynee was much gratified with the presents sent to him by the Govern ment, and I feel assured that he will not be backward in reciprocating the courtesy. 11. My inquiries at Muscat and my conferences with his Highness detained me there until the 18th ultimo, on which day the Zenobia ” left for Aden; but owing to strong winds from the south-west she was unable to make a straight course, and did not reach Aden until the evening of the 29th. By next mail steamer to Bombay I shall hope to forward to Government the result of my inquiries at Muscat on the suggested line of electric telegraph along the coast of Mekran, and shall avail myself of the same opportu nity to submit to the Honourable the Governor in Council several considerations of importance regarding our past and present policy in the Persian Gulf, and the progress of the Persians in Mekran and Beloochistan, considerations intimately connected with the 203 ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). the independence and future welfare of the Muscat sovereignty, and indirectly involving Appendix, No. 8. consequences of serious concernment to our Indian empire, more especially to our frontier westward of the Indus. I have, &c. (signed) George Percy Badger,^ In charge of Muscat-Zanzibar Commission. Appendix, No. 1. From Reverend George Percy Badger, Commissioner from the British Government, to His Highness ^yiid Toorkee bin Saeed bin Sultan, at Sohar. A. C.,—With these lines your Highness will receive a letter addressed to you by his Excellency the Governor of Bombay, which I have been directed to forward to you. It conveys to your Highness the decision of the exalted British Government with regard to your claims, and I sincerely hope that you will act in accordance with the friendly advice which is tendered to you. His Highness Syud Thoweynee is now recognised by the British Government as your sovereign, and it is therefore your duty as well as your interest to obey him as such. Nothing but evil can arise from your persistence in claims which are un founded ; whereas by a timely submission you may secure the goodwill of his Highness Syud Thoweynee. the British Government will be pleased to hear that you have followed this counsel, and I sincerely hope that your reply to the letter addressed to you by his Excellency the Governor of Bombay will be satisfactory on the point. Salaam. (signed) George Percy Badger, Commissioner from the British Government. From Muscat, 13 May 1861 (2 Dhil Kaada 1277). (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix, No. 2. In the Name of the Great God! To His exalted Excellency Lord Canning, Governor General of India, &c., &c., &c. ^ Q At a most propitious and favourable time we were honoured with the receipt of your esteemed letter, and were highly gratified with its contents. What your Excellency has stated is most satisfactory to us, more especially as regards your award betwixt ns and our brother Majeed. We heartily accept the same, and are at a loss how to express our regret for having occasioned you so much trouble, and our appreciation of the kindness which has been manifested towards us in this matter. We thank God for your edoits on our behalf; praying also that your goodwill may be rewarded, and that you may never cease lo be our support. We further pray that our sincere affection may always be towards the great (British) Government, and that it may increase continually. Moreover, that your exalted affection and noble solicitude may always be. exercised towards us, and that we may never be deprived thereof. As regards our brother Majeed, we pray God that during our lifetime he may never experience anything from us but kindness and hearty goodwill. Furthermore, we rely implicitly on your arbitration between us (being carried out). What your exalted Excellency may require in any way from your attached friend, a hint alone will suffice for its accomplishment, and we shall feel honoured in executing it. We pray, finally, that you may be preserved to the highest honours, and in the most perfect health. We send you the salutation of peace as the best conclusion. From your truly sincere (riend the servant of God, who confides in Him as the Giver of all good. (signed) Thoweynee bin Saeed bin Sultan. 4th of El-Kaada 3 277 (l5th May 1861). (l.s.) (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. 204 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Appendix, No. 3. In the Name of God, the Name above every name ! To His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.c.b.. Governor of Bombay. A. C.,—Whilst your attached friend was anxiously waiting for welcome news from you, in the most propitious of moments, namely, on the last day of Sliawal, your esteemed letter reached us with most gratifying tidings, brought by the steamer “ Zenobia,” and de livered to us by your Commissioner, the noble and accomplished Mr. George Badger. We were highly delighted at his arrival, and with the informations which he has communicated to us on matters in general, but more especially as regards the arbitration of the eminent Governor General of India betwixt us and our brother Majeed. We readily accept the same, and are quite satisfied therewith, seeing that the award is impartial. We only- regret our inability to compensate you for all the trouble which we have lately occa sioned you. Whai your Excellency has stated with regard to Toorkee, and on the matter of Sobar is precisely what we had hoped from you. But because we judged that Mr. George Badger’s going to Sobar in person might occasion us embarrassment in the affairs of Oman, we begged Inm to abstain from going, and to send (to Syud Toorkee) the letter of the Govern ment which had been entrusted to him. Mr. Badger yielded to this our request, and dispatehed the letter accordingly. When the reply arrives it shall be delivered to Mr. Pengelley, the Agent of the exalted (British) Government at this place. Mr. George Badger has also conferred with us regarding the electric telegraph. All the countries under our jurisdiction are at the disposal of the great (British) Government, and we shall be delighted if they should require any service from us in that behalf, and I shall feel honoured by carrying out their wishes. We pray God that the electric telegraph may be set up throughout our dominions in perfect security. We have further informed Mr. George Badger of several matters touching our interests and the interests of the great (British) Government in the Persian Gulf, and he will com municate the same to your exalted Excellency, in whose auspices we have full confidence. On account of the importance of these subjects, we have confided them, as above stated, to Mr. George Badger. Whatever service you may require from us, a hint thereof will suffice for its accomplish ment Finally, we wish you perfect peace and prosjierity. From your truly sincere friend the servant of God, who confides in Him as the Giver of all good. (signed) Thovieynee hin Saeed bin Sultan. 4th of Fl-Kaada 1277 (loth May 1861). (l.s.) (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. Appendix, No. 4. He is the great God ! To His Excellency Sir George Clerk, k.-c.b,, Governor of Bombay. A. C.,—The object of these affectionate lines is to acknowledge the receipt of your most esteemed letter containing the expression of your favourable sentiments towards us. We have understood perfectly the contents of the same, especially what your Excellency has written respecting Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, and the necessity of his proceeding to Aden. We are o-rieved at the prospect of this separation more than we are able to describe ; for since his residence with us, we have experienced from him nothing but the most kindly interest, and his solicitous endeavours have always been exerted on our behalf. Hence our. heart is'sad, and we are greatly depressed; nevertheless, your orders are supreme, and must be obeyed. With regard to Mr*. Pengelley, vvhoin you have accredited to us as the agent of the great (British) Government, he has been introdriced to us, and we pray God that he may never experience anything from your loving friend but kindness and hearty co-operation in all matters. We beg that your Excellency will not cease to keep us in formed of your welfare, in wbicli we have a lively interest. And should you require any- thing at our hands, a hint alone will suffice, by the help of God, for its execution. Accept ° from ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 205 fro:n us the assurance of our highest esteem, and the salutation of peace as the best con- Appendix, No. 8. From your truly attached friend, the servant of God, who confides in him as the Giver of all good. (signed) Thoiceynee bin Saeed bin Sultan. 4 El-Kaada 1277 (15 May 1861). (l-S.) (True translation.) (signed) George Percy Badger. (No. 580 of 1861.) Substance of a Letter from His Highness Syud Barghash bin Saeed to His Excellency the Governor; dated the 26th Zilkad (Hijree), 1277 [6th June], and received and ordered to be Translated on the 6th June 1861. Persian Department, 7 June 1861. A. C..—I HAVE received your Excellency’s kind letter of the 12th Zilkad^ [23rd May], and noted the contents thereof, which have been a source of much gratification o me. have bound myself to your Excellency not to repeat the acts which have been committed. Your Excellency’s order is binding on me, and if it pleases God, no acts contrary to it will ever again be committed by me in any respect. May your Excellency prosper. (signed) Venayek Wassoodeo, Oriental Translator to Government. (No. 48 of 1861.) (Office No. 170.) o- Secret Department, 19 June 1861. to the questions at issue between their Highnesses Syud Thoweynee, of Muscat, and Syu Majeed, of Zanzibar. Aden Mr. Badger was accompanied by Lieutenant Pengelley, of the India Navy, w has beeil selected for the office of IBhithdi jignent ad; IJiiscat, in (iccordaiice Tvidi the instructions conveyed in paragraph 10 of the letter under acknowledgment. ######### interview with Mr. Badger. 4. I am directed to enclose a translation of a letter ^dressed mensem for the pay of a writer, and for boat-hire. 5 In consequence of the receipt of private intelligence from Zanzibar to the effiect 0.116. ^ ^ 206 APPENDIX TO REPORT PROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. Highness Syud Majeed. Since her departure, a communication has been received from :— Colonel Rigby containing an application for leave on sick certificate, but expressing his intention of remaining at Zanzibar until relieved. 6. With reference to paragraph 8 of the letter under acknowledgment, I am desired to enclose a translation of a letter which has been addressed to his Highness Syud Barghash, and of his Highness’ reply thereto. Syud Barghash is stilf residino- at Bombay, where, for several reasons, his Excellency in Council considers it to be expedient that he should remain until September or October. 7. I am directed to mention that the reports which Mr. Badger promises at the close of his letter will be forwarded, for the information of the Government of India, as soon as they are received. I have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, Acting Secretary to Government. (No. 171 of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Reverend G. P. Badger, Aden. Sir, ^ Secret Department, 19 June 1861. I AM directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter. No. 6, dated the 1st instant, reporting the proceedings adopted by you in carrying out the decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General, as affecting his Highness Syud Thoweynee, on the occasion of your visit to Muscat. 2. In reply, I am desired to inform you that the Honourable the Governor in Council fully^ approves of your proceedings, and considers that you have treated the question which forms the subject of paragraph 8 of your letter, and which is one of much delicacy, with the utmost propriety and discretion. I have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, • Acting Secretary to Government. (No. 40 of 1861.) From Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Rigby, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar, to A. K. Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay. Secret Department, British Consulate, Zanzibar, Sir, 29 June 1861. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter. No. 117 of 1861, Secret Department, dated 30th April 1861, with ac companiments as per margin, relative to the decision of his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General of India on the disputes between the rulers of Muscat and Zanzibar on the one hand, and Muscat and Sohar the other. 1. Resolution by the Honourable Board, dated 4th February 1861. 2. From Officiating Secretary to Government of India to the Chief Secretary to Government, Bombay (No. 1532, Foreign Department), dated 2nd April 1861. 3. Copy of letters from his Excellency Sir G. Clerk, k.c.b., Governor of Bombay, to their Highnesses Syud Majeed bin Saeed, at Zanzibar, and Syud Toorkee, at Sohar. on 2. The above letter arrived here on the 14th instant, per Her Majesty’s steam-sloop “ Semiramis,” and at the same time I received two letters to the address of his Highness the Sultan Syud Majeed bin Saeed, of which one was from his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General of India, and the other from his Excellency the Honourable Sir George Clerk, k.c.b.. Governor of Bombay. 3. I presented these letters to his Highness, at a durbar, on the 16th instant. After he had perused them, I conferred with his Highness on the conditions of the arbitration, and I pointed out to him the promising future in prospect for his dominions by the removal of all apprehension of invasion or hostilities from Muscat. I also impressed on him to take this opportunity of regulating his expenditure with more regard to economy, and to no longer squander money he can so ill afford upon the northern Arabs, who are the cause of so much apprehension and insecurity every year to the inhabitants of this island. On taking leave of his Highness, I informed him that Her Majesty’s steam- vessel would remain here a few days for the purpose of conveying any replies his High ness might wish to make to the letters which I had delivered to him. 4. His ON SLAVE TRADE (EAST COAST OP AFRICA). 207 4. His Highness expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with the terms of the arbitra- Appendix, N tion, but said that he feared he might have some difficulty in procuring the sum of 80,000 crowns for the payment of the two years’ arrears to Muscat. I stated to him that if he paid the amount within a reasonable period, it would carry out the terms of the arbitration. I told him that if he would consent to liberate the three chiefs of the El-Harth tribe, by name Abdallah bin Salim, Mahomed bin Salim, and Mahomed bin Nassir, who are now in very rigorous confinement at Lamoo, they and their tribe are quite willing to pay the amount of 80,000 crowns as a fine for their rebellion, and that the release of these prisoners, who have been for two years confined in irons, would not only be a humane act, but also tend to reconcile the El-Harth tribe to his family. 5. His Highness begged that the steamer might remain here a few days as the Eed-i-Koorban, or Buckree Eed, was just commencing, and his time would therefore be so much occupied with public ceremonies that he would have no opportunity to write. On the 21st instant I again paid a visit to his Highness, when he informed me that he agreed to the terms of the arbitration, and that all the members of his family were highly gratified at the termination of the dispute with Syud Thoweynee ; and he expressed himself under deep obligations for the assistance afforded him by the British Government, and for the mediation of his Excellency the Viceroy in arranging his disputes with Syud Thoveynee. 6. The following day his Highness was taken ill, and for three or four days his life was in danger. He has long been suffering from a complication of diseases brought on by indulgence in sexual desires, which have greatly impaired his constitution, and he fre quently suffers from attacks of fever. In consequence of his state of health I have not been able to again have an interview with his Highness, and only received this day the answers to the letters of their Excellencies the Governor General of India and the Governor of Bombay. 7. His Highness has also addressed me a letter, a translation of which is herewith enclosed (Appendix No. 1), accepting the terms of the arbitration of his Excellency the Governor General of India. The desire which his Highness expresses, that the annual payment of 40,000 crowns should be held to be payable in two half-yearly instalments at “Monsim” (April) and Damani” (September-October) is because the revenue from the Customs is paid here at these seasons, and the dhows and other vessels only leave at these times for Muscat and ports to the north ; and when he before agreed to pay the sum of 40,000 crowns per annum to Muscat, it was to have been paid at the above seasons. 8. I spoke to his Highness on the subject of Syud Barghash’s return to Zanzibar. He appears to have little faith in his promise of future good behaviour, but said he is at liberty to return here, and that if he again endeavours to foment disturbances, the British consul will be aware of it, and can give him advice. The private secretary of his Highness has to-day called on me on behalf of his Highness on this subject. He says that he desires to forget all the past, and to treat Syud Barghash as a brother ; that if he lives here in a peaceable manner, he will not be interfered with in any way. I replied that I do not think Syud Barghash will again offend ; even if he wished to create a rebellion he would find no party to support him ; that the power of the El-Harth tribe —the only one which was hostile to Syud Majeed—is completely broken, and all classes of the people here are too anxious for peace ; and that, as his Highness is aware from letters intercepted, the former rebellion of Syud Barghash was instigated by the French consul, who has since been removed. 9. I have also informed his Highness of the sentiments of his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General relative to the guardianship of his younger brothers and sisters, the orphan children of his Highness the late Imam, and he promises that their heritage shall be faithfully secured to them. 10. All the Arabs with whom I have conversed since the terms of the arbitration became publicly known, have expressed great gratification at the peaceful termination of the disputes between the sons of the late Imam, and all classes of the inhabitants feel -rrateful to the British Government for having preserved these dominions from anarchy and ruin. I have, &c. (signed) C. P. Righy, Lieutenant Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar. Appendix, No. 1. [Translation of an Arabic Letter.] From His Highness Syud Majeed. hin Saeed, Sultan of Zanzibar, to Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Rigby, Her Majesty’s Consul, Zanzibar; dated Zanzibar, 19th day of the Month of Zilhuz, in the Year 1277 of the Hegira, corresponding to the 29th June 1861. After Compliments, I DESIRE to inform you that I have been very much gratified by the receipt of the letters 0.116. c C 4 from 208 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. from liis Lordship the Governor General of India and his Excellency the Governor of Bombay, conveying to me the intelligence of the setderaent of the disputes which existed between myself and my brother Thoweynee bin Saeed, and regarding the decision that I shall pay to my brother Thoweynee the sum of 40,000 crowns annually, and also the sum of 80,000 crowns on account of arrears for two years. I agree to pay these sums, and I accept and am satisfied with the terms of the decision, and they are binding on me. And it is the desire of the British Government (Janab el Sirkar) that each of us, that is, myself and my brother Thoweynee, shall be independent of each other in his own dominions," and sultan over his own subjects; that is to say, that Zanzibar and the islands (Pemba and Monfea) and the dominions on the continent of Africa dependent upon it shall be subject to me, and that Muscat and its dependencies, with the land of Oman, shall be subject to my brother Thoweynee bin Saeed ; and that we shall dwell in peace and friendly alliance the one with the other, as is customary between brothers. I pray that it may beso, if it please God. I feel very much obliged to the British Government for all its kindness and iavour, and for having averted from my dominions disorders and hostilities. During my lifetime I shall never forget the kindness which it has shown to me. And now what t desire from you is this, that you will mention to his Lordship the Governor General of India that he should kindly determine that the payment of the 40,000 crowns per annum to my brother Thoweynee shall be settled as follows, viz., that 20,000 crowns shall be due and payable each year at the “ Mousini ” (about April, when the south-west monsoon sets in), and that the other 20,000 crowns shall be due and payable each year at the Da ma ni ” (about September-October, when the annual accounts are made up, and the revenue from the customs is paid), in like manner as 1 before agreed to do when 1 made the arrangement through iny cousin Mahomed bin Salim to pay 40,000 crowns annually to IMuscat. And respecting the 80,000 crowns arrears for two years, that it shall be paid as soon as I can possibly do so. This I desire, in order that there may be no grounds of dispute hereafter. This is what I wish for from the friendship of the Government. And for whatsoever you may desire from me the sign is with you. Fiom the confiding slave in God’s mercy— (signed) Mojeed hin Saeed. Written on the 19th day of the month of Zilhuz, in the year 1277 of the Hegira, corre sponding to the 29th June A.d. 18G1. (True translation.) . (signed) C. P. Righy, Lieutenant Colonel, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent, Zanzibar. British Consulate, Zanzibar, 29 June 1861. (No. 60 of 1861.) (Office No. 196.) From A. Kinloch Forhes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to the Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department, Fort William. Secret Department, Bombay Castle, Sir, _ ^ 24 July 1861. In continuation of the letter from this Department, dated the 19th ultimo. No. 48, I am directed to forward to you, for submission to the Eight Honourable the Governor General in Council the accompanying copy of a letter, with enclosure, dated the 29th idem, from Lieutenant Colonel C. P. Eigby, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent at Zanzibar, announcing that his Highness Syud Majeed had accepted the terms of his Excellency the Viceroy’s arbitration relative to the matters in dispute with his Hio-hness’ brother Syud Thooweyee bin Saeed, the ruler of Muscat. ° 2. In transmitting this Despatch, I am desired to express the satisfaction of the Honourable the Governor in Council at the cordial spirit in which the Viceroy’s arbitra tion of the long-pending differences between these powerful chiefs on the cast coast of Africa and Arabia has been received. 3. As it appears desirable on the approaching departure of Captain Lewis Felly for Zanzibar that he should be made the hearer of a communication to the Sultan, it is pro posed to address his Highness, conveying a general approval of his very becoming letter to Lieutenant Colonel Eigby, and expressing the assurance of this Government that they will soon bave the pleasure of transmitting the Viceroy’s favourable notice of his High ness’ frank acceptance of the arbitration, and of the reasonable accommodation which he has solicited. 4. It 209 ON SLAVE TR4.de (EAST COAST OF AFRICA). 4. It is also proposed to address Lieutenant Colonel Rigby by the same opportunity, communicating to him the approval of his Excellency in Council of the judicious advice offered by him to his Highness Syud Majeed, especially in respect to the liberation of the chiefs of the El-Harth tribe, which would, in the opinion of this Government, not only be productive of the very great advantage of enabling him to dispose, without mrther embarrassment, of the Muscat claim upon him for arrears, but would also, it is hoped, tend to perpetuate the tranquillity of the Zanzibar territory by burying former disputes in oblivion. 5. Permission for the return of his Highness Syud Barghash to Zanzibar having been conceded by the Sultan, it appears to Government that it would be well that this young chief should accompany Captain Lewis Pelly, who has been appointed fo act for Lieu tenant Colonel Rigby ; arrangements will accordingly be made to enable Syud Barghash to accompany Captain Pelly to Zanzibar. 6. I am desired to add an expression of the regret with which this Government has received the unfavourable intelligence conveyed by Colonel Rigby in regard to his Highness Syud Majeed’s state of health. 7. A khureeta from his Highness to the address of the Right Honourable the Governor General accompanies. I' have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, Acting Secretary to Government. Appendix, No. 8. (No. 197 of 1861.) From A. Kinloch Forbes, Esq., Acting Secretary to Government, Bombay, to Lieutenant Colonel C. F. Rigby, Her Majesty’s Consul and British Agent at Zanzibar. Secret Department, Bombay Castle, g'j. 24 July 1861. 1 AM directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with enclosure, dated the 29th June last. No. 40, reporting the acceptance by his Highness Syud Majeed of the terms ot the Rio-ht Honourable the Governor General’s arbitration relative to the matters in dis pute ivith his Highness’s brother Syud Thoweynee bin Saeed of Muscat. 2 In reply I am desired to observe that the Honourable the Governor in Council con siders your communications to his Highness Syud Majeed to be very judicious, and he especially approves of the advice offered to the Sultan in respect to the liberation of the chiefs of the El-Harth tribe, which would not only be productive of the very great ad- vantao-e of enabling him to dispose, without further embarrassment, of the Muscat claim upon him for arrears, but would also, it is hoped, tend to perpetuate the tranquillity of the Zanzibar territory by burying former disputes in oblivion. 3, I am at the same time desired to state that Government are gratified to find that the arbitration of his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General has been received in so satisfactory a spirit by the Arab community of Zanzibar as well as by his Highness byud Majeed. 4. His Excellency in Council trusts that his Highness’s proposal to pay the annual subsidy to Muscat in two instalments will be favourably received by the Government of India. The arrangement could not. Government think, be objected to by the Sultan of Muscat, as it is believed to have formed part of the original scheme. 5 Permission for the return of his Highness Syud Barghash to Zanzibar having been Pelly to Zanzibar. receivÄ mfevourable rIgW 'Ä I have, &c. (signed) A. Kinloch Forbes, Acting Secretary to Government. 0,116. D D [ 210 im •iJ—> ■ 1. cjjidw áíi’-^ . ■ r \ rdi ' í : L 211 ] INDEX E E 420 [ 212 ] ANA.LYSIS OF INDEX. ALPHABETICAL and CLASSIFIED LIST of the Principal Headings in the following Index, with the Pages at which they will be found. PAGE Abolition of Slave Trade - - - - _ - 213 Consuls and Vice Consuls ~ - _ _ - 218 Cruisers - - - . _ „ . - 219 Domestic Slavery - - - _ _ - 221 France - - - - . . , - 222 Interior of the Country - - - _ - 225 Labour - - - - - - - - 22y Limitation of Export - - - - - 229 ^luscat - — • 230 Palmerston, Lord - - - - - - 231 Steam Communication - - - . - 235 Trade 236 Treaties 236 Zanzibar 240 Arabs -213 Arbitration {Muscat and Zanzibar') ~ - - - 214 British and British Indian Subjects {Zanzibar) - - 215 Children _ _ _ _ 215 Compensation {Sultan of Zanzibar) - - - - 217 Clerky Sir George - - - - - - 216 Condemnation of Slave Dhows - - - - - 218 Cruisers, 1, 2- - - - - - - 219 Consuls and Vice Consuls - - - - - 218 Cruisers : 1. Generally as to the Operations hitherto of the Squadron, and their limited Success - 219 2. Admiralty Instructions of November 1869 219 3. Interpreters - - - - - - 219 4. Bounties - - - - . - 220 5 Health of the Station - 220 6. Suggestions for increasing the Eßciency of the Service in various Particulars - 220 Cochburn, Admiral - - - - - - 216 Condemnation of Slave Dhows - - - - 218 France - 222 Indian Navy 225 Lamoo - - - - - - _ - 227 Persia 231 Pas el Hadd ------- 232 Domestic Slavery - - - - - - - 321 Expenditure - - - - - - _ - 221 Political Agency and Consulate - - - - 231 France Reunion - - - 232 Interior of the Country - - - - - -225 Journey to the Coast - - - - - 225 Loss of Life ------- 229 Journey to the Coast - - - - - - 225 Ktrh, Dr* - - - - — - - - 227 Liberated Slaves: 1. Expenditure in respect of Liberated Slaves at Aden and Bombay - - - - 228 2. Suggestions for disposing of Liberated Slaves in Zanzibar - - - - 228 3. Exceptions taken to the foregoing Proposal 228 pA' c?s 5. 6. 7. 8. Liberated Slaves—continued. 4. Advantages of the Seychelles for the Location of Liberated Slaves Suggestion for placing Captured Slaves at Dar Selam Question of sending Liberated Slaves to the Mauritius Disposal of Liberated Slaves at Aden Other Details and Suggestions, generally Loss of Life Interior of the Country - - - - Madagascar ------- Muscat -------- Number of Slaves ------ Persia - -- -- -- - Political Agency and Consulate - Portugal - - Aladagascar ------ Revenue of Zanzibar - - - - - Compensation - - - _ _ Sea Passage - Seychelles Trade -------- Treaties : 1. As to existing Treaties 2. As to the jiroposed New Treaty Zanzibar : 1. Arrangement for the Separation of Zanzi' bar from Muscat, the former paying the latter an Annual Subsidy - 2. Question of relieving the Sultan of Zanzibar of the Subsidy paid to Muscat upon Con- dition of his suppressing the Slave Trade 3. Question of the Seizure or Purchase of Zanzibar ----- 4. Action (f the late and present Sultan ve spectively with reference to the Slave Traffic ------ 5. Extensive Character cf the Slave Trade within the Zanzibar Territories 6. Summary Measures proposed to be adopted towards the Sultan Abolition or Suppression of Slave Trade - Arabs ------- British and British Indian Subjects - Consuls and Vice Consuls Cruisers _ Domestic Slavery _ France Health _ Kilwa Liberated Slaves, 2 finical Agency and Consulate - Revenue of Zanzibar - - . - - Slave Alarket ------ Special Envoy Steam Communication - - - - Trade - 23^ 2(29 2)9 fA 2^5 33^ 33^ 33^ 34^ if if 34 24‘ 2í3 2l3 «1Í 21Í? 23; ^33 3^% 33 4 33^ 33$ 3 [ 213 ] INDEX. [ÍNT. J5.—In this Index the Figures following the Names of the Witnesses refer to the Questions in the Evidence; those following App. to the Pages in the Appendix; and the Numerals following Rep~ to the Pages in the Report.] A. ABOLITION OF SLAVE TRADE. Conclusion as to the importance of gradually preventing the export of slaves altogether from the mainland, Hon. C. Vivian 79-81. 109-111. 119-124. 141. 146 Expediency of abolition being gradual; probable revo lution otherwise, ib. 109-111. 141 Recommendation that the suppression of the slave tragic be carried out gradually and concurrently with the introduction of free labour, Sir J. JI. Kaye 213. 238. 241. 251 Conclusion as to its being almost impossible entirely to Slop the slave trade at present, Churchill 380, 381. Evil effect of the oscillation of public opinion and Government action in this.country upon the question of an effectual suppression of the trade, Sir Bartle Frere 449 Failure of any plan unless the supply or export of slaves can be stopped for a long period, Sir L. G. Heath 752 Conclusion that the acquisition of Zanzibar by Great Britain is the only effectual mode of suppression, ib. 711-714. 740 Way in which a sudden suppression of the trade might cause a revolution, Steere 1103-1106 Sup pression of the East African Coast slave trade, if Zanzibar were occupied by Great Britain, Hillyar 1152, 1153. Stipulation in the proposed new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar providing for the eventual entire prohibition of the export of slaves from the mainland. Rep. vi. Conclusion of the Committee that all legitimate means should be used to put an end altogether to the East African slave trade, Rep. viii Summary of the provisions desir able in a new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar, for the entire abandonment of the slave trade, ib. ix. See also Consuls and Vice Consuls. Cruisers. Domestic Slavery. France. Interior of the Country. Labour. Limitation of Export. Muscat. Palmerston, Lord. Steam Communication. Trade. Treaties. Zanzibar. Activity of the Trade. Recent report by Dr. Kirk, that the slave trade is being more vigorously carried on than ever, Hon. C. Vivian 139 Increased activity of the trade, according to recent accounts, Churchill 298 Large increase in the slave trade on the coast during the last thirty years, and since the suppression of piracy, Sir Bartle Frere 446) 447 y-Great activity of the slave trade during the period whilst witness was in command of the squadron on the east coast. Sir L. G. Heath 672. See also Cruisers, J. Interior of the Country Number of Slaves. Aden. Very bad accommodation at Aden for the liberated slaves, C. Vivian 67. 113 Considerable ex; enditure for maintenance of liberated slaves at Aden, ib. 72 Various modes of disposal formerly of the liberated slaves at Aden, Sir B. Frere 457. Explanation as to witness having liberated slaves at Aden on several occasions, no difficulty having been experienced as to their employment. Sir William Coghlan 881- 885 Objections to the system of capturing slaves m order to liberate them at Aden, where they are rather worse off than if uncaptured, Colomb 1278. 1280-1283. Allington, Charles. (Analysis of his Evidence.j—W^as for some time with Bishop Tozer in the Shire River county, and testifies to the ravages of slave dealers in the interior; believes that wars are often provoked by the latter in order to obtain slaves, 1325- 1335- Arabs. Statement that all the mischief is done by Arabs who come down from the north to Zanzibar, and procure slaves from the interior as best they can, Hon. C. Vivian to. 17-19- 35- 40, 4’- 44- 46 Stringent measures desirable, so as to prevent slave hunt ing by the northern Aiabs; importance also of gradually sealing up the whole of the coast, 26. 79-81. 109-111. 119-124. 141-146 Purchase of slaves, indirectly, in Zan zibar by the Northern Arabs, Churchill 381-384. 420. E E 2 Necessity 211 ARA BOM Report, 1871—continued. Arabs—continued. Necessity of the Sultan being aided by a naval force in order to keep down the Northern Arabs, if’he would suppress the slave trade, Sir B. Frere 520, 521 Useless ness of treaties with Arabs, Rigby 609. 630 Piratical and independent character of the northern Arabs; summary measures desirable towards them, 26. 619-622 Circum stance of witness having made treaties with nearly all the chiefs m the Gulf of Aden, for the suppression of the slave trade. Sir W. Coghlan 919, 920. Operations of the Northern Arabs in Zanzibar, but not in the interior on the main land, Steere 1040, 1041. 1054-1059 Practice of the Northern Arabs in kidnapping slaves in Zanzibar, and shipping them at night, ib. 1054-1059 Power of the Sultan to put down the incursions of the Northern Arabs, ib. 1095-1098. 1106. Extracts from treaties, in different years, between Great Britain and Arab chieftains of ' the Persian Gulf, relative to piracy, the slave trade, &c., App. 100, 101. Statement by Mr. Ward, in letter of 22nd May 1869, that the Sultan of Zanzibar has no control over the Northern Arabs, App. 108. Views of Lieutenant Colonel Rigby in i860 as to the expediency of summary measures for preventing Arab incursions into the interior, App. 123. Statement by the Committee as to the slave dealers who procure the slaves from the interior being mostly Arabs, subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar, Rep. iv Roving and predatory habits of the tribes to which the Northern Arabs belong, ib. Conduct of the whole slave trade by sea by Arabs from Muscat and other ports on the Arabian coast, ib. Sufficient protection against the Northern Arabs by means of a British naval force at Zanzibar, if the slave trade be entirely prohibited, Rep. viii. Arbitration {Muscat and Zanzibar'). Papers showing in detail the steps taken by the Bombay Government and by the Government of India in i860 and 1861 in arbitrating between Syud Thoweynee, the ruler of Muscat, and Syud Majeed, the ruler of Zanzibar ; arrangement ultimately by which the latter has since paid the former an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns, App. 125 et seq. Communication from the Bombay Government to Brigadier Coghlan in March i860, appointing him to inquire into and report upon the merits of the dispute between the ruler of Muscat and the ruler of Zanzibar, App. 125. Letter from Brigadier Coghlan, dated 3 April i860, to the Bombay Government, with reference to certain difficulties in undertaking the inquiry in question, and making sug gestions on the subject, App. 125-127. Resolution by the Bombay Government, dated 16 April i860, leaving it entirely to the discretion of Brigadier Coghlan to carry out the investigation so as to arrive at what is right and expedient in the way of concession between the contending parties, App. 127, 128. Documentary evidence in detail explanatory of the arbitration by the Indian Government between the two rulers, and of the circumstances and conditions which led eventually to the award of an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns to the Sultan of Muscat, to be paid by the Sultan of Zanzibar, App. 128 ei seq. Report of Brigadier Coghlan, dated 4 December i860, showing the conclusions arrived at, and offering sundry suggestions in connection with the permanent separation of Muscat from Zanzibar, App. 154-169. Resolutions arrived at by the Bombay Government in February 1861, upon the ques tions at issue ; proposition that the ruler of Zanzibar shall pay annually to the ruler of Muscat a subsidy of 40,000 crowns, App. 187-192. Final award by the Government of India in accordance with the views of the Bombay Government; official communications consequent thereupon, App. 192-200. Willingness expressed by Syud Majeed to comply with the award, App. 182. 207, 208 Statement of the claims and grievances presented by Syud Majeed to Brigadier Coghlan at Zanzibar in October i860, ib. 183-187 Satisfaction expressed with the award by Svud Thoweynee of Muscat, ib. 203, 204. B. Badger, Rev. Georqe Percy. Valuable assistance rendered by the Rev. Mr. Badger, as member of the Muscat-Zanzibar Commission in 1860—61, App. 129. Communication from the Rev. Mr. Badger, in charge of the Muscat-Zanzibar Com mission, dated Aden, 1 June 1861, explaining the results of his visit to Muscat in con nection with the award of an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns, to be paid to the Sultan cf Muscat by the Sultan of Zanzibar, App. 201-203. Blockade of the Coast. See Cruisers. Bombay Government. Resolution of the Governor in Council in March 1861, upon the report BOM CHU 215 Report, 1870—continued. Bombay Government-^ conúnu^á. report by Bris^adier Coghlan ; conclusion as to the necessity of energetic action by the Imperial Government for the suppression of the Bast African slave tiade, App, 124» Bounties. See Cruisers, 4. British and Brilish-Indian Subjects {Zanzibar). Number of Brilish-Indian and of British subjects in Zanzibar ; considerable trade likely to arise, Hon. C. Vivian 13. 16 ~ Intended prohibition upon the holding of slaves by British-Indians in Zanzibar, ih. 98 Total of about 4,000 British subjects and British protected subjects in Zanzibar, Churchill 289, 290 Explanation as to the holding of slaves by the British protected subjects, or Kutchees, and as to the authority under which they hold them, ib. 295*^97* 408—4 ^ t)« Satisfactory results consequent upon the emancipation by witness of about 6,000 slaves held by British-lndian subjects in Zanzibar, Rigby 587, 588. 599, 600. 617, 618. 636- 652 Injurious effect of British-lndian subjects being now allowed to hold slaves by changing their allegiance to this country, ib. 636—644* 664* Statement as to some English subjects in Zanzibar having held a good many slaves, SzV. Z. G. Heath 787-789 Comment upon the employment of slaves m Zanzibar by Captain Frazer, and upon their employment by other Englishmen in Zanzibai and the Comoro Islands, Waller 963. 965“96^* 97^ —Necessity of amendment as regards the status of British protected subjects in Zanzibar, and their light to hold slaves, ib. 976, 977. Draft Report, dated Foreign Office, April 1870, relative to the right of jurisdiction of the British Government over^certain natives of Kutch, resident in India, -4/»/?. 95-97- Conclusion that it is not necessary to the exercise of such jurisdiction that British subjects should have enrolled themselves on the British consular register, ib. 96 Consideration by the Foreign Office of the question whether there is any distinction to be drawn in respect of Brhish jurisdiction between British born subjects and natives of Indian States under the protection of the British Government, such as Kutch, ib. 96, 97. Provision in the proposed new treaty with Zanzibar, that the natives of Indian States under British protection shall, after a certain date, be forbidden to possess, and that in the meantime they shall be prevented from acquiring any fresh slaves. Rep. vi. C. Captured Slavers. See Condemnation of Slave Dhows. Cruisers. Children. Care taken of the liberated children, by placing them in schools at Bombay and at the Seychelles, Hon C. Vivian 72. 82-84 Approval of the disposal of the children in the Seychelles, Rothery 804 Large proportion of children, from seven years of age upwards, amongst the natives taken away as slaves, Waller 9^9) 93® -Satisfactory result of the measures taken for the education of liberated slave children in Zanzibar, Steere 1002-1006 Average of about one in six of the slaves landed in Zanzibar as the proportion of children, ib. 1045-1047. Evidence in support of an establishment at the Seychelles for liberated children, under charge of the Church Missionary Society, Hutchinson I337"i35t Insufficient protec tion of liberated children in Zanzibar, ib. ] 339. 1347* Reference to the willingness of the Church Missionary Society to undettake the eharge and education of the children at the Seychelles, Rep. ix. Church Missionary Society. Facilities by means of the Church Missionary Society, and similar societies, for disposing of many of the liberated slaves. Sir B. Frere 452. 457. 518, 519 Evidence as to the views of the Church Missionary Society in favour of an establishment at the Seychelles for liberated children, Hutchinson 1337-135’* Churchill, Henry Adrian, c.b.—(Analysis of his Evidence).—Has been nearly three years at Zanzibar as political agent and consul, 285, 286 Desolate stale of the country between Lake Nyassa and the coast, owing to the ravages caused by the slave trade: cruel treatment of the slaves on the route to the coast, the mortality being excessive, 287, 288 Good care taken of the slaves in Zanzibar, their masters generally treating them with kindness, 288. 297. 325-332 Close packing and inadequate feeding during the voyage from the coast of Africa, 288. 310, 311. 327. Total of about 4,000 British subjects and British protected subjects in Zanzibar, 289, 290 Outline of witness’s duties as political agent and as consul ; very heavy work arising out of the slave trade, and the proceedings in the Vice Admiralty Court, 291-294 ——Very limited staff of the consulate with reference to the work to be done, 294 Explanation as to the holding of slaves by the British protected subjects, or Kutchees, 295-297 Increased activity of the slave trade on the east coast, according to recent accounis, 298 ladependeni attitude assumed by Syed Burgash, the present Sultan of Zanzibar, as to the slave trade, 298. 315 Stringent measures desirable in order to force the Sultan to come to terms ; proposed curtailment of his income from the slave 420. E E 3 tax. 2i6 CHU COG Report, 1871—continued. Churchill, Henry Adrian, C.B. (Analysis of bis Evidence)—continued. tax, 299, 300 Considerable trade of Zanzibar ; prospect of large increase in course of time, 301, 302 Estimate of from 3,000 to 4,000 slaves as requited for the purposes of Zanzibar ; much larger number shipped for illegal traffic, 303-309. Traffic in slaves on the Somali coast, beyond the limits of the Zanzibar territory, 311, 312 Destination of some of the slaves for Madagascar, 313 Conveyance also of some slaves to the Comoro Island, ih. Purchase of some slaves for the French posses sions, where they are nominally liberated, 313, 314 Refusal of the present Sultan of Zanzibar to accede to the terms of the proposed treaty, 315 Effectual check to the slave trade if the export of slaves were confined to one point on the coast, and if there were a steam launch on the spot, 316. Large force of cruisers on the coast ; difficulty of the duty, legal traders as well as slave dhows being often captured, 317-321 Practice as to the maintenance of the captured slaves on board the cruisers, 322, 323 Reservation of the question of landing liberated slaves in Zanzibar, instead of taking them all to Aden, 323- Estimate of 3,100 1. a year as the cost of the political agency and staff, 324. [Second Examination].—Obstacles to the suppression ofthe slave trade on the east coast informer years when the cruisers belonged to the Indian navy, 333, 334 Undue facili ties for the condemnation of dhows by the British cruisers, until the establishment of the Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar, 335, 336 Opportunity at one period for inducing the Sultan of Zanzibar to limit the trade, by relieving him of the subsidy which he pays to the Imaum of Muscat ; difficulties at present as to any arrangement in this direction, 337-339- Increasing amount of the trade between England and Zanzibar, 340-342 Further suggestion that the Sultan of Zanzibar might be deprived of certain export duties levied on British protected subjects, as a means of compelling him to restrict the slave trade, 343-345. 368-371, 388, 389. 414 Expediency of treaties being made with the chiefs on the Somali coast, and with certain other chiefs beyond the limits of the Zanzibar territory, 354-356. 400-407. Impression as to there being a slave market at Muscat; expediency of some stringent measures for preventing importation into Muscat, 358, 359. 385, 386. 400-402 Estimate of from 15,000 Z. to 20,000 A a year as the income derived by the Sultan of Zanzibar from the slave trade, 360-362 Proposition for the disjiosal and employment of the liberated slaves in Zanzibar; necessity of the co-operation ofthe Sultan, 363-367. 377-380. 393,394 Large and useful experience of Dr. Kirk on the east coast ; mis fortune if he cannot continue to act in witness’s absence, 373-376. Conclusion as to its being almost impossible entirely to stop the slave trade at present, 380, 381 Purchase of slaves, indirectly, in Zanzibar, by the northern Arabs, 381-384 Question as to the power and pecuniary resources of the Sultan of Zanzibar for carrying out a treaty limiting the export of slaves to one port, 387-394. 427 Increased expenditure necessary on the part of this country in order to effect a suppres sion of the trade, 395-397 Explanation as to the authority under which British protected subjects in Zanzibar hold slaves, 408-410. Efforts of the late Sultan of Zanzibar to suppress the slave trade, 41 2, 413 Absence of any offer by the present Sultan to sell or cede the island of Zanzibar, 415 Im portance of a free settlement on the coast as tending to prevent the traffic in slaves, 416-419. 429 Difficulty in preventing the slave dhows coining from the north, or in distinguishing between trading dhows and slave dhows, 420-426. 440, 441 Obstacle to reconveying slaves to their homes in the interior, 427, 428. Advantage of increased facilities of communication as tending to check the slave trade, 433, 434 Several points at which it is desirable to establish vice consulates, 435, 436- Approval of preventing dhows from using the French flag, 437 Concurrence of witness in the recommendation made by the Foreign Office Committee, 438, 439 Advantage of a cruiser as well as a stationary guardship at Zanzibar, 442. Clerk, Sir George. Recommendation by Sir George Clerk ten years ago that a compensation of 8,500/. a year be paid to the Sultan of Zanzibar for giving up the revenue from the slave trade, Sir J. W. Kaye 245, 246 Concurrence in certain suggestions by Sir George Clerk for the suppression of the East African slave trade, Sir B. Frere 449."^ Cochhurn, Admiral. Report from Admiral Cockburn, dated 31st May 1871, showino- the flourishing state of the Zanzibar slave trade, the difficulties encountered by the squadron and the remedies required for the suppression oí the traffic, Hon. C. Vivian 186. * Coyhlan, Sir William. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was for nine years Political Resi dent and Commandant at Aden, and negotiated the treaty under which the Sultan of Zanzibar pays the subsidy to the Sultan of Muscat, 878-880 Explanation as to wit ness having liberated slaves at Aden on several occasions, no difficulty havino- been ex- peiienced as to their employment, 881-885-—Careful repoit prepared by witness in i860 relative to the East African slave trade, 886-890 Opinion that the subsidy to the COG COM 217 Report, 1871 —continued. Coghlan, Sir William. (Analysis of his Evidence)—continued. the Sultan of Muscat cannot now with justice be withdrawn; opportunity of withdrawal at one period, 891-896. 910, 911. Complaint by naiive merchants at Aden in 1863 as to trading dhows having been illegally condemned, 897 Prospect of a large trade on the east coast but for the slave trade, 898- -Importance of the Sultan of Zanzibar being induced to give up the import of slaves to Zanzibar; belief that he would readily do this if relieved from the payment made to Muscat, 899-903. 912-918 Probable necessity of some cruisers even if the Sultan of Zanzibar abandoned the slave trade, 904-908 Facility of distinguishing between dhows having domestic slaves and dhows with slaves for sale, 909 Circum stance of witness having made treaties with nearly all the chiefs in the Gulf of Aden for the suppression of the slave trade, 919, 920. Coghlan, Brigadier, Report by Brigadier Coghlan, in charge of the Muscat Zanzibar Commission, dated Aden, 1st November i860, containing sundry details relative to the East African slave trade and the measures desirable for its suppression, App. 112-120. Report of Brigadier Coghlan, dated 4th December i860, and offering sundry sugges tions in connection with the permanent separation of Muscat from Zanzibar, and the question of the payment of a subsidy by the latter to the former, App. 154-169. Colomb, Captain Philip, R.N. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was in command of a cruiser on the East African coast between November 1868 and May 1870; 1206-1208 Capture of six vessels by witness, with slaves on board, three of the vessels having only one slave each, 1209-1213. 1227 Concentration of the slaves for landing at or near Ras el Hadd, it being important to have a large naval force at this point in order to suppress the traffic, 1214. 1285-1289. 1292-1300 Necessity for each cruiser being well supplied with steam launches, 1214. Great difficulty of the commanders by reason of their not being supplied with informa tion when they are placed on the station, 1214. 1268. 1272, 1273. 1279 Necessity of an improved class of interpreters, 1214, 1 215. 1252-1254 Sufficiency of three years as the period of service on the coast, 1216. 1308, 1309 — Importance of treaties prohi biting the domestic as well as the foreign slave trade, 1217-1220. Immediate destruction of the dhows captured by witness, including those having only one slave on board; justification of this mode of action, 1221-1235. 1244-1246. 1255- 1271. 1277 Good condition of many of the slaves captured by witness ; statement hereon as to the slaves not being confined nor ironed during the voyage, 1236-1240 Advantage of cruisers off the ports of departure as well as on the Arabian coast, 1247- 1251 Discouragement, rather than encouragement, of the cruisers by the Foreign Office, 1274-1276. Objections to the system of capturing slaves in order to liberate them at Aden, where they are rather worse off than if uncaptured, 1278. 1280-1283 Great check to the slave trade if there were only one legal port for embarkation, 1284 Doubt as to the power of the Sultan of Muscat to stop the trade, 1290, 1291 Opinion as to the healthiness of Zanzibar, 1302, 1303 Advantage of placing liberated slaves in Zan zibar undt r British protection, 1304-1307. Necessity of two or three cruisers for preventing the export of slaves from the Portu guese territory to Madagascar, 1310-1318 Doubt as to any difficulty arising through the import of free labour into Réunion, 1319, 1320 Advantage if encouragement were given to legal traders on the east coast to fly English colours instead of French colours, 1320-1324. Comoro Islands. Conveyance of some slaves to the Comoro Island, Churchill 313. Compensation (Sultan of Zanzibar). Conclusion as to the necessity of compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for the loss of revenue to be occasioned by a suppression of the slave trade in his dominions, Hon. C. Vivian 37. 99-104. 157. 160, i6i Belief that if the Sultan of Zanzibar were released from the payment of 8,000 1. a year to the ruler of Muscat, he would be willing to suppress the Zanzibar slave traffic, Sir J. W. Kaye 201. 205, 206 Conclusion as to the necessity of compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for relinquishing the slave traffic not already prohibited by treaty ; belief as to the suffi ciency of a payment of 8,000/. a year for the purpose, ib. 205, 206. 241-256. 274-277. 281 Saving to be effected not only as regards liberated slaves, but in time, by the withdrawal of the squadron if compensation be paid for the suppression of the traffic, ib. 234. 248-258. 283 Probability of the Sultan of Zanzibar encouraging the trade with a view to obtaining a subsidy from Great Britain, ib. 265, 266. Proposal that Great Britain and India should undertake the payment of the subsidy of 8,000/. a year now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat, and that in return certain acquire ments should be made tending to the abolition of the slave trade. Sir B. Frere 452- 482. 504-5*5^- Anticipated willingness of the Sultan of Zanzibar to make a large sacrifice if relieved from the annual payment to Muscat, ib, 515, 516. Decided objection to this country undertaking the payment of the subsidy of 8,000/. 420. E E 4^ a year^ Report, 1871—continued. Compensation (^Sultan of Zanzibar')—continued. a year, now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat; witness, in fact, would offer no money com pensation for a suppression of the Zanzibar slave trade, Rigby 630-635, Letter from witness to the Governor of Bombay in February 1869, suggesting that the Sultan of Zanzibar be released from the payment of 8,000/. a year to the Imaum of Muscat ; further statement to this effect. Sir L. G. Heath 780. 784-786 Import ance of the Sultan of Zanzibar being induced to give up the import of slaves to Zan zibar ; belief that he would readily do this if relieved from the payment made to Muscat, Sir W. 899-903. 912-918 Belief that Syud Burgash would co-operate in suppressing the foreign slave trade if he were relieved of the subsidy paid to Muscat, Steere 1091-1094. Reference by the Committee to the proposal for releasing the Sultan of Zanzibar from the payment of the subsidy to Muscat, Rep. viii. Alteration of the circumsiances under which it was supposed this release might be effected, ib. Consideration of the proposal generally for compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for the loss of revenue from an abolition of the slave trade ; calculation that the value to him of the legalised trade does not exceed 4,000/. a year. Rep, viii., ix. See also Clerk, Sir George, Condemnation of Slave Dhows. Condemnation of about thirty dhows every year, Churchill 294 Undue facilities for the condemnation of dhows by the British cruisers until the establishment of the Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar, ib. 335, 336. Several instances of illegal capture and destruction of trading dhows with some domestic slaves on board ; prejudice thereby to legitimate trade, Rothery 843-846. 854- 859 Conclusion that, save in very exceptional cases, all captured dhows should be taken into port, and should be sent before a prize court before condemnation, ib. 861, 862. 867-877: Complaint by native merchants at Aden in 1S63 ^s to trading dhows having been illegally condemned. Sir W. Coghlan 897. ^ Immediate destruction of the dhows captured by witness, including those having only one slave on board; justification of this mode of action, Colomb 1221-1235. 1244—j 246. 1255-1271. 1277. Admiralty instructions as to the destruction of captured vessels, App. 92. See also Cruisers, 1,2. Consuls and Vice Consuls. Explanation as to the difficulties with reference to carrying out the proposals of the Committee of 1870; necessity of consuls on the coast backed by force in order to carry out any prohibitory arrangements effectually, Hon. C. Vivian 118. 128-141. 146-154 Several points at which it is desirable to establish vice consulates, Hon. C. Vivian 135-138 ; Clmrchill ^35, 436 Expediency of an improved consular service and of the consular officers being placed on a better footing, Sir B. Frere 452. 477-479- 488. 491. 511- 517- Advantage of foreign consuls uniting with British consuls for the suppression of the slave trade, Rigby 581, 582. 665 Impracticability of a large staff of consular agents, the climate being most unhealthy, ib. 589-591. Importance of the appointment of vice consuls along the coast, Sir L. G. Heath 701- 711- Suggestion that a “floating” consul be employed, who should constantly be moving about, and should occasionally reside on shore at Kilwa and other points,IFa/Zer 958, 959 Usefulness of the appointment of vice consuls at some of the ports, Steere 1029-1031. Reference to the proposed appointment of a consular officer at Dar Selam; duties to be fulfilled by this officer. Rep. vii Probable necessity of a consular officer at Kilwa for a time as well as at Dar Selam, ib. Concurrence of the Committee in the view as to the necessity of an increase in the consular establishment. Rep. ix. Expediency of the expense being equally shared by the Indian and Imperial Governments, ib. Want of permission from the Sultan of Zanzibar to station vice consuls at Kilwa, Dar Selam, and Lam00, ib. See also Political Agency and Consulate. Cotton, Large quantities of cotton produced on the east coast. Waller 945. 970. Cruelty, See Intel ior of the Country. Journey to the Coast. Loss of Life. Sea Passage. CRUISERS. 2 i;) Report; 1871—continued. Cruisers : 1. Generally as to the Operations hitherto of the Squadron, and their limited Success. 2. Admiralty Instructions of November 1869. 3. Interpreters. 4. Bounties. 5. Health of the Station. 6. Suggestions for increasing the Efficiency of the Service in various Par- ticulars. 1. Generally as to the Operations hitherto of the Squadron, and their limited Success : Difficult duties of the British cruisers as to slavers, Hon. C. Vivian 59-65 I.iarge force of cruisers on the coast ; difficulty of the duty, legal traders as well as slaves dhows being often captured, 317-3-1 Great check given to the trade when the cruisers were active and successful in making seizures, Rigby 556. 559 Utter inca pacity of the squadron when witness was in Zanzibar, ib. 567 Belief as to there being now no French or American cruisers on the east coast, ib. 647-651. Total of seven ships generally under witness, including his flagship; efficiency of several of these cruisers. Sir L. G. Heath 673-676 Employment of all the vessels for the suppression of the slave trade during the months wlien it was most active, ib. 680- 683 Statement to the effect that out of about 20,000 slaves conveyed annually from the east coast an average of little more than 1,000 a year is captured by the cruisers ; reference herein to the numerous dhows boarded and released as not being slavers, ib. 685-700. 705-708. 724, 725. 741-744. 753-755 Information relative to the disposition of the cruisers, ib. 685. 765-769 Further explanations relative to the operations of the squadron under command of witness, and its failure to capture the great majority of slavers, ib. 756-760. Inefficiency of the operations of the squadron for suppressing the slave trade; undue interference with legitimate traders, 1014-1016. 1069-1075 Instances of mis conduct on the part of officers and crews, ib. 1014. 1071-1075. Entire inadequacy of the force formerly under charge of witness on the east coast ; particulars as to its disposal and mode of operation, Hillyar 1136-1149, 1173-1182 Denial of certain statements as to misconduct on the part of the force, ih. 1161-1166 Groundlessness of complaints as to the conduct of the naval force when witness was on the east coast, Rigby 1193-1196. Capture of six vessels by witness with slaves on board, three of the vessels having only one slave each, Colomb 1209-1213. 1227 Great difficulty of the commanders, by reason of their not being supplied with information when they are placed on the station, ib. 1214.1268.1272, 1273. 1279. Statement by Colonel Rigby, in i860, as to the utter inadequacy of the British cruisers on the coast for the suppression of the slave trade, App. 120, 121. Entire insufficiency of the present squadron to check, much less to stop, the trade, Rep. vil Comparatively few slave dhows captured by the cruisers, d->. 2. Admiralty Instructions of November 1869 : Special instructions issued to the British cruisers on the east coast in November 1869, in consequence of irregularities and mistakes committed by commanding officers, Hou. Prejudicial eftect upon the action of the cruisers by reason of an Admiralty Circular of November 1 869, ¡ir obi biting the capture of dliow^s with domestic slaves on board; com ment upon the instructions in this circular, Sir L. G. Heath 704-710. 754, y55 Statement in further justification of the former practice of the cruisers in capturing dhows with domestic slaves on board, ih. 744-749. Statement in explanation and justification of the Admiralty Orders prohibiting the capture or destruction of dhows with domestic slaves, Rolhery 811-820. 832-859, Instructions, dated Admiralty, 6th November 1869, for the guidance of naval officers employed in the suppression of the slave trade, App. 91-93. 3. Interpreters : Great want of improvement in the class of persons employed as interpreters. Sir B. 452. 480, 481 ; Steere 1032-1034 Advantage of an improved class of inter preters, who should not share in the bounties, Rothery 808-810 Necessity of an .improved class of interpreters, Colomb 1214, 1215. 1252-1254. Recommendation by the Committee that some effort be made to provide the squadron with efficient and trustworthy interpreters. Rep. ix. 420. F F 4. Bounties. Report, 1871—continued. Cruiser s—continued. 4. Bounties : Explanation in connection with the systems of bounties to cruisers on condemnation of slave dhows, Hon C. Vivian 59-65 Saving of bounties to cruisers by diminishing the trade, Sir B. Frere 508-511 Difficulty of the question as to the expediency of the system of bounties; decided objection, however, to the bounty of llos. a ton when dhows are destroyed at sea, Rothery 805-807. 849-851. 5. Health of the Station ; Doubt as to naval service on the coast being unhealthy, save at the mouths of the rivers. Sir B. Frere 523, 524 Good health of the squadron on the whole, Sir L. G. Heath 677-679 Sufficiency of three years as the period of service on the coast, Colomb 1216. 1308, 1309. 6. Suggestions for increasing the EßFiency of the Service in various Particulars : Request recently made bv Admiral Cockburn for a stationary ship, to act as a depot and o-uardship, Hon. C. Vivian 186 Advantage of a cruiser as well as a stationary o-uardship at Zanzibar, Churchill 442 Explanation in regard to the more effectual blockade of the coast contemplated by witness. Sir B. Frere 487-501 Inproved regu lations desirable as regards the squadron on the coast; advantage if there were some small steam gunboats, ib. 452 Expediency of a right to seize slavers within there miles of the shore, ih. 452. 499-501. Suggestions for a much more efficient squadron on the coast, and for an amended systenfof cruising, witness believing that in about five years the whole slave trade may thus be stopped, Rigby 563-567. 577. 586. 614. 623-625. 668 Necessity of the squadron being under an experienced and permanent officer, whose heart would be in the work,iè. 586. 614 Advantage of the entrance to the Persian Gulf and to the Red Sea being watched, one vessel being sufficient in each case, ib. 623. Conclusions that cruisers alone will not entirely suppress the traffic ; advantage, how ever, if there were three or four vessels on the station. Sir L. G. 685-700. 748 Doubt as to the advantage of a permanent officer in charge of the cruisers, ib. 702, 703 Suggestions by witness, in 1869, for increasing the squadron and for prohibiting domestic slavery ; advantage of these measures, though not likely to suppress the trade entirely, ih. 711, 712. 722-724. 729-739. 752 Advantage of steam launches on the east coast, and of other improvements in the cruising vessels, ib. 748 Expediency of the disposition of the cruisers being varied I rom time to time, ib. 771 Improvement by increasing the squadron to 10 or 11 vessels, though these will not ot themselves suffice to suppress the slave trade, ib. 77i"773* Sugcrestion that some swift vessels of light draught be employed for pursuing the slave dhowsln the shallows, whilst larger vessels should watch the Arabian coast, Steere 1014. 101 7-1023. 1089, 1090. Proposal for increasing the squadron to twelve vessels of the corvette class, with steam launches attached; great check to be given thereby to the slave trade, Hiliyar 1136. 1154-1157.1167-1174. 1190 Importance of the cruisers using smokeless fuel, ¿6. 1191,1192. Necessity of each cruiser being well supplied with steam launches, Colomb 1214 Advantage of cruisers off the ports ot departure as well as on the Arabian coast, ib. 1247-1251. 1280-1284. Suggestion by Brigadier Coghlan in November i860 for stationing a steam gunboat of light draught at Zanzibar, App. 117. Recommendation by Colonel Rigby in 1860, that a light screw-gunboat be stationed at Zanzibar to watch ihe coast as far as Cape Delgado to the south and Lamoo to the north, App. 122. Conclusions arrived at by the Government of India in 1861, as to the necessity of a more efficient force of cruisers, App. 124. Conclusirm of Committee that there should be for a time an increase in the strength of the naval squadron, and that it should be well supplied with steam launches. Rep. vii. ix Advantage of the commanding officers being fully supplied with all recorded infor mation, ib. X Expediency of negotiations being entered into with the Government of Persia,^ in order to secure greater facilities of search in vessels suspected of carrying slaves, ib. x. See also Cockburn, Admiral. Condemnation of Slave Dhoivs. France. Indian Navy. Lamoo. Persia. Ras el Hadd. Cuba. Belief that slaves are not now taken from Zanzibar to Cuba, Hon. C. Vivian, 172 Large slave trade formerly from the east coast to Cuba; this has entirely ceased, Rigby 542, 543. Statement by Colonel Rigby, in i860, as to the slaves having been then largely con veyed to Cuba, App. 120. DAR EXP 221 Report, 1871 —continued. D. Dar Selam. Proposed limitation of the export of slaves to the port of Dar Selam ; advan tage of a consular officer there, Æo». C. Vivian 137, 138 Approval of a consular officer at Dar Selam, ChuroUll 436 Importance attached to a recent suggestion by Dr. Kirk, in a letter to witness, that a European settlement be formed on the mainland, near Dar Selam, and that liberated slaves be placed there. Waller 975. 983, 984 Very healthy situation of Dar Selam, on the mainland, Steere 104^. 1111. Provision in the proposed new treaty for limiting the shipment of slaves from the mainland to one port, namely, Dar Selam, Rep. vi Reference to the proposed appointment of a consular officer at Dar Selam ; duties to be fulfilled by this officer, lb. vii. ix. Depopulation and Devastation. See Interior of the Country. Dhows. DiflBculty in preventing the slave dhows coming from the north, or in distinguishing between trading dhows and slave dhows,Churchill 420-426. 440,441 Out of 400 dhows boarded within a certain period, only eleven were slavers, Sir L. G. Heath 685,686. 753- 755* 7G4 Facility of distinguishing between dhows having domestic slaves and dhows vvith slaves for sale. Sir W. Coghlan 909 Resistance sometimes offered by the slave dhows. Hillyar 1189. Excessively close packing of the slaves on board the dhows. Rep. v Provision in the proposed new treaty with a view to identifying the dhows engaged in conveying slaves to Zanzibar for domestic purposes, ib. vi. See also Condemnation of Slave Dhows. Cruisers. Sea Passage. Domestic Slavery. Legality of slavery in Zanzibar, it being a perfectly recognised institu tion among Mahomedans, Hon. C. Vivian 4—6 Constant excess of the coast limits recognised for export for domestic purposes, ib. 20-22 Doubt as to the number of slaves required for legitimate or domestic slavery in Zanzibar, Sir J. W. Kaye 284. Good care taken of the slaves in Zanzibar, their masters generally treating them with kindness, CAwrcM/288. 297. 325-328 Estimate of from 3,000 to 4,000 sla^s as required for the purposes of Zanzibar ; much larger number shipped lor illegal traffic, ib. 303-309—'—Arrangements suggested for the restriction and regulation of the export of slaves from the mainland to Zanzibar for domestic purposes. Sir B.Frere, 451, 452. Growing feeling of the Arabs in Zanzibar that it is better to keep the slaves there for home cultivation than to export them ; less objection, moreover, to slavery in Zanzibar or on the mainland than to the export trade to the north, Rigby 568-572. 611-615. 632. 652-663 Contemplated permission to export a limited number of slaves from Mirama on the east coaat to Zanzibar for home use, ib. 612-615. 652-663 ^Importance of treaties prohibiting the domestic as well as the foreign slave trade, Cdomb 1217- 1220. Object of the British Government in assenting to certain treaty conditions, to avoid interference with the status of domestic slavery in the dominions of the Sultan of Zani- bar Rep V. vi. Very small number of slaves required for Zanzibar, as compared with the ’number’ intended for the foreign market, ib. vi. Provision in the proposed new treaty for limiting the number of slaves exported to Zanzibar, and thence to Pemba and Mombazo, ib. Conclusion of the Committee that any attempt to supply slaves for domestic use in Zanzibar will always be a pretext and a cloak for a foreign trade. Rep. viii Inex pediency of any recognition by Great Britain of the slave traffic required to keep up domestic slavery, ib. E. Education. Good care taken of the children in schools at the Seychelles and at Bombay Hon. C. Vivian 72. 82-84- Satisfactory result of the measures taken for the education of liberated slave children in Zanzibar, Steere 1002-1006 Representations on the part of the Church Missionary Society in favour of ths training and education of slave chil dren in the Seychelles, Hutchinson 1337-1351« Reference by the Committee to the willingness of the Church Misssionary Society to undertake the charge and education of the children at the Seychelles, Rep. ix. Emancipated Slaves. See Liberated Slaves. Expenditure. Saving to be effected not only as regards liberated slaves, but in time, by the withdrawal of the squadron, if compensation^be paid for the suppression of the traffic. Sir J. W. Kaye 234. 248-252. 283 Expected objection by the Government of India to pay an increased sura towards the expenses of the squadron, ib. 257-259. 420. F F 2 Increased ,222 EXP fra Report, 1871 —continued Expenditure— üftüÜSilîili See also Political Agency and Consulate. Ex-portfrom Mainland. y:S%£ü:- Cruisers.. Lhnita- Slave F. «“gen,e„,, of ,he cruise,, by the Foreign mm#*« France : gggiSESïïill^Ëflii^ i=#Slàl?SSIi;ãf;|g of France i„ inv^:n7hrs:‘;;ress.Ut?tL“Zt AfrL»Ä^^ «f France be See also Reunion. ■" Zanzibar by Free F RE H E A 223 Report, 1871—continued. Free Settlement. Importance of a free settlement on the coast as tending to prevent the traffic in slaves, CAwy-c/»// ^16-419. 4-29. Frere, Sir Bartle, G.C.S.I., k.c.b. (Analysis of his Evidence).—Has for many years taken much interest in the subject under inquiry, 444, 445 Extensive use made of the French flag on the east coast as a cover for aiding a modified kind of slavery, 446 Large increase in the slave trade on the coast during the last thirty years, and since the suppression of piracy, 446, 447 Evil efiect of the oscillation of public opinion and Government action in this country, upon the question of an effectual suppression of the trade, 448. 458, 459. Dissent from Mr. Churchill’s views in favour of stringent measures exclusively; respects in which a policy of forbearance is likely to prove effectual, 449 Disapproval of any attempt to interfere with the internal taxation of Zanzibar, as a means of com pelling the observance of treaty obligations, 449-4,51 Concurrence in certain sugges tions by Sir George Clerk for the suppression of the East African slave trade, 449. Arrangements suggested for the restriction and regulation of the export of slaves from the main land to Zanzibar for domestic purposes, 451, 452 Proposal that Great Britain and India should undertake the payment of the subsidy of 8,000 1. now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat, and that in return certain requirements should be made tending to the abolition of the slave trade, 452. 483. 504-516. 522 Expediency of an improved consular service, and of the consular officers being placed on a better footing, 452. 477-479- 488. 491. 511. 517. Improved regulations desirable as regards the squadron on the coast: advantage if there were some small steam gunboats, 452 Expediency of a right to seize slavers within three miles of the shore, 452. 499-501 Want of more efficient interpreters on the station, 452. 480, 481 Great importance of lines of steam communication and of postal facilities; aid to be given by Government in the matter, 452. 463-476. 482. 48^. 525-528. Suggestions for the regulation and protection of liberated slaves in Zanzibar: im portance of their being under the flag of the Saltan, who would be backed by the naval and consular support of this country, 452. 485, 486. 529 Facilities by means of the Church Missionary Society, and similer societies, for disposing of many of the liberated slaves, 452. 457. 518,519 Proposal that a special envoy be sent to Zanzibar and Muscat, in order to press the adoption of the required measures and to give full ex planations, 452. Details relative to the large extent of the ludo-African trade in former times, and the extent of the trade of Zanzibar, &,c, at the present time : grounds for the conclusion that an immense trade may be developed by proper facilities, 453-456. 482-473 Views of Dr. Livingstone as to the large trade which may be developed, and as to the effect thereof in leading to the discontinuance of the slave trade, 455. 476 Various modes of disposal formerly of the liberated slaves at Aden, 457. Unwise economy of the Imperial Government in withholding expenditure, which would not only suppress the slave trade, but would greatly increase the legitimate trade, 458- 476. 483 Saving to be effected as regards liberated slaves at Aden, if there were lines of steam communication, 484 Explanation in regard to the more effectual blockade of the coast contemplated by witness, 487-501 Contemplated representations to the Persian Government, in order to obtain all possible facilities for the seizure of slavere, 489-492. 502, 503. Expected willingness of India to contribute a reasonable share of the amount required for suppressing the slave trade, 494. 512-514. 522 Saving of bounties to cruisers by diminishing the trade, 508-511 Anticipated willingness of the Sultan of Zanzibar to make large sacrifice if relieved from the annual payment to Muscat, 515, 516 Neces sity of the Sultan being aided by a naval force in order to keep down the northern Arabs, if he would suppress the slave trade, 520, 521 Doubt as to naval service on the coast being unhealthy, save at the mouths of the rivers, 523, 524. G. Germany. Recommendation that the co-operation of Germany be invited in the suppression of the East African slave trade. Rep. x Preponderance of German trade at the port of Zanzibar, ib. H. Health {Zanzibar). Excessively unhealthy character of parts of Zanzibar, especially in the interior, Rigby 589-591 • 420. F F 3 Dissent 224 HE A HOB Report, 1871—continued. Health {Zanzibar)—continued. Dissent from certain evidence as to Zanzibar being very unhealthy, Sir L. G. Heath y 15-717 Good health of witness in Zanzibar; some parts are doubtless very un healthy, Sieere 1042-1044. 1109-1111 Opinion as to the healthiness of Zanzibar, Colomb 1302, 1303 Impression as to Zanzibar being unhealthy, Hutchinson 1347. See also Cruisers, 5. Heath, Sir Leopold G. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was in command of the squadron on the East African coast from the middle of 1867 till November 1870; 671 Great activity of the slave trade during this period, 672 Total of seven ships generally under witness, including his flagship; efficiency of several of these as cruisers, 673-676 Good health of the squadron, on the whole, 677-679 Employment of all the vessels for the suppression of the slave trade during the months when it was most active,680-683. Calculation as to about 20,000 slaves being imported into Zanzibar annually, the great majority of whom are re-exported, 684, 685. 741 Statement to the effect that out of about 20,000 slaves conveyed annually from the east coast, an average of little more than 1,000 a year is captured by the cruisers ; reference hereon to the numerous dhows boarded and released as not being slavers, 685-700. 705-708. 724, 725. 741-744. 753- 755 Conclusion that cruisers alone will not entirely suppress the traffic ; advantage however if there were three or four more vessels on the station, 685-700. 748. Importance of the appointment of vice-consuls along the coast, 701. 711——Doubt as to the advantage of a permanent officer in charge of the oruisers, 702, 703——Pre judicial effect upon the action of the cruisers by reason of an Admiralty circular of November 1869, prohibiting the capture of dhows with domestic slaves on board; com ment upon the instructions in this circular, 704-710. 754, 755 -Suggestions by witness in 1869 for increasing the squadron, and for prohibiting domestic slavery; advantage of these measures, though not likely to suppress the trade entirely, 7^^» 7^^' 7-^“7-4' 7^9~ /oy /u-- ... I Conclusion that the acquisition of Zanzibar by Great Britain is the only effectua mode of suppression, 7ii~7^4* 74^ Dissent from certain evidence as to Zanzibai beino- very unhealthy, 715-717 Concurrence generally in the recommendations made by the Foreign Office Committee, though witness greatly doubts whether they will suffice to stop the trade, 718-724. 747-752. Doubt whether on the west coast the squadron alone would have succeeded, in sup pressing the trade, 729-734 Advantage of steam launches on the east coast, and of other improvements in the cruising vessels, 74^ Failure of any plan, unless the supply or export of slaves can be stopped for a very long period, 752. [Second Examination.]—Further explanations relative to the operations of the squadron under command of witness, and its failure to capture the great majority of slavers, 756- Advantage of the disposition of the cruisers being varied tiom time to time, 771 Improvement by increasing the squadron to ten or eleven vessels, though these will not of themselves suffice to suppress the slave trade, 771-773- Statement in further justification of the former practice of the cruisers in capturing dhows with domestic slaves on board, 774-779- Letter from witness to the Governor of Bombay, in February 1869, suggesting that the Sultan of Zanzibar be released from the payment of the subsidy ot 8,500 Z. a year to the Imauin of Muscat; further statement to this effect, 780. 784-786 Circumstance of the French squadron on the east coast not taking any part in suppressing the slave trade, 781-783 Statement as to some English subjects in Zanzibar having held a good many slaves, 7^7""7^9- Hillyar, Rear Admiral Charles F., C.B. ' (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was m command of the squadron on the East African Coast from the beginning of i8b6 tffl J uly 1867 î had previously had large experience on the west coast, 1131-1^35 Entire inade quacy of the force under charge of witness on the east coast ; particulars as to its dis posal and mode of operation, 1136—1149* ii73~ii^^ Suggestions for increasing the squadron to twelve vessels of the corvette class, with steam launches attached ; great check to be given thereby to the slave trade, 1136. 1154-1157* 1167-1174. 1190. Great facility for evading the cruisers through its being legal for the slave dhows to clear out for Laraoo, 1143-1149 Importance of the capture of Lagos with reference to the suppression of the west coast slave trade, 1150, 1151 Suppression of the east coast slave trade if Zanzibar were occupied by Great Britain, 1152, 1153 Decrease of the slave trade on the east coast since 1867 j 1158—1160. Denial of certain statements as to misconduct on the part of the naval force, 1161-1166 Advantage of disposing of some of the liberated slaves in the Seychelles, 1183-1186 Ready co-operation of the French admiral with witness, 1187, 1188 Resistance sometimes offered by the slave dhows, 1189 Importance of the cruisers using smoke less fuel, 1191, 1192. Hobbs, Rev. S. Letter from the Rev. S. Hobbs to Mr. Hutchinson, dated Make, 19th May 1869, HOB J O U 225 Report, 1871 —continued. Hobbs, Rev. S.—continued. 1869, relative to the advantages of Seychelles, for the reception of liberated slaves, Apjy. 106, 107 Further communication from Mr. Hobbs, dated 29 June and 28 July 1869, upon the question of disposing of the liberated slaves in Seychelles, ib. I08. Hutchinson, Edtcard. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—On the part of the Church Missionary Society, represents the superior advantages of the Seychelles, as compared with Zanzibar Island, for the disposal of liberated slaves, I336“i35i Submits that a Grovernment contribution of 6 d. per head is all that is required for the proposed settlement, 1342— 1346 Considers that liberated slaves, as British subjects, should be under the British flag, 1343- I. India. Expected objection by the Government of India to pay an increased sum towards the expenses of the squadron on the east coast, Sir J. W. Kaye 257-259 Anticipated willingness of India to contribute a reasonable share of the amount required for suppress ing the slave trade. Sir B. Frere 494. 512-514. 522. Indian Kavy. Obstacles to the suppression of the slave trade on the east coast in former years when the cruisers belonged to the Indian Navy, Churchill 333, 334. Interior of the Country. Desolate state of the country in the interior, between i,ake Nyassa and the coast, owing to the ravages caused by the slave trade, Churchill 287, 288 Destruction of whole villages in the interior, and depopulation of the whole country be tween Lake Nyassa and the coast, through the ravages of the slave hunters, Rigby 611 -Exceeding fertility of the depopulated country, ib. 611. 628,629. Immense extent to which the country about Lake Nyassa, &c., has been and is being devastated and depopulated, in consequence of the slave trade ; testimony of Dr. Living stone adverted to hereon, Waller 931-950. 978-980 Witness has seen three villages burning one morning within a few hours, whilst 700 or 800 persons were carried away as slaves, ¿¿. 945, 946 Great fertility of extensive tracts of country, and very large population of the villages, not many years ago, whereas the land is now entirely devastated between Lake Nyassa and the coast, ib. 945-954. 978-982 Healthy character of many parts of the country in the interior, ib. 970. Belief that the slaves taken to Zanzibar are almost always bought in the interior, and that the desolation and wars in the interior do not arise directly from the slave trade, and are not caused with the view to supply slaves, Steere 991. 994-996. 1035-1041. 1107, 1108. 1122-1125. 1130——Devastation and depopulation between Lake Nyassa and the sea, ib. 995, 996. Belief that there is no exaggeration in Dr. Livingstone’s accounts of the devastation Caused by the slave trade, Rigby 1197-1199 Witness was for some time with Bishop Tozer in the Shire River country, and testifies to the ravages of slave dealers in the interior; believes that wars are provoked by the latter in order to obtain slaves, Allington 1325-1335 Confirmation of a statement by Dr. Livingstone as to the slave traders causing wars as a means of procuring slaves. Waller 1352. Statements in report by Brigadier Coghlan in November i860 as to the atrocities per petrated in the interior by the slave hunters, App. 115, 116. Valuable resources of the interior of the east coast, adverted to by the Committee, Rej). iii. Devastation and depopulation of the interior of the country by reason of the slave traffic, ib. iv. See also Journey to the Coast. Loss of Life. Interpreters (^Naval Operations'). Want of more efficient interpreters on the station,^-Sfr B. Frere ¿^^2. 480, 481 ; Steere 1032-1034 Advantage of an improved class of in terpreters, who should not share in the bounties, Rothery 808-810 Necessity of Tan improved class of interpreters, Colomb 1214, 1215. 1252-1254. Alleged inefficiency of the interpreters adverted to by the Committee, Rep. vii Recommendation that some effort be made to provide the squadron with efficient and trustworthy interpreters, ib. ix. Iron. Abundance of iron to be produced in Africa, but for the slave trade. Waller 948. 970. J. Journey to the Coast. Great cruelty practised and great misery endured during the march of the slaves from the interior to the coast, Hon. C. Vivian 10. 25-27. 35, 36. 140- 159 Increase of suffering and mortality accordingly as the distance increases from 420. F F 4 which 226 J O U KAY Report, 1871—continued. Journey to the Coast—continued. which the slaves have to be brought to the coast, Hon. C. Vivian 25. 35. 140 Cruel treatment of the slaves on the journey to the coast, Churchill 287, 28& Information in detail relative to the system upon which the slave trade has been carried on in the interior, and the frightful sufferings and mortality of the slaves whilst being driven to the coast. Waller 927, et seq, The transit to the coast sometimes occupies three months, ib. 941 Excessive suffering and great mortality during the journey, Steere 991-993- Circumstance of the large majority of the slaves being now brought a distance of nearly 500 miles by land before they reach the coast, Rep. iii. Concurrence of testimony as to the excessive cruelties and horrors of the land journey to the coast, and as to the great mortality on the route from violence, ib. iv. Statement that not one in five of the victims of the slave hunters, and in some cases not one in ten, ever reach the coast alive, ib. V. K. Kaye, Sir John William. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Long experience of witness as Secretary in the Political and Secret Department of the India Office, 187-189 Infor mation relative to the joint office of agent and consul held by the representative of India and Great Britain at Zanzibar, 190-194 Arrangement that on all matters connected with the slave trade, the entire instructions to the agent should come from the Foreign Office, and that the India Office should have nothing to do with it, 195 Statement in detail in explanation and support of the claim made by the India Office, and eventually concurred in by the Foreign Office, that half the expense of the Zanzibar agency (the total being 3,019/. a year), should be borne by the Imperial Exchequer; comment upon the refusal of the Treasury to accede to this arrangement, 195, 196. 215-230. 239, 240. 267, 268. 281. 283. Explanatory statement relative to the circumstances under under which the Sultan of Zanzibar is under obligation to pay a subsidy of 40,000 dollars a year to the sovereign of Muscat; usurpations and complications in Muscat since this arrangement was made, so that there is a difference of opinion between the Government of India and the Imperial Government upon the question whether the payment of the subsidy should be continued, 197-204. 207. 265. 271-273 Belief that if the Sultan of Zanzibar were released from the payment of 8,000 1. a year to the ruler of Muscat he would be willing to suppress the Zanzibar slave traffic, 201. 255, 256 Conclusion as to the necessity of compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for relinquishing the slave traffic not already prohibited by treaty; belief as to the sufficiency of a payment of 8,ooo /. a year for the purpose, 205, 206. 241- 256. 274-277. 281. Considerable importance of the trade of Zanzibar with India and Great Britain, 208- 213. 238 Recommendation that the suppression of the slave traffic be carried out gradually and concurrently with the introduction of free labour, 213. 238. 241. 251 ¡Suggestion made by the Slave Trade Committee at the Foreign Office for the establish ment of steam communication between India and Zanzibar, 214 Statement as to its having been notified to the Foreign Office by the India Office that, as the Treasury decline to pay a moiety of the expenses of the agency at Zanzibar, instructions relating to the slave trade should no longer be sent to the agent, 220-224. 260-262. Very injurious effect of the refusal of the Treasury to pay about 1,500/. a year towards the Zanzibar agency ; necessity, however, of some compensation being also paid to the Sultan for the suppression of the slave traffic, 221-232. 242-256. 277. 281 Circum stance (d the Imperial Government now paying more than 3,000/. a year in respect of liberated slaves at Aden and Bombay, 234-236 Saving to be effected, not only as regards liberated slaves, but in time by the withdrawal of the squadron, if compensation be"paid for the suppression of the traffic, 234. 248-252. 283. Expected objection by the Government of India to pay an increased sum towards the expenses of the squadron, 257-259 Large portion of the time of the agent at Zanzibar taken up with sla ve trade matters, 263, 264 Probability of the Sultan encouraging the tiade with a view to obtaining a subsidy or compensation from Great Britain, 265, 266. Consideration of the question whether Muscat has not forfeited its claim to the pay ment of 8,000Z. a year from Zanzibar on account of the facilities given to the import of slaves to Muscat, 269-273 Exceptions taken to certain recommendations by Sir Leopold Heath for the purchase of Zanzibar; purchase and annexation are alike out of the question, 281, 282 Doubt as to the number of slaves required for legitimate or domestic slavery in Zanzibar, 284. K I L LAM 227 Report, 1871 —continued. Kilioa. Suggestion that there be a vice-consul at Kilwa, Hon. C. Vivian 137, 138; Churchill 436 Effect of sealing up Kilwa, and other ports, to prevent export to Madagascar, Hon. C. Vivian 177, 178—-Open manner in which the trade has been conducted between Kilwa and Zanzibar, Steere 1048-1051. Conveyance of the slaves from the interior, chiefly to Kilwa, as the principal port of shipment for Zanzibar, Hej). iii, iv. Total of 97,203 slaves exported from Kilwa in the five years from 1862 to 1867, v Probable necessity of a consular officer at Kilwa for a term, ih. vii. Kirh, Hr. Recent report by Dr. Kirk that the slave trade is being more vigorously carried on than ever, Hon. C. Vivian 139 Letter from Dr. Kirk, in December 1870, adverted to as showing that, under the commercial treaty with Zanzibar in 1839, pressure may be brought to bear for the suppression of the slave trade, ib. 184, 185. Recent despatches from Dr. Kirk relative to the present condition of the slave trade ; views of Dr. Kirk as to the expediency of prompt and energetic action, for that other wise the trade will flourish so long as the old treaties alone are in force, Hon. C. Vivian 185 Suggestions by Dr. Kirk relative to the amended arrangements required as regards liberated slaves, ib. Assistance rendered to witness in his consular duties by Dr. Kirk, Churchill 294 Large and useful experience of Dr. Kirk on the east coast; misfortune if he cannot cont'nue to act in witness’s absence, ib. 373-376- Importance attached to a recent suggestion by Dr. Kirk, in a letter to witness, that a European settlement be formed on the mainland, near Dar Selam, and that liberated slaves be placed there, Waller 974, 975. 983, 984. Extract from Dr. Kirk, dated 10th June 1871, urging the mecessity of immediate action, and of the adoption of summary measures towards the Sultan of Zanzibar, App. 94. Recommendation that no technical rules of the service be allowed to interfere with the appointment of the present acting political agent, Rep. ix, x. Kutchees. Report of the Foreign Office, in April 1870, recommending that while the Kutchees should not be permitted to hold slaves in future, due consideration should be shown and allowance made for the circumstances under which they have conceived them selves justified in acquiring their slaves. App. 95-97. Misapprehension of the Sultan of Zanzibar as to the position of the non-registering Kutchees; suggestion by the Foreign Office for the removal of all doubt on the subject, ApP‘ 96, 97- Provision in the proposed new treaty that the Kutchees shall, after a certain date, be forbidden to possess slaves, Rep. vi. See also British, and British-Indian Subjects. L. Labour. Great importance of lines of steam communication as a means of distributing • native labour along the coast. Sir B. Frere, 452-484 Belief that the commerce of Zanzibar would be greatly developed by a system of free labour, instead of being injured by a sudden stoppage of the slave trade, Rigby 631-633. 666, 667. Prospect of adequate supplies of free labour, if domestic slavery be abolished, Rep. viii. See also Domestic Slavery. Limitation of Export. Lamoo. Advantage of a vice consul at Lamoo, Hon. C. Vivian, 138 Expediency of checking the practice of shipping slaves from Zanzibar to Lamoo, this being a mere blind for facilitating export to the coast of Arabia, Steere, 1024-1028. 1051-1054 Great facility for evading the cruisers, through its being legal for the slave dhows to clear out for Lamoo, Hillyar, 1143-1149. Circumstance of the slave, dhows being provided with proper clearances for Lamoo, and being thus enabled to make the first half of their journey north unmolested by British cruisers. Rep. v, vi. G G 420. Liberated 228 LIBERATED SLAVES. Report, 1871—continued. Libera ted Slaves ; 1. Expenditure in respect of Liberated Slaves at Aden and Bombay. 2. Suggestions for disposing of Liberated Slaves in Zanzibar. 3. Exceptions taken to the foregoing Proposal. 4. Advantages of the Seychelles for the T^ocahon of Liberated Slaves. Õ. Suggestion for placing captured Slaves at Ear Selam. 6. Question of sending Liberated Slaves to the Mauritius. 7. Disposal of liberated Slaves at Aden. 8. Other Details and Suggestions generally. 1. Expenditure in respect of Liberated Slaves at Aden and Bombay. Large expenditure for maintenance of liberated slaves at Aden, Hon. C. Vivian, 72 Circumstance of the Imperial Government now paying more than 3,000 1. a-year in respect of liberated slaves at Aden and Bombay, Sir J. W. Kaye, 234. Heavy cost of the liberated slaves taken to Aden and Bombay, Rep. v. 2. Suggestions for disposing of TAberated Slaves in Zanzibar : Recommendation by the Committee, of which witness was a member, that the liberated slaves should le landed in Zanzibar itself under due precautions; nature of the pro tection necessary to be given by Great Britain, Hon. C. Vivian 75-78. 85, 86. 112 Proposition for the disposal and employment of the liberated slaves in Zanzibar; necessity of the co-operation of the Sultan, C/twrc/i27/323. 363-367. 377-380. 393, 394 —'—Suggestions for the regulation and protection of liberated slaves in Zanzibar ; im portance of their being under the flag of the Sultan, who would be backed by the naval and consular support of this country. Sir B. Frere 452, 485, 486. 529. Approval of the liberated s'aves being all disposed of in Zanzibar; precautions being taken against their being kidnapped, Rigby 616-618 Reasons in support of a depot for liberated slaves in Zanzibar, Rothery 799-802 Statement iu favour of the liberated slaves being all placed in Zanzibar, and being under British protection there; large demand for labour in the island, Steere 1020. 1067. 1083-1088. 1099-1102. 1113-1121. 1126-1129 Advantage of placing liberated slaves in Zanzibar under British pro tection, Colomb 1304-1307. Provision in the proposed new treaty that the Sultan of Zanzibar shall punish any person attempting to molest a liberated slave. Rep. vi. Contemplated disposal of some liberated slaves in Zanzibar, under new treaty engage ments, Rep. viii, ix. 3. Exceptions taken to the foregoing Proposal: Objections in letter from the late Bishop of Mauritius to making Zanzibar the depot for liberated slaves; several grounds upon vvhich this proposal is earnestly deprecated, App. iii. 4. Advantages of the Seychelles for the Location of Liberated Slaves: Advantage of disposing of some of the liberated slaves in the Seychelles, Ho7i. C. Vivian y2. 82-8^ ; Rothery 8o¿^ ; Hillyar 1183- 1186. Excellent capabilities of the Seychelles for the disposal of liberated slaves, Rigby 1200-1205 On the part of the missionary society, witness represents the superior advantages of the Seychelles as com pared with Zanzibar island, for the disposal of liberated slaves, Hutchinson 1336-1351 A Government contribution of Qd. per head is all that is required for the proposed settlement, ib. 1342, 1343. Letter from the Rev. S. Hobbs to Mr. Hutchinson, dated Mahé, 19 May 1869, relative to the advantages of Seychelles for the reception of liberated slaves, App. 106, 107. Letter from Mr. Ward to the Rev. S. Hobbs, dated Seychelles, 22 May 1869 to the measures necessary in connection with the disposal of captured slaves m the island, App. 107, 108. Further communications from Mr. Hobbs, dated 29 June and 28 July 1869, "P^n the question of disposing of the liberated slaves in Seychelles, App. 108. Reference by the Committee to the important advantages possessed by the Seychelles as the place for liberated slaves. Rep. ix. 0. Suggestion for placing Captured Slaves at Dar Selam. Importance attached to a recent suggestion by Dr. Kirk, in a letter to witness, that a European settlement be formed on the mainland, near Dar Selam, and that liberated slaves be placed there. Waller 974, 975. 983, 984. 6. Question of sending Liberated Slaves to the Mauritius : Belief that the liberated slaves taken to the Mauritius are very happy there; doubt, however, as to the expediency of taking them there or to any other British colony, Hon. C. Vivian L I B LOS 22p Report, 1871—continued. Liberated Slaves—continued. 6. Question of sending Liberated Slaves to the Mauritius—continued. C. Vivian 69. 73, 74. 114, 115 Great mortality among those taken to the Mauritius, Rigby 616. Communication from Governor Barkly in July 1869 as to the facilities for disposing of liberated slaves in the Mauritius, App. log. 7. Disposal of Liberated Slaves at Aden : Very bad accommodation at Aden for the liberated slaves, iTi?«. C. Vivian 113* Various modes of disposal formerly of the liberated slaves at Aden, Sir B. Frere 457 Explanation as to witness having liberated slaves at Aden on several occasions, no difficulty having been experienced as to their employment, Sir W. Coghlan 881-885 Objections to the system of capturing slaves in order to liberate them at Aden, where they are rather worse off than if uncaptured, Colomb 1278. 1280-1283. 8. Other Details and Suggestions generally : Particulars relative to the several modes of disposal of the liberated slaves; objection to any of them being taken to British colonies for employment there, Hon. C. Vivian 66-74. 82-90. 112-117 Suggestions by Dr. Kirk relative to the amended arrange ments required as regards liberated slaves, ib. 185——Practice as to the maintenance of the captured slaves on board the cruisers, Churchill 322,323 Obstacle to reconyeying slaves to their homes in the interior, ib. 427? 428 Condition of the emancipated slaves in Zanzibar adverted to ; they are generally free from molestation, Steere 998—1001 Liberated slaves, as Biitish subjects, should be under the British ñdi^, Allington 1343- Suggestions in letter from the Rev. V. \V. Ryan, late Bishop of Mauritius, dated 25th July 1871, as to the best means of providing for those who have been captured and liberated, App. no, 111. Limitation of Export. Effectual checks to the slave trade if the export of slaves were confined to one point on the coast, and if there were a steam launch on the spot Churchill 316——Arrangements suggested fcr the restriction and regulation of the export of slaves from the mainland. Sir B. Frere 451, 452 -Contemplated permission to export a limited number of slaves from Mirama on the east coast to Zanzibar, for home use, TZfy&y 612-615. 652-663 Great check to the slave trade if there were only one legal port for embarkation, Colomb 1284. Provisions in the proposed new treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar for limiting the shipment or export of slaves from the mainland. Rep. vi. Conclusion as to the inexpediency of any recognition by Great Britain of the slave traffic required to keep up domestic slavery. Rep. viii. Livingstone, Dr. Views of Dr. Livingstone as to the large legitimate trade which may be developed, and as to the effect thereof in leading to the discontinuance of the slave trade. Sir B. Frere, 455. 476 Belief that there is no exaggeration of Dr. Livingstone’s accounts of the devastation caused by the slave trade, Rigby 1197-1199 Extracts from a letter from Dr. Livingstone in February 1867 relative to the devastation caused in the interior by slave dealers. Waller 1352 Confirmation of the foregoing, ib. Full confirmation given to the despatches of Dr. Livingstone relative to the cruelties and horrors of the slave trade in the interior. Rep. iv. Loss of Life. Immense mortality of slaves before arrival at Zanzibar from the interior, Hon. C. Vivian 25. 35 -Belief as to there being much loss of life through slavers being run on shore when pursued by the cruisers, ih. 148. 162-164 Excessive loss of life before reaching the coast, Churchill 287, 288 Statement by Dr. Kirk that the road between Nyassa and the coast is strewn with the bones of slaves who have been abandoned on the route, ¿5.287 Belief that there is no exaggeration in the statement that for every slave brought alive to Zanzibar four or five lives are lost, ib. 288. When pursued by an English cruiser the slavers frequently cut the throats of all the slaves, and throw the bodies into the sea, Rigby 561 Immense waste of life during the transit to the coast ; concurrence with Dr. Livingstone in the opinion that including the loss of life in warfare, famine, &c., ten persons die for every one that reaches the coast, 'Waller 938-944 Frequent slaughter of slaves by their drivers, ib. 940. Recent instance of ninety slaves having been thrown overboard, eitheir dead or dying, between Kilua and Zanzibar, Steere 991. Great loss of life on the land journey, and on the sea passage. Rep. iv, v Considerable loss of life connected with the attempt to escape the cruisers, ib.'w Statement of Dr. Livingstone and others, that not one in five of the victims of the slave hunters, and in some cases not one in ten, ever reach the coast alive, ib. v. See also Interior of the Country. 420. G G 2 I )■; 230 MAD NOR Report, 1871—continued. M. Madagascar. Constant slave trade from the southern ports of Zanzibar to Madagascar; readiness of the Madagascar Government to prevent this if possible, ZTo«. C. Vivian 173-179 Importance of sealing up the southern ports of Zanzibar in order to sup press this traffic, ih. 177, 178 Obstacle to the abolition of domestic slavery in Mada gascar, lb. 180, 181. Destination of some of the east coast slaves for Madagascar, Churchill In creasing slave trade between the Mozambique ports and Madagascar, it being very important to check this evil, Righy 586. 626 Necessity of two or three cruisers for preventing the export of slaves from the Portuguese territory to Madagascar, Colomb 1310-1318. Treaty between Great Britain and Madagascar, in June 1865, whereby the Queen of Madagascar engages to do all in her power to prevent the import of slaves to Mada gascar, App. 105. Continued import of slaves into Madagascar, Rep. v. Mauritius. Belief that the liberated slaves taken to the Mauritius are very happy there ; doubt, however, as to the expediency of taking them there or to any other British colony, Hon. C. Vivian 6g. 73, 74. 114, 115 Payment of a premium for the slaves by the planters, ib. 72.88 Great mortality among those taken to the Mauiitius, Rigby 616. Communication from Governor Barkly in July 1869 as to the facilities for disposing of liberated slaves in the Mauritius, App. 109. Moral Degradation. Moral degradation of the slaves in Zanzibar, Steere 1001. 1004- 1006. Mozambique. See Madagascar. Portugal. Muscat. Arrangement by which the Imaum of Muscat receives about 8,500 1. a year from the Sultan of Zanzibar, each country being now independent of the other, Ron, C. Vivian 7. 11, 12. 171 Belief as to the connivance of the Imaum of Muscat with the slave trade, ib. 10 Existence of a recognised slave market at Muscat, ib. 33, 34. 42 Tax in Muscat on the import of slaves; entire evasion by the Imaum of the treaty of 1845; ?&. 168-171 There is the strongest possible treaty with the Sultan, but it is so much waste paper, ib. 170. Consideration of the question whether Muscat has not forfeited its claim to the pay ment of 8,000 1. a year from Zanzibar, on account of the facilities given to the import of slaves to Muscat, Sir J. W. Kaye 269-273 Impression as to there being a slave market at Muscat ; expediency of some stringent measures for preventing importation into Muscat, Churchill 358, 359. 385, 386. 400-402- Doubt as to the power of the Sultan of M uscat to stop the trade, Colomb 1290, 1291. Agreement dated 2nd October 1845, between Great Britain and the Sultan of Muscat, for the termination of the export of slaves from the African dominions of the Sultan, App. 103, 104 Authority given by the Imaum of Muscat in May 1850 to Her Majesty’s cruisers to seize and destroy slavers, and to burn barracoons, ib. 104. Papers showing in detail the steps taken by the Bombay Government and by the Government of India in i860 and 1861 in arbitrating between Syud Thoweynee, the ruler of Muscat, and Syud Majeed, the ruler of Zanzibar; arrangement ultimately by which the latter has since paid the former an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns, App. 125 et seq. Communication from the Rev. Mr. Badger, in charge of the Muscat-Zanzibar Com mission, dated Aden, ist June 1861, explaining the results of his visit to Muscat in con nection with the award of an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns to be paid to the Sultan of Muscat by the Sultan of Zanzibar, App. 201. Satisfaction expressed by Syud Thoweynee of Muscat with the award made by the Indian Government, App. 203, 204. Naval Force. See Cruisers. Northern Arabs. See Arabs. Number N U M P O L 231 Report, 1871—continued. Number of Slaves. Belief that the export of slaves from the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar is considerably more than 20,000 a year ; small portion required for domestic labour in Zanzibar, the rest going to Persia, &c., Hon. C. Vivian 23, 24. 28-34. 37* 4^ Calculation as to about 20,000 slaves being imported into Zanzibar annually, the great majority of whom are re-exported. Sir L. G. Heath 684, 685. 741 Decrease of the slave trade on the East Coast since 1867, Hillyar 1158-1160. Great difficulty in arriving at an exact conclusion as to the number of slaves who leave the African coast yearly. Rep. iv Annual number exported from Kilwa to Zanzibar, and elsewhere ; total of 97,203 in five years, ih. iv, v. Export of numbers of slaves from other places on the coast as well as from Kilwa, ih. v. Nyassa. At present the slaves are chiefly brought from the neighbourhood of Lake Nyassa, Hon. C. Vivian 26. 35 Immense extent to which the country in the interior, about Lake Nyassa, &c., has been and is being devastated and depopulated in conse quence of the slave trade; testimony of Dr. Livingstone adverted to hereon. Waller 931- 950. 978-980 The slaves taken to Zanzibar are now brought from the west side of Lake Nyassa, ib. 951, 952. P. Palmenton, Lord. Concurrence in the views of Lord Palmerston in favour of putting down the slave trade with a high hand, Rigby 574, 575. 580. Persia. Nature of the treaties with Persia with respect to the prohibition of the import of slaves by sea; inconvenience of the stipulation that there must be a Persian officer on board a British cruiser when capturing slavers, Hon. C. Vivian 8, 9. 155, 156 Refusal of Persia to prohibit the import of slaves by land, ib. 156 Satisfactory assurances received fiom Persia relative to treaty engagements, ib. 165, 166 Contemplated representations to the Persian government in order to obtain all possible facilities for the seizure of slaves, Sir B. Frere 489-492. 502, 503. Firman issued by the Shah of Persia to the Governor of Pars in June 1848, prohibiting the import of slaves to Persia by sea alone, App. 98 Further firman issued by the Shah to the Governor of Ispahan and Persian Arabia in June 1848, prohibiting the import of slaves by sea, ib. 98, 99 Convention in August 1851 for the detention and search of Persian vessels by British and East India Company’s cruisers, ib. 99, 100. Expediency of negotiations being entered into with the Government of Persia, in order to secure greater facilities of search in vessels suspected of carrying slaves, Rep. x. Political Agency and Consulate {Zanzibar'). Information relative to the functions of the political agent of the Indian Government at Zanzibar, who is also consul, there being also a vice-consul and clerk; undue expense to India in respect of the former, Hon. C. Vivian 91-97. 1^3 It is proposed to share the expense of the agency between the Imperial and Indian Governments, ih. 143. Information relative to the joint office of agent and consul held by the representative of India and Great Britain at Zanzibar, Sir J. W. Kaye 190-194 Arrangement that all matters connected with the slave trade, the entire instructions to the agent, should come from the Foreign Office, and that the India Office should have nothing to do with it, ib. 195. Statement in detail in explanation and support of the claim made by the India Office» and eventually concurred in by (he Foreign Office, that half the expense of the Zanzibar agency (the total being 3,019/. a year), should be borne by the Imperial Exchequer ; comment upon the refusal oí the Treasury to accede to this arrangement. Sir J. ff. Kaye 195, 196. 215-230. 239,240. 267,268. 281. 283 Statement as to its having been notified to the Foreign Office by the India Office that as (he Treasury decline to pay a moiety of the expenses of the agency at Zanzibar, instructions relating to the slave trade should no longer be sent to the agent, ¿ó. 220-224. 260-262 . Very injurious effect of the refusal of the Treasury to pay about 1,500/. a year towards the Zanzibar agency; necessity however of some compensation being also paid to the Sultan for a suppression of the slave traffic, ?7>. 221-232. 242-256. 277-281 Large portion of the time of the agent at Zanzibar taken up with slave trade matters, ib. 263, 264. Outline of witness’s duties as political agent and as consul ; very heavy work arising out of the slave trade, and the proceedings in the Vice Admiralty Court, Churchill 291- 294 Very limited staff of the consulate with reference to the work to be done, ib. 294 Estimate of 3,100/. a year as the cost of the political agency and staff, ib. 324. Contemplated increase in the present staff of the agency and consulate at Zanzibar, Rep. vii Reference to the proposed division between the Imperial and Indian Govern ments of the cost of the agency and consulate, and the result of the objection made thereto by the Treasury, ib. 420. G G 3 Great 232 POL REV llepoit, 1871—continued. Political Agency and Consulate {Zanzibar)—continued. Great importance of trained and experienced men for the political agency at Zanzibar, ix Recommendation that no technical rules of the services be allowed to inter fere with the appointment of the present acting political agent, ib. ix, x. Portugal. Discontinuance of the slave trade on the Portuguese coast, Hon. C. Vivians^ Increasing slave trade between the Mozambique ports and Madagascar, it being very important to check this evil, Rigby 586. 626 Information relative to the active part taken some years ago by the Portuguese on the East Coast in carrying on the slave trade, Waller 927. 935-937- Statements by Brigadier Coghlan in November i860 as to the great encouragement given to the slave trade on the East Coast by the Portuguese authorities, App. 112, 113. Statement by Colonel Rigby in i860 as to the part taken in the trade by the Portu guese officials, App. 121. ^ Continued existence of the slave trade between the Portuguese territory and Madagascar, Rep. V Recommendation that the co-operation of Portugal be invited in the sup pression of the East African slave trade, ib. x. See also Madagascar. Postal Communication. Great importance of lines of steam communication and of postal facilities; aid to be given by Government in the matter, Sir B. Frere 452. 463-467. 482-484. 525-528 Evidence as to the great importance of postal communication with Zanzibar, as a means of developing legitimate trade, and thus discouraging the slave trade; memorandum by witness on this subject in March 1867, 592-597 Conclusion that for a very small subsidy regular communication with Zanzibar may be secured, ib. 604-606. Importance attached by the Committee to regular postal communication with Zanzibar, Rep. vii, viii. Profits on Slaves. Great increase in the value of slaves when brought from the interior to Zanzibar or the Arabian coast, Hon. C. Vivian 38, 39 Large profit on slaves bought in Zanzibar and sold in Muscat, if it were not for the loss during the voyage, Rigby 560. 565, 566 Considerable profit on the sale of slaves at Mozambique and on the coast as compared with their cost in the interior, where they are bought for a few yards of calico, Waller 938, 939. Statement in letter from the late Bishop of Mauritius as to the great profit on every slave landed in Arabia, App. 111. Ready market for the slaves in Arabia and Persia, there being a large profit upon the sale. Rep. iv. R. Ras el Fladd. Concentration of the slaves for landing at or near Ras el Hadd, it being important to have a large naval force at this point in order to suppress the traffic. Coloré 1214. 1285-1289. 1292-1300. Red Sea. Very few slaves carried up the Red Sea previously to 1858, 533 Extent of the present traffic in slaves between Zanzibar and places in Egypt and Turkey by the Red Sea, ib. 645, 646. Continued import of slaves into Turkish ports in the Red Sea, v. Réunion. Doubt as to any difficulty arising through the import of free labour into Reunion, Colomb 1319, 1320. See also France. Revenue of Zanzibar {Slave Trade, ^c.) Calculation that the Sultan of Zanzibar derives at least 20,000¿. a year from the tax on slaves ; compensation necessary in order to induce the relinquishment of this revenue, Hon. C. Vivian 37. 99-104. 157. 160, 161 Con clusion as to the necessity of compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for relinquishing the slave traffic not already prohibited by treaty; belief as to the sufficiency of a payment of 8,000 I, a year for the purpose, Sir J. W. Kaye 205, 206. 241-256. 274-277. 281 Estimate of from 15,000 à to 20,000 Z a year as the income derived by the Sultan of Zanzibar from the slave trade, Churchill 360-362. Disapproval of any attempt to interfere with the internal taxation of Zanzibar, as a means of compelling the observance of treaty obligations, »StV irrere 449-451 Small profits of the Sultan from the slave trade as compared with his increasing revenue from customs duties, Rigby 583-585. 634? 635-—Belief that the revenue from slaves cannot be more than 8,000/. a year, ib. 635 Estimate of about 80,000 /. a year as the gross income of the Sultan of Zanzibar, Rothevy 825, 826. Calculation by Lieutenant Colonel Rigby in i860, that the Sultan would lose about 8,500 1. a year by the the abolition of the slave traffic, App. 144. Consideration REV RIG 233 Report, 1871—continued. Revenue of Zanzibar (Slave Trade, ^c.')—continued. Consideration of the proposal for compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for the loss of revenue from an abolition of the slave trade; calculation that the value to him of the legalised trade does not exceed 4.000 /. a year, Rep. viii, ix. See also Compensation, ^c. Rigby, Major General Christopher Palmer. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was Her Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar and Political Agent for the Indian Government from 1858 to the end of 1861 ; has had also considerable experience at Aden and up the Persian Gulf, 530-532 Very few slaves carried up the Red Sea previously to 1858 ; 533 Prevalence of the slave trade in Zanzibar in 1858, and along the coast, great encourage ment having been given to the slavers by the French, 534-552. 557, 558 Large slave trade formerly from the east coast to Cuba ; this has entirely ceased, 542, 543. Less extent of the Arab slave trade in Zanzibar when the French were encouraging the trade, 544-548 Anxiety of the late Sultan, Syed Majeed, to stop the French slave trade, from which he derived no profit or tax, as from the Arab trade, 549-554 Uncer tain action of the late Sultan upon the question of discouraging the trade, 555, 556 Great check given to the trade when the cruisers were active and successful in making seizures, 556-559. Further reference to the direct encouragement formerly given to the slave trade on the east coast by the French ; doubt as to any slaves being now taken to the French Islands, 557j 558. 626, 627. 647-649. 665 Large profit on slaves bought in Zanzibar and sold in Muscat, if it were not for the loss during the voyage, 560. 565, 566 Excessive mortality during the voyage to Muscbt in the slave dhow s ; great cruelty of the treatment on board, 560-563. Suggestions for a much mure efficient squadron on the coast and for an amended system of cruising, witness believing that in about five years the whole slave trade may thus be stopped, 563-567. 577. 586. 614. 623-625. 668 Growing feeling of the Arabs in Zanzi bar that it is better to keep the slaves there for home cultivation than to export them ; less objection, moreover, to slavery in Zanzibar or on the mainland than to the export trade to the north, 568-572. 611-615. 632. 652-663 Concurrence in the views of Lord Palmerston in favour of putting down the slave trade with a high hand, 574, 575. 580. Suggestion that a new and stringent treaty be made with the present Sultan of Zanzibar, and that summary measures be adopted towards the northern Arabs for the entire suppression of the slave trade, 574-580. 586. 608-615. 619-623 Advantage of the foreign consuls uniting for the suppression of the trade, 581, 582. 665 Small profits of the Sultan from the slave trade as compared with his increasing revenue from customs duties, 583-585. 634, 635. Increasing slave trade between the Mozambique ports and Madagascar, it being very important to check this evil, 586. 626 Satisfactory results consequent upon the emancipation by witness of about 6,000 slaves held by Biitish Indian subjects in Zanzibar, 587, 588.599,600. 617, 618. 636-639. 652 Impracticability of a large staff of consular agents, the climate being most unhealthy, 589-591. Evidence as to the great importance of postal communication with Zanzibar, as a means of developing legitimate trade and thus discouraging the slave trade ; memorandum by witness on this subject in March 1867 ; 592- 607 Conclusion that for a very small subsidy regular communication with Zanzibar may be secured, 604-606 Uselessness of treaties vvith Arabs, 609-630 Destruction of whole villages in the interior, and depopulation of the whole country between Lake Nyassa and the coast, through the ravages of the slave hunters, 611 Exceeding fertility of the depopulated country, 61 !. 628, 629. Contemplated permission to export a limited number of slaves from Mi rama, on the east coast, to Zanzibar for home use, 612-615. 652-663 Approval of the liberated slaves being all disposed of in Zanzibar, precautions being taken against their being kidnapped, 616-618 Piratical and independent character of the northern Arabs; summary measures desirable towards them, 619-622. Decided objection to this country undertaking the payment of the subsidy of 8,000/. a-year, now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat; witness, in fact, would offer no money com pensation for a suppression of the Zanzibar slave trade, 630-635 Belief that the com merce of Zanzibar would be greatly developed by a system of free labour, instead of being injured by a sudden stoppage of the slave trade, 631-633. 666, 667. Injurious effect of British Indian subjects being now allowed to slaves by changing their allegiance to this country, 636-644. 664 Extent of the traffic in slaves between Zanzibar and places in Egypt and Turkey by the Red Sea, 645, 646 Belief as to there being now no French or American cruisers on the east coast, 647-651. Concurrence generally in the recommendations of the Committee which sat at the Foreign Office for the suppression of the-East African slave trade, 669, 670. 420. G G 4 [Second 234 R I G S E Y Report, 1871—continued. Rigby, Major General Christopher Palmer. (Analysis of his Evidence)—continued. [Second Examination.]—Groundlessness of complaints as to the conduct of the naval force when witness was on the east coast, 1193-1 ) 96 Belief that there is no exaggeration in Doctor Livingstone’s accounts of the devastation caused by the slave trade, 1197-1199 Excellent capabilities of the Seychelles for the disposal of liberated slaves, 1200-1-205. Rigby, Lieutenant Colonel (i860). Replies by Lieutenant Colonel Rigby in answer to queries submitted by Brigadier Coghlan in October i860, relative to the extent and character of the slave trade on the east coast, and the measures desirable for its sup pression, App. 120-1 2.:]. Information furnished by Lieutenant Colonel Rigby in i860, upon the question of the severance of Zanzibar from Muscat, and of tlie payment of a subsidy by the former to the latter, 171-178. Rothery, H. C. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Is legal adviser to the Treasury in all matters relating to the slave trade, 790-793 Refers to the Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar as having been much needed, and as being attended with great advantage, 794- 798 Submits reasons in support of a depot for liberated slaves in Zanzibar, 799-802 Is unable to supply statistics as to the proportion of children among the captured slaves, 803. 827-831 Approves of the disposal of the children in the Seychelles, 804. Difficulty of the question as to the expediency of the system of bounties; decided objection, however, to the bounty of 1 1. 10 s. a ton when dhows are destroyed at sea, 805-807. 849-851 Advantage of an improved e-lass of interpreters, who should not share in the bounties, 808-810 Statement in explanation and justification of the Admiralty orders prohibiting the capture or destruction of dhows with domestic slaves, 811-820. 832-859 Concurrence in the suggestions of the Foreign Office Committee for the suppression of the slave trade on the east coast, 821, 822. Estimate of about 80,000 1. a-year as the gross income of the Sultan of Zanzibar, 825, 826 Several instances of illegal capture and destruction of trading dhows, with some domestic slaves on board ; prejudice thereby to legitimate trade, 843-846. 853-859 Importance attached primarily to the development of legitimate trade for the suppression of the slave trade, 847, 8^8. 863-866 Conclusion that save in very exceptional cases all captured dhows should be taken into port and should be sent before a prize court before condemnation, 86J, 862. 867-877. Ryan, The Rev. Vincent W. Letter from the Rev. V. VV. Ryan, late Bishop of Mauritius, dated 27th July 1871, relative to the cruelties and atrocities practised upon the East African slaves, and the best means of providing for those who have been captured and liberated, 110, ill. S. Sea Passage. Close packing and inadequate feeding of the slaves during the voyage from the coast of Afiica, Churchill 288. 310, 311. 317 Excessive mortality during the voyage to Muscat in the slave dhows; great cruelty of the treatment on board, 560-563 Frightful sufTering from want of water and of proper food, and from being densely packed, *6. 561, 562 Frequency of great suffering and mortality during ihe voyage between Kilwa and Zanzibar, 991, 992. 1050 Recent instance of 90 slaves having been thrown overboard, either dead or dying;, between Kilwa and Zanzibar, ib. 991. Good condition of many of the slaves captured by witness; statement hereon as to the slaves not being confined nor ironed during the voyage, Colomb 1236-1240. Great suffering of the slaves during the sea passage, from overcrowding and from insufficient food and water ; great mortality on some occasions, Rep. iv. Seychelles. Advantage of disposing of the liberated children in the Seychelles, Hon. C. Vivian 72. 82-84 ; Rothery 804 Excellent capabilities of the Seychelles for the dis posal of liberated slaves, Rigby 1200-1205. The climate is excellent, and a large number of emancipated slaves might most advantageously be employed, ib. On the pa it of the Missionary Society witness represents the superior advantages of the Seychelles, as compared with Zanzibar Island, for the disposal of liberated slaves, Hutchinson 1336-1351 A Government contribution of Qd. per head is all that is required for the proposed settlement, ib. 1342, 1343. Letter from the Rev. S. Hobbs to Mr. Hutchinson, dated Mahé, 19 May 1869, relative to ihe advantages of Seychelles for the reception of liberated slaves, App. 106, I07 Letter from Mr. Ward to the Rev. S. Hobbs, dated Seychelles, 22 May 1869, as to the best measures necessary in connection with the disposal of captured slaves in the island, ib. 107, 108 Further communications from Mr. Hobbs, dated 29 June and 28 July 1869, upon the questions of disposing of the liberated slaves in Seychelles, ib. 108. Advantages of the Seychelles for the disposal of liberated slaves, adverted to by the Committee, Rep. v. Slave SLA STE 235 Report, 1871 —continued. Slave Dealers. Importance of summary measures being adopted towards the Arab slave hunters from the north, Hon. C. Vivian ly-ip. 79-81. 109-111 Practice of the slave dealers in the interior, who are principally Portuguese subjects, in causin-i native wars with a view to the captuie of slaves, TValler 938. 955. 956. Lawless character of the Arab slave dealers near Lake Nyassa, ih. 951, 952. Statement by the Committee as to the slave dealers who procure the slaves from the interior being mostly Arabs, subjects oí the Sultan of Zanzibar, iv Excessive cruelties practised by the slave dealers in the interior, ib. Conduct of the whole slave trade by sea by Arabs from Muscat and other ports on the Arabian coast, ib. See also Arabs. Slave Market {Zanzibar). Reference in a report from Admiral Cockburn to the disgusting treatment of the slaves in the Zanzibar slave maiket, Hon. C. Vivian 186. Sale ol the slaves at Zanzibar, either in open market or direct to the dealer, Rep. iv Provision in the proposed new treaty for closing the public slave market at Zanzibar, ih. vi. Somalees. Traffic in slaves on the Somali coast, beyond the limits of the Zanzibar territory, Churchill 311, 312—-Expediency of treaties being made with the chiefs on the Somali coast, and with certain other chiefs beyond the limits of the Zanzibar territory, ib. 354- 356. 400-407. Agreements between Great Britain and certain tribes of Somalees in 1856 and 1857 prohibit ng the exportation of slaves, App. 102, 103. Special Envoy. Proposal that a special envoy be sent to Zanzibar and Muscat in order to press the adoption of the required measures, and to give full explanations, Sir B. Frere 4.52. Squadron. See Cruisers. Steam Communication. Advantage of increased facilities of communication as tendino- to check the slave trade, ZTo». C. Vivian 105-1 og. 15^ ; Churchill 434- Suggestion made by the Slave Trade Committee at the Foreign Office for the establishment oAteam communication between India and Zanzibar, Sir J. W. Kaye 0.1 Great importance of lines of steam communication, and of postal facilities; aid to be given by Government in the matter. Sir B. Frere 452. 463-476. 482. 484. 525-528 Saving'to be effected as regards liberated slaves at Aden, if there were lines of steam communication ib 484. ’ Great value of steam communication in developing legitimate trade. Rep. viii, ix. Steam Launches. See Cruisers, 6. - Steere, Rev. Edward, JuT..T>. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was resident in Zanzibar for four years as a missionary under Bishop Tozer; had previously been in the Zambesi country, 985-990 Belief that the slaves taken to Zanzibar are almost always bouu-ht in the inteiioi, and that the desolation and wars in the interior do not arise directly from the slave trade, and are not caused with the view to supply slaves, 991. 991-996. 1035- 1041. 1107, 1108. 1122-1125. 1130 Excessive suffering and great mortality during the journey from the interior, 991. 993 -Frequency also of great suffering and mortality during the voyage between Zilwa and Zanzibar, 991, 992. 1050. ^ Condition of the emancipated slaves in Zanzibar, adverted to: they are generally free from molestation, 998-1001. iioi Moral degradation of the slaves in Zanzibar, 1001. 1004-1006 -Satisfactory result of the measures taken for the education of liberated slave children 111 Zanzibar, 1002-1006 Opinion that the present Sultan is more trust worthy than the late Sultan, and would co-operate for the suppression of the fbreiu^n slave trade, 1007-1013. 1091-1098. ° Inefficiency of the operations of the squadron Cor suppressing the slave trade • undue interferem e with legitimate traders, 1014-1016. 1069-1075 Instances of misconduct on the part of officers and crews, 1014. 1071-1075 Suggestion that some swift vessels of light draught be employed for pursuing the slave dhowshn the shallows, whilst larger vessels should watch the Arabian coast, 1014-1017. 1023. 1089, 1090 Statement in favour of the liberated slaves being all placed in Zanzibar, and being under British protection there; large demand for labour in the island, 1020. 1067. 1083-1088. 1000-1102. 1112- 1121. 1126-1129. Expediency of checking the practice of shipping slaves from Zanzibar to Lamoo, this being a mere blind for facilitating export to the coast of Arabia, 1024-1028. 1051-1054 Usefulness ot the appointment of vice-consuls at some of the ports, 1029-1031 Great want of improvement in the class of persons employed as interpreters, 1032-1034. Operations of the northern Arabs in Zanzibar, but not in the interior on the mainland 1040, 1041. 1054-1059—-Good health of witness at Zanzibar; some parts are doubtless very unhealthy, 1042 -1044. 1109-1111 Very healthy situation of Dar Selam on the mainland, 1044. llii. ’ 420. H H Steere 236 STE T R E Report, 1871—continued. Steere, Rev. Edward, LL.d. (Analysis, &c.) —continued. Average of about one-sixth of the slaves landed in Zanzibar, as the proportion of children, 1045-1047 Open manner in which the trade has been conducted between Kilwa ana Zanzibar, 1048-1051 Practice of the northern Arabs in kidnapping slaves in Zauzibai, and snipping them at night, 1054-1059 Expectation that legitimate com merce Will largely increase, and that the slave trade can best be put down by this means, 1060-1067 Unwillingness of Syed Burgash to sell his sovereignty, 1068. Information relative to the employment of native labour in Zanzibar by Captain Frazer, 1076-1082 Belief that Syed Burgash would co-operate in suppressing the loreign slave trade if he were relieved of the subsidy paid to Muscat, 1091-1094 Power of the Sultan to put down the incursions of the northern Arabs, 1095-1098. 1106 Way in which a sudden suppression of the trade might cause a revolution, 1103-1106. Subsidy [Loss of Slave L'ax'). See Compensation, ^c. Subsidy [Zanzibar to Muscat). See Zanzibar, 1, 2. Suez. Circumstance of slaves having been recently imported into Suez, Rep. v. Sujferings of Slaves, Interior of the Country. Journey to the Coast. Loss of Life. Sea Passage. T. Trade. Considerable trade likely to arise in Zanzibar, Hon. C. Vivian, 13. 16 Im portance of steam communication with Zanzibar, and of facilities for trade; effectual check thereby (as at Lagos) to the slave trade, ib. 105—109. 154 Importance of the trade of Zanzibar with India and Great Britain, Sir J. JV. Kaye 208-213. 238. Considerable trade of Zanzibar; prospect of large increase in course of time, Churchill 301, 302 Objection to a sudden suppression of the slave traffic, as likely to decrease the legitimate trade of Zanzibar, 302 Increasing amount of the trade between England and Zanzibar, ib. 340-342. Details relative to the large extent of the Indo-African trade in former times, and the extent of the trade of Zanzibar, &c. at the present time ; grounds for the conclusion that an immense trade may be developed by proper facilities. Sir B. Frere 453-456. 462-473 Views of Dr. Livingstone as to the large trade which may be developed, and as to the effect thereof in leading lo the discontinuance of the slave trade, ib. 455. 476. Importance attached primarily to the development of legitimate trade for the suppres sion of the slave trade, Rothery 847, 848. 863-866 Prospect of an immense export trade from the east coast, ib. 848 Large trade on the east coast but for the slave trade. Sir W. Coghlan 898. Belief as to the local merchants being anxious for a suppression of the slave trade, Waller 962-964 Very large trade expected if the slave trade be suppressed, ib. 970 Interest as well as duty of England to suppress the slave trade on the coast, ib. 970, 971 Expectation that legitimate commerce will largely increase, and that the slave trade can best be put down by this means, Steere 1060-1067. Rapid increase of imports at the Zanzibar Custom-house adverted to by the Committee, Rep. hi Facilities for the development of a large trade at Zanzibar in various articles, ib. Belief that, on account of the impetus to be given to legitimate trade, the Sultan would not be ultimately a loser by the abolition of the slave trade. Rep. ix. Treaties : 1. As (0 existing Treaties. 2. As to the proposed New Treaty. 1. As to existing Treaties : Prohibition, by treaty, of the export of slaves from Africa to foreign countries, though within certain limits they are allowed to be transported from the coast to the Islands for domestic pu 1 poses, Hon. C. Vivian, 4. 7. 44-46 Several treaties with the Imaura of Muscat, ib. 7 Doubt whether the Sultan of Zanzibar has honestly carried out the treaties, ib. 10. 103 Entire evasion by the Imaum of the treaty of 1845, ib. 168-171 Letter from Dr. Kirk, in December 1870 adverted to, as showing that, under the commercial treaty with Zanzibar in 1839, pressure may be brought to bear for the sup pression of the slave trade, ib. 184, 185. Circumstance of witness having made treaties with nearly all the chiefs in the Gulf of Aden for the suppression of the slave trade, Sir W. Coghlan 919, 920. Suggestion in letter from Dr. Kirk, of 10 June 1871, relative to the enforcement of the Commercial Treaty, App. 94. Firman T R E V í C 237 Report, 1871—continued. Treaties—continued. 1. As to existing Treaties—continued. Firman issued by the Shah of Persia to the Governor of Pars, in June 1848, prohibit ing the import of slaves to Persia by sea alone, App. 98 Further firman issued by the Shall to the Governor of Ispahan and Persian Arabia, in June 1848, prohibiting the import of slaves by sea, ib. 98, 99 Convention, in August 1851, for the detention and search of Persian vessels by British and East India Company’s cruisers, ib. 99, 100. Extracts fiom treaties in difierent years between Great Britain and Arab chieftains of the P< rsian Gulf relative to piracy, the slave trade, &c., App. 100, 101 Agree ments between Great Britain and certain tribes of Somalees 1856 and 1857, prohibiting the exportation of slaves, ib. 102, 103. Agreement, dated 2nd October 1845, between Great Britain and the Sultan of Muscat for the termination of the export of slaves from the African dominions of the Sultan, App. 103, 104. Treaty between Great Britain and Madagascar in June 1865, whereby the Queen of Madagascar engages to do all in her power to prevent the import of slaves to Madagascar, App. 105. Conclusion expressed by Lieutenant Colonel Rigby in i860 as to the utter uselessness of the treaties entered into by the late Imaum of Muscat and the British ' overnment, App. 121. Reference by the Committee to the treaties made with the Sultan of Muscat, with the friendly Arab chiefs, and with the Shah of Persia, Rep. v Binding effect upon Zan zibar of the treaties with Muscat, ib. Very partial success of the treaties ; difficulty more especially on account of their permitting domestic slavery, this being made to cover the foreign slave trade, ib. v, vi. 2. to the proposed New Treaty. Provision of the new treaty which the Government proposed to make with the late Sultan of Zanzibar; steps taken to press the treaty upon the'present Sultan, but hitherto without success, Hon. C. Vivian 47-5I. 118-136. 150-152 Refusal of the present Sultan of Zanzibar to accede to the terms of the proposed treaty, Churchill 315. Suggestion that a new and stringent treaty be made with the presen 1 Sultan of Zanzi bar, and that summary measures be adopted towards the northern Arabs for the entire suppression of the slave trade, Rigby 574-580. 586. 608-615. 619-623. Suggestions by Brigadier Coghlan in November 2860 for a revised treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar, Afjop. 117-120— Views of Colonel Rigby in i860 as to the expedi ency and possibility of obtaining a revision of the existing treaties, ib. 123. Concurrence of the Government of India with the suggestions made by Brigadier Coghlan in i860 for obtaining a revised treaty prohibiting all export and import of slaves within the Zanzibar dominions, App. 124. Several provisions contained in the new treaty which the Government have proposed to make with the Sultan of Zanzibar, Rep. vi Instructions have been sent out to press the proposed treaty on the Sultan, though pending the inquiry by the present Committee nothing more has been done, ib. vi. Recommendation by the Committee with a view to the abrogation of the present treaty provisions as having been systematically evaded. Rep. vi New treaty contemplated, having for its object the entire abolition of the East African slave trade, ib. Turkey. Willingness of Turkey to act effectually in suppressing the slave trade, Hon C. Vivian 167. U. United States. Suggestions by Brigadier Coghlan in i860 for securing the co-operation of the United States in applying prohibitory measures, App. 119, 120. Recommendation by the Committee that the co-operation of America be invited in the suppression of the East African slave trade, Rep.x. V. Vice-Admiralty Courts. Reference to the Vice-Admiralty Court at Zanzibar as having been much needed, and as being attended with great advantage, Rothery 794-798. Admiralty instructions as to the ports of adjudication for captured vessels, App. 92, 93. Provision made for the establishment of courts of adjudication for the trial of vessels captured as slavers. Rep. vi Circumstance of the expense of the Vice Admiralty Court at Zanzibar being borne by the Indian Government, ib. Vice Consulates. See Consuls and Vice Consuls. 420. H H 2 Vivian, 238 VIVIAN. Report, 1871—continued. Vivian, The Honourable Crespigny. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Is senior clerk in charge of the Slave Trade Department of the Foreign Office, 1, 2 Legality of slavery in Zanzibar, it being a perfectly recognised institution among Mahomedans, 4-6 Prohi bition, by treaty, of the export of slaves from Africa to foreign countries, though within certain limits they are allowed to be transported from the coast to the islands for domestic purposes, 4-7. 44-46 Several treaties with the Imaum of Muscat ; explanation hereon as to Zanzibar having been separated from Muscat in 1856, each country being now governed independently, 7. 11, 12. Nature of the treaties with Persia with respect to the prohibition of the import of slaves by sea ; inconvenience of the stipulation that there must be a Persian officer on board a British cruiser when capturing slavers, 8, 9. 155, 156 Doubt whether the Sultan of Zanzibar lias honestly carried out the treaties, 10. 103 Belief as to the connivance of the Imaum of Muscat with the slave trade, 10 Statement that all the mischief is done by the Arabs who come down from the north to Zanzibar, and procure slaves from the interior as best they can, 10. 17-19. 35. 40, 41. 44. 46. Great cruelty practised, and great misery endured, during the march of the slaves from the inteiior lo the coast, 10. 25-27. 35, 36. 140. 159 — Number of British-lndian and of British subjects in Zanzibar; belief that a considerable trade is likely to arise, 13-16 Constant excess of the coast limits recognised for export for domestic purposes, 20-22 Belief that the export of slaves from the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar is consideiably more than 20,000 a-year; small portion required for domestic labour in Zanzibar, the rest going to Persia, &.C., 23, 24. 28-34. 37- 4^- Immense mortality of slaves before arrival at Zanzibar from the interior, 25. 35 Existence of a recognised slave market at Muscat, 33, 34. 42 Calculation that the Sultan of Zanzibar derives at least 20,000 1. a-year from the tax on slaves; compensation necessary in order to induce the relinquishment of this revenue, 37. 99-104. 157. 160, 161 Great increase in the value of slaves when brought from the interior to Zanzibar or the Arabian coast, 38, 39. Provisions of a new treaty which the Government proposed to make with the late Sultan of Zanz bar ; steps taken to press the treaty upon tlie present Sultan, but hitherto without success, 47-51. 118. 136. 150-152——Explanation as to the co-operation of France in putting down the Zanzibar slave trade, 52. 54-57. 142 Discontinuance of the slave trade on the Portuguese coast, 53 Difficult duties of the British cruisers as to slavers; system of bounties on condemnation, 59-65. Particulars relative to the modes of disposal of the liberated slaves : objection to any of them being taken to British colonies for employment there, 66-74. 82—90. 112-117 Recommendation by the Committee of which witness was a memljer, that the liberated slaves should be landed in Zanzibar itself under due precautions; nature of the protection necessary to be given by Great Bril ai n, 75-78. 85, 86, 112 —Stringent measures desirable so as to prevent slave hunting by the northern Arabs; importance also of gradually sealing up the whole of the coast and preventing the transport of slaves altogether, 79-81. 109-1 ii. 119-124. 141. 146. Information relative to the functions of the political agent of the Indian Government at Zanzibar, who is also consul, there being also a vice consul and clerk ; undue expense 10 India in respect of the former, 91-97. 143 Intended prohibition upon the holding of slaves by British Indians in Zanzibar, 98 Importance of steam communication with Zanzibar, and of facilities for trade ; effectual check thereby (as at Lagos) to the slave trade, 105-109. 154. Explanation as to the difficulties with reference to carrying out the proposals of the Committee of 1870 , necessity of consuls on the coast, backed up by force, in order to carry out any prohibitory arrangements effectually, 118. 128-141. 146-154 Absence of any proposition for the purchase of Zanzibar, though its seizure has been entertained, 125-127 Sfiggestions as to the places on the coast where vice consuls should be placed, 135-138. Recent report by Dr. Kirk that the slave trade is being more vigorously carried on than ever, 139 Belief as to there being much loss of life through slavers being run on shore when pursued by the cruisers, 148. 162-164 Satisfactory assurances received from Persia relative to treaty engagements, 165, 166 Willingness of Turkey to act effectually in the matter, 167 Tax in Muscat on the import of slaves; entire evasion by the Imaum of the treaty of 1845 ; 168-171 Belief that slaves are not taken from Zanzibar to Cuba, 172. [Second Examination.]—Constant slave trade from the southern ports of Zanzibar to Madagascar; readiness of the Madagascar Government to prevent this if possible, 173- 179 Obstacle to the abolition of domestic slavery in Madagascar, 180, 181. Special instructions issued to the British cruisers on the east coast, 181——Use of the French flag by many dhows carrying on a legal trade, 182. Letter from Dr. Kirk in December 1870, adverted to as showing that under the com mercial treaty with Zanzibar in 1839 pressure may be brought to bear for the suppression of V I V WES 239 Report, 1871—continued. Vivian, The Honourable Crespigny. (Analysis of his E\\àQnc,e)—continued. of the slave trade, 184, 185 Suggestions by Dr. Kirk relative to the amended arrange ments required as regards liberated slaves, 185. Recent despatches from Dr. Kirk relative to the present condition of the slave trade; views of Dr. Kirk as to the expediency of prompt and energetic action, for that otherwise the trade will flourish so long as the old treaties alone are in force, 185. Report from Admiral Cockburn, dated 31st May 1871, showing the flourishing state of the Zanzibar slave trade, the difficulties encountered by the squadron, and the remedies required for the suppression of the traffic, 186 Reference in the foregoing reoort to the disgusting treatment of the slaves in the Zanzibar slave market, ih. W. Waller, Rev. Horace. (Analysis of his Evidence.)—Was for nearly three years in the country about the Zambesi, and Lake Shirwa, having joined the Universities Mission to Cential Africa, 925-926 Supplies information in detail relative to the system upon which the slave trade has been carried on in the interior, and the frightful sufferings and mortality of the slaves whilst being driven to the coast, 927 Large export of slaves formerly under the French engagées system; this has entirely ceased, 927. 935-937 Large proportion of children, from seven years of age upwards, amongst the natives taken away as slaves, 929, 930 Immense extent to which the country in the interior, about Lake Nyassa, &c., has been and is being devastated and depopulated in consequence of the slave trade ; testimony of Dr. Livingstone adverted to hereon, 931-950. 978-980. Immense waste of life during the transit to the coast ; concurrence with Di. Livingstone in the opinion that including the loss ol life in wars fostered by the sl^ve dealeis, theie are ten natives lost for every one that reaches the coast, 93^*944 Large profit on the sale of slaves at Mozambique and on the coast, as compared with their cost in the interior, where they are bought for a few yards of calico, 938, 939—-- Practice of the slave dealers in the interior, who are principally Portuguese subjects, in causing native wars with a view to the capture of slaves, 938. 955, 956. Liberation of some slaves by Dr. Livingstone, witness, and a few others, 940. 957 Frequent slaughter of slaves by their drivers, 940 Great fertility of extensive tracts of country, and very large population of the villages, not many years ago, whereas the land is now entirely devastated between Lake Nyassa and the coast, 945~954* 97^“9^2 Lawless character of the Arab slave dealers near Lake Nyassa, 951, 952. Suggestion that a “floating” consul be employed, who should constantly be moving about, and should occasionally reside on shore at Kilwa and other points, 9ò^~959 Expediency of the Sultan of Zanzibar being dealt with in a very summary manner, and of the slave trade being no longer allowed to prevent the increase of legitimate commerce, 960-96^. 970, 971 Comment upon the employment of slaves in Zanzibar by Captain Frazer, and upon their employment by other Englishmen in Zanzibar and the Comoro Islands, 963. 965-968. 971. Verv large trade expected if the slave trade be suppressed, 97® Inteiest as well as duty of England to suppress the slave trade on the coast, 970,971 Healthy character of many parts of the country, 970 Comment upon the encouragement given at one time to the slave trade by the French, 971 Importance attached to a recent suggestion by Dr. Kirk, in a letter to witness, that a European settlement be formed on the "mainland, near Dar Selam, and that liberated slaves be placed there, 974; 975* 9^3» Necessity of amendment as regards the status of British protected subjects in Zanzibar, and their right to hold slaves, 976, 977. [Second Examination.] Extracts from a letter from Dr. Livingstone in February 1867, relative to the devastation caused in the interior by slave dealers, 1352. ^Vard, S. Letter from IMr. Ward to the Rev. S. Hobbs, dated Seychelles, 22nd May 1869, as to the vaiious measures necessary in connection with the disposal of capture i slaves in the island, App. 107, 108. West Coast. Importance of the capture of Lagos with reference to the suppression of the West Coast slave trade, Hon. C. Vivian 107, 108; Hillyar 1150, 1151 -Doubt whether on the West Coast the squadron alone would have succeeded in suppressing the trade. Sir L. G. Heath 729~734* 420. H H 3 Report, 1871—continued. z. Zai^zibar: 1. Arrangement for the Separation af Zanzibar from Muscat, the former paying the latter an Annual Subsidy. 2. Question of relieving the Sultan of Zanzibar of the Subsidy paid to Muscat upon condition of his suppressing the Slave Trade. 3. Question of the Seizure or Purchase of Zanzibar. 4. Action of the late and present Sultan respectively with reference to the Slave Traffic. 5. Extensive Character of the Slave Trade within the Zanzibar Territories^ 6. Summary Measures proposed to he adopted towards the Sultan. 1. Arrangement for the Separation of Zanzibar from Muscat, the former paying the latter an Annual Subsidy : Explanation as to Zanzibar having been separated from Muscat in 1856, each country being now governed independently, Hon. C. Vivian 7. 11, 12 Arrangement by which the Sultan of Zanzibar was to pay about 8,500 Z. a year to the Sultan of Muscat, 26. 11, 12. Explanatory statement relative to the circumstances under which the Sultan of Zan zibar is under obligation to pay a subsidy of 40,000 dollars a year to the sovereign of Muscat: usurpations and complications in Muscat since this arrangement was made, so that there is a difference of opinion between the Government of India and the Imperial Government upon the question whether the payment of the subsidy shall be continued, Sir J. W. Kaye 197-204. 207. 265. 271-273. Declaration between Great Britain and France engaging reciprocally to respect the independence of the Sultans of Muscat and Zanzibar, App. 104. Papers showing in detail the steps taken by the Bombay Government and by the Govern'! ent of India in i860 and 1861, in arbitrating between Syud Thoweynee, the ruler of Muscat, aud Syurl Majeed, the ruler of Zanzibar; arrangement ultimately by which the latter has since paid the former an annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns, App. \<2¿ et seq. Resolutions arrived at by the Bombay Government in February 1861, upon the questions at issue ; proposition that the ruler of Zanzibar shall pay annually to the ruler of Muscat a subsidy of 40,000 crowns, App. 187-192. Final award by the Government of India in accordance with the views of the Bombay Government ; official communications consequent thereupon, App. 192-200. Willingness expressed by Syud Majeed to comply with the award, App. 182.207, 208——Statement of the claims and grievances, presented by Syud Majeed to Brigadier Coghlan in October i860, ib. 183-187. 2. Question of relieving the Sultan of Zanzibar of the Subsidy paid to Muscat upon condition of his suppressing the Slave Trade : Calculation that the Sultan of Zanzibar derives at least 20,000 /. a year from the tax on slaves; compensation necessary in order to induce the relinquishment of this revenue Hon. C. Vivian 37. 99-104. 157. 160, 161 Belief that if the Sultan of Zanzibar were released from the payment of 8,000 1. a year to the ruler of Muscat he would be willing to suppress the Zanzibar slave traffic, Sir J. W. Kaye 201. 205, 206 Conclusion as to the necessity of compensating the Sultan of Zanzibar for relinquishing the slave traffic not already prohibited by treaty; belief as to the sufficiency of a payment of 8,000 Z. a year for the purpose, ¿Z>. 205, 206, 241-256. 274-277. 281 Saving to be eifected not only as regards liberated slaves, but in time, by the withdrawal of the squadron if compensation be paid for the suppiession of the traffic, ib. 234. 248- 252. 283 Probability of the Sultan encouraging the trade with a view to obtaining a subsidy or compensation from Great Britain, ih. 26^5, 266. Opportunity at one period for inducing the Sultan <if Zanzibar tn limit the trade by relieving him of the subsidy which he pays to the Imaum of Muscat; difficulties at present as to any arrangement in this direction ; Churchill 337~339' Proposal that Great Britain and India should undertake the payment of the subsidy of 8,000 Z. now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat, and that in return certain acquirements should be made tending to the abolition of the slave trade, Sir B. Frere 452. 483. 504-516. 522 An ticipated willingness of the Sultan of Zanzibar to make large sacrifice if relieved from the annual payment to Muscat, ih. 515, 516. Decided objection to this country undertaking the payment of the subsidy 8,000 Z. a year, now paid by Zanzibar to Muscat ; witness, in fact, would offer no money compensa tion for a suppression of the Zanzibar slave trade, Tiighy 630-635. ¡Letter ZANZIBAR. 241 Report, 1871—continued, — — Zanzibar—continued. 2. Question of relieving the Sultan of Zanzibar of the Subsidy, Sfc.—continiied. Letter from witness to the Governor oí' Bombay in February 1869, suggesting that the Sultan of Zanzibar be released from the payment of 8,500 1. a year to the Imaum of Muscat; further statement to this effect, Sir L. G. Heath 780. 784-786. Opinion that the subsidy to the Sultan of Muscat cannot now with justice be with drawn; opportunity of withdrawal at one period, Sir W. Coghlan 891-896. 910,911 Importance of the Sultan of Zanzibar being induced to give up the import of slaves to Zanzibar ; belief that be would readily do this if relieved from the payment made to Muscat, ih. 899-903. 912-918 Belief that Syed Burgash would co-operate in sup pressing the foreign slave trade if he were relieved of the subddy paid to Muscat, Steere 1091-1094. Reference by the Committee to the proposal for releasing the Sultan of Zanzibar from the payment of the subsidy. Rep. viii Alteration of the circumstances under which it was supposed this release might be effected, ib. '3. Question of the Seizure or Purchase of Zanzibar : Absence of any proposition for the purchase of Zanzibar, though its seizure has been entertained, ¿Tow. C. Vivian 12^-12j Exceptions taken to certain recommendations by Sir Leopold Heath for the purchase of Zanzibar; purchase and annexation are alike out of the question. Sir J. W. Kaye 281, 282 Absence of any offer by the present Sultan to sell or cede to the Island of Zanzibar, Churchill 415. Conclusion that the acquisition of Zanzibar by Great Britain, is the only effectual mode of suppression. Sir L. G. Heath 711-714. 740 Unwillingness of Syed Burgash to sell his sovereignity, Steere 1068 Suppression of the east coast slave trade if Zanzibar were occupied by Great Britain, Hillyar 1152, 1153. 4. A ction of the late and present Sultan respectively with reference to the Slave Traffic : Doubt whether the Sultan of Zanzibar has honestly carried out the treaties, Hon, C. Vivian 10. 103 Independent attitude assumed by Syed Burgash, the present Sultan of Zanzibar, as to the slave trade, Churchill 298. 315 Repudiation by the present Sultan of promises to co-operate in the suppression of the slave trade, ib. 298. 315. 414 Question as to the power and pecuniary resources of the Sultan of Zanzibar for carrying out a treaty limiting the export of slaves to one port, ib. 387-394. 427 Efforts of the late Sultan of Zanzibar to suppress the slave trade, ib. 412, 413. Uncertain action of the late Sultan upon the question of discouraging the trade, Rigby 555, 556 Belief that Syed Burgash would be less inclined to meet the views of this country than Syed Majeed was, ib. 573. Probable necessity of some cruisers, even if the Sultan of Zanzibar abandoned the slave trade. Sir W. Coghlan, 904-908 Opinion that the present Sultan is more trust worthy than the late Sultan, and would co-operate for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, Steere 1007-1013, 1091-1098. Views of Brigadier Coghlan in i860 as to the inability of the Sultan of Zanzibar to carry out effectually any prohibitory measures, App. 116, 117. 5. Extensive Character of the Slave Trade in the Zanzibar Territories : Concurrence of evidence as to the activity of the Zanzibar slave trade in recent years, Churchill 298; Sir Bartle Frere 446, 447 ; Sir L. G. Heath 672. Report by Brigadier Coghlan, in November i860, as to the great extent to which the slave trade is being prosecuted within the territories dependent on Zanzibar, App. 112-120. Conclusion of the Committee as to by far the largest portion of the slave traffic being between the dominions of Zanzibar and the coast of Arabia and Persia, Rep. in Total of 97,203 slaves exported from Kilwa to Zanzibar in five years, ib. v Result of the treaties, as far as Zanzibar is concerned, that ihe slave trade is carried on in and from Zanzibar with but very little check, ib. 6. Summary Measures proposed to be adopted towards the Sultan: Suggestions by Dr. Kirk for exercising pressure by acting upon the provisions of the Commercial I'reaty, Hon. C. Vivian 184, 185 ; App. 94 Stringent measures desirable in order to force the Sultan to come to terms; proposed curtailment of his income from the slave trade, Churchill 299-300 Suggestion that the Sultan of Zanzibar might be deprived of certain export duties levied on British subjects, as a means of compelling him to restrict the slave trade, ih. 343-345. 368-371. 388, 389. 414 A policy of for bearance will never answer, ib. 343. 420. H H 4 Suggestion 242 ZANZIBAR. Report, 1871—continued. ZanzibA R—continued. * 6. Summary Measures proposed to be adopted towards the Sultan—continued. Suggestion that a new and stringent treaty be made with the present Sultan of Zanzibar, and that summary measures be adopted towards the northern Arabs for the entire suppression of the slave trade Rigby 574-580. 586. 608-615. 619-623 Expe diency of the Sultan of Zanzibar being dealt with in a very summary manner, and of the slave trade being no longer allowed to prevent the increase of legitimate commerce, Waller 960-964. 970, 971. Provisions of the new treaty proposed to be made with the Sultan, Rep. vi. Recommendaiion by the Committee that it be notified to the Sultan of Zanzibar that the existing treaty provisions must be abrogated, with a view to effectual measures being taken for the entire suppression of the slave trade, whether foreign or coasting, Rep. viii. See also Abolition or Suppression of Slave Trade. Arabs. British and British- Indian Subjects. Consuls and Vice Consuls. Cruisers. Domestic Slavery. France. Health. Kihva. Liberated Slaves, 2. Political Agency and Consulate. Revenue of Zanzibar. Slave Market. Special Envoy. Steam Communication. Trade. # m ïv!' 206$01470892 w o O o o 25 -< (O IT O w 9 o Ç % s. 25 00 o fi) T"