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Banking theories in the United States before 1860

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fullscreen: Banking theories in the United States before 1860

Monograph

Identifikator:
1755492553
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-133529
Document type:
Monograph
Author:
Miller, Harry Edward http://d-nb.info/gnd/1055250875
Title:
Banking theories in the United States before 1860
Place of publication:
Cambridge
Publisher:
Harvard University Press
Year of publication:
1927
Scope:
XI, 240 S.
Digitisation:
2021
Collection:
Economics Books
Usage license:
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Chapter

Document type:
Monograph
Structure type:
Chapter
Title:
Part I. The utility of banks as a source of media of payment
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • Banking theories in the United States before 1860
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • Part I. The utility of banks as a source of media of payment
  • Part II. The utility of banks as agencies in the distribution of loanable funds
  • Part III. Bank notes and bank deposits
  • Part IV. Banking policy and the business cycle
  • Index

Full text

20 BANKING THEORIES IN UNITED STATES 
never will.” ! And Thomas Jefferson, who seems to have profited 
little from a reading of Hume and Smith, favored “banks of 
discount for cash” and banks of deposit, but was irreconcilably 
opposed to banks with the privilege of note issue.2 “I sincerely 
believe, with you,” he wrote to John Taylor in 1816, that 
banking establishments are more dangerous than standing 
armies.’ ” 8 His fellow patriot, John Adams, condemned the in- 
stitution with characteristic vigor. “Our whole banking system,” 
he wrote in 1811, “I ever abhorred, I continue to abhorr [sic] and 
I shall die abhorring.” For “every bank of discount, every bank 
by which interest is to be paid or profit of any kind made by the 
deponent, is downright corruption. It is taxing the public for the 
benefit and profit of individuals; it is worse than old tenor, con- 
tinental currency, or any other paper money.” * Every dollar of 
a bank bill that is issued beyond the quantity of gold and silver 
in the vaults,” Adams maintained, ‘‘represents nothing, and 
is therefore a cheat upon somebody.” ? 
The dislike of banks that Jackson’s hard-money school had 
nurtured during the period of the “bank war” was fanned to 
fever heat by the suspension of 1837. An anti-bank convention 
was held in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on July fourth of that 
year, and the Loco Foco party held indignation meetings in 
several cities.® As late as 1853 the secretary of the treasury 
expressed the hope that the increase in supply of the precious 
metals in this country (following upon the California discoveries) 
would continue a few years longer, so that we might yet find it 
possible to abolish banks and return to a purely metallic cur- 
rency.” This animosity toward banks found reflection in their 
L «Country Clown,” cited in Matthew Carey’s Letters to Seybert (1810), p. 56. 
2 Writings, ix, 417. 
Se dbid., %, 31. 
t John Adams, Letter to Benjamin Rush (August 28, 1811), Works (C.F. Adams 
edition), ix, 638. 
5 Letter to F. A. Vanderkemp (February 16, 1809), ibid., ix, 610. See also, 
Letter to John Taylor (March 12, 1819), ibid., X, 375. 
6 See Niles’ Register (1837), vol. lii, for an account of these. 
7 James Guthrie, Finance Reports (1853), p. 10. Cp. Message of the Governor 
of Michigan (January 2, 1843), in United States House of Representatives, 29th 
Congress, First Session, Document 226, p. 1215.
	        

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