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Naturalwirtschaft und Geldwirtschaft in der Weltgeschichte

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Bibliographic data

fullscreen: Naturalwirtschaft und Geldwirtschaft in der Weltgeschichte

Monograph

Identifikator:
1824546017
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-214923
Document type:
Monograph
Author:
Dopsch, Alfons http://d-nb.info/gnd/118680390
Title:
Naturalwirtschaft und Geldwirtschaft in der Weltgeschichte
Place of publication:
Wien
Publisher:
Seidel
Year of publication:
1930
Scope:
XII, 294 S.
Digitisation:
2022
Collection:
Economics Books
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Index

Document type:
Monograph
Structure type:
Index
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • Naturalwirtschaft und Geldwirtschaft in der Weltgeschichte
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • Erster Abschnitt. Die Theorie. Grundsätzliche Anschauungen
  • Zweiter Abschnitt. Die Tatbestände: Die Primitiven
  • Dritter Abschnitt. Die Kulturvölker des alten Orients
  • Vierter Abschnitt. Altgriechenland und das Römerreich
  • Fünfter Abschnitt. Das Oströmische Reich und der Islam
  • Sechster Abschnitt. Das frühe Mittelalter im Westen. Die Völkerwanderung. Merowinger und Karolinger
  • Siebenter Abschnitt. Das hohe Mittelalter (10.-12. Jahrhundert)
  • Achter Abschnitt. Das spätere Mittelalter (13.-15. Jahrhundert)
  • Neunter Abschnitt. Die Neuzeit
  • Zehnter Abschnitt. Die politischen Auswirkungen: Lehenswesen und Kapitalismus
  • Elfter Abschnitt. Rückfälle aus der Geldwirtschaft in die Naturalwirtschaft
  • Zwölfter Abschnitt. Theoretische Schlußfolgerungen
  • Index

Full text

272 INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION AND WAGES 
ward in a practical way by the locomotive engineers and 
firemen in their arbitrations, it was derided by railway 
management as a visionary, academic theory, incapable of 
practical application. Later, the claim that wage-earners 
should participate in earnings according to their contribu- 
tion to output, was strenuously opposed on moral and eco- 
nomic grounds based on the argument that lower costs and 
productive gains had their origin in managerial ability and 
in new capital commitments—the installation of new ma- 
chinery and equipment and the adoption of improved proc- 
esses and methods. The recognition of such a theory, it 
was claimed, would remove the incentive for new capital 
investment and thus prevent industrial progress and expan- 
sion. 
Not until after the inauguration of the new post-war 
policy of reviving and maintaining general prosperity 
through mass production and distribution, and through the 
stimulation of consuming power by wage increases, was 
there any general aceptance of the theory that industrial 
workers should participate in lower costs and productive 
gains. Some of the ultra-conservative associations of 
manufacturers even then conceded this participation not as 
a moral or economic right, but only on the selfish policy 
that if wage-earners received more compensation they 
would consume more commodities and services, and thus 
help to expand demand for commodities—the basic essen- 
tial of stabilized prosperity. The more liberal industrial 
leadership, however, has unreservedly accepted as a funda- 
mental of enlightened industrial statesmanship the right 
of wage-earners to share in output according to their con- 
tribution thereto. It has become an accepted, fundamental 
tenet of the new industrial régime. 
Likewise, the opposition to an adequate basic wage has 
ceased. The old claim that to grant labor a “living wage”
	        

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Employment Psychology. MacMillan, 1924.
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