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Monograph

Identifikator:
1753623200
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-136107
Document type:
Monograph
Title:
Economic essays
Place of publication:
New York
Publisher:
Macmillan
Year of publication:
1927
Scope:
viii, 368 S.
Ill., graph. Darst.
Digitisation:
2021
Collection:
Economics Books
Usage license:
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Chapter

Document type:
Monograph
Structure type:
Chapter
Title:
Eight-hour theory in the american federation of labor / Henry Raymond Mussey
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • Economic essays
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • John Bates Clark as an economist / Jacob H. Hollander
  • Static economics and business forecasting / Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr.
  • The enterpreneur and the supply of capital / George E. Barnett
  • The malthusiad fantasia economica / James Bonar
  • The static state and the technology of economic reform / Thomas Nixon Carver
  • The relation between statics and dynamics / John Maurice Clark
  • Elasticity of supply as a determinant of distribution / Paul H. Douglas
  • Land economics / Richard T. Ely
  • Clark's reformulation of the capital concept / Frank A. Fetter
  • A statistical method for measuring "marginal utility" and testing the justice of a progressive income tax / Irving Fisher
  • Alternatives seen as basic economic facts / Franklin H. Giddings
  • Les cooperatives dans les pays latins un probléme de géographie sociale / Charles Gide
  • The farmers' indemnity / Alvin S. Johnson
  • Eight-hour theory in the american federation of labor / Henry Raymond Mussey
  • The holding movement in agriculture / Jesse E. Pope
  • The early teaching of economics in the United States / Edwin R.A. Seligman
  • A functional theory of economic profit / Charles A. Tuttle

Full text

236 ECONOMIC ESSAYS IN HONOR OF JOHN BATES CLARK 
Social progress, in its last analysis, comes from the awakened voli- 
tion, or WILL POWER, of the masses. . . . 
In order that men shall exert themselves for an object they must 
first desire that object. . . . 
The standard of living is the measure of civilization [referring to 
cheap European labor]. It is not that the labor of these men is not 
worth more than they receive, but that their standard of living is 
such that, until the volition for better things is aroused (a slow process), 
they will work for the wages which will procure for them the living 
they have been accustomed to receive. 
It thus follows that it is not commonly the value of what is pro- 
duced which chiefly determines the wage rate, but the nature and 
degree of the wants of the workers, as embodied in their customary 
mode of living. 
It is just here that we begin to see the inside forces which are at 
work shaping and molding the lives of the wage-earners, the thousand 
and one influences which differentiate the fairly-paid independent 
short-hour unionist and the meagrely-paid, servile, long-hour laborer. 
And this is the dynamic force of the shorter-hour movement. It 
brings into the daily existence of millions an element of freedom 
which was not before possessed by them. 
And with this development comes the increase in the demand for 
the amenities of civilization, . . . the general reaching out for those 
things which make life better worth living, but all of which need time 
for their use and enjoyment. 
By this increase in the wants and desires on the part of the wage- 
earner there ensues a gigantic commercial stimulus, a market is cre- 
ated for products of many kinds which under a system of long hours 
there is no demand for. This is the vital economic side of the shorter- 
hour movement, for great numbers of men and women are put to 
work by each addition to the customary standard of living among 
the masses. 
The essential ideas of these passages were repeated over and 
over in the writings and speeches of the Federation leaders in the 
eighties and nineties. The worker is poor and exploited because 
he is ignorant and helpless, and so will put up with it. Shorten 
his hours, his wants will grow, and he will not put up with it. 
The Eight-Hour Committee of the Federation in 1891 put it 
thus: “The taste for freedom grows from that upon which it 
feeds, and would-be oppressors of labor well know that if the 
wage-earner is once given the time and opportunity to learn his 
own strength, to husband his own resources, to organize his own 
faculties, and to widen his own horizons, he is thereby furnished
	        

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