Die doppelte kaufmännische Buchhaltung

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Monograph

Identifikator:: 1011909774

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-27018

Document type:: Monograph

Author:: Leitner, Friedrich http://d-nb.info/gnd/139681477

Title:: Die doppelte kaufmännische Buchhaltung

Edition:: Sechste und siebente Auflage

Place of publication:: Berlin

Publisher:: Vereinigung Wissenschaftlicher Verleger Walter de Gruyter & Co., vormals G.J. Göschen'sche Verlagshandlung - J. Guttentag, Verlagsbuchhandlung - Georg Reimer - Karl J. Trübner - Veit & Comp.

Year of publication:: 1923

Scope:: 1 Online-Ressource (VI, 349 Seiten)

Digitisation:: 2018

Collection:: Business and Management Classics

Usage license:: Get license information via the feedback formular.

Chapter

Document type:: Monograph

Structure type:: Chapter

Title:: I. Teil. Die allgemeinen Lehren

Collection:: Business and Management Classics

THE RISE AND FALL OF THE INTERNATIONAL. 151 ing Le Lubez for France, Wolff for Italy, Marx for Germany, Holtorp for Poland, and Jung for Switzerland. In order to cover expenses, a fund was opened. They raised, it is said, sterling : a small sum to shake the world. Mazzini, by his secretary,Wolff, proposed a highly centralized organization, which would entrust the entire management to the leaders. Marx took the other side, arguing that such a system might suit a political conspiracy, plotting to overthrow a govern ment, but that it would not avail for combining a very large num ber of working men’s societies established in different countries and under different conditions. In order to succeed, they must be satisfied with a lax federal tie, and above all must respect local independence. Far from acting in the dark, their success de pended on the greatest possible publicity. Mazzini was a mere politician, and did not understand social questions. Having passed his life in hatching plots, he could not see anything out side of “ Carbonarism.” Marx, who had a profound knowledge of Political Economy, had no difficulty in showing that, if a few barricades and a bold stroke might sometimes be sufficient to overthrow a dynasty and proclaim a republic, that was not the way to introduce modifications with regard to the holding of property, the organization of labour, or the basis of the distribu tion of wealth. Marx carried the day. Soon, in his turn, he too was to be opposed and cast off as too dictatorial. Mazzini and his followers seceded. The very skilful and comparatively moderate manifesto, drawn up by the general council, embodied the ideas of Marx. In a speech in Parliament on the 16th of April, 1863, Mr. Gladstone had said that during the last twenty years the con dition of the working man had hardly improved, and that in many cases the struggle for existence had become more difficult for him, while the growth of the national wealth from trade and commerce had been unprecedented, and that, for example, the exports had been multiplied threefold. The manifesto cited this speech and drew from it the conclusion that means must be adopted for increasing the share of labour. The normal working day must, in the first place, be limited to ten hours, in order to give the labourer some leisure for the development of

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