Agricultural relief: Agricultural relief

Bibliographic data

Multivolume work

Identifikator:: 1831932415

Document type:: Multivolume work

Title:: Agricultural relief

Place of publication:: Washington

Publisher:: Gov. Pr. Off.

Year of publication:: 1928

Collection:: Economics Books

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Volume

Identifikator:: 1831934884

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-232132

Document type:: Volume

Title:: Agricultural relief

Volume count:: Pt. 6

Place of publication:: Washington

Publisher:: Gov. Pr. Off.

Year of publication:: 1928

Scope:: III S., S. 429 - 520

Digitisation:: 2022

Collection:: Economics Books

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AGRICULTURAL RELIEF 163 Cummins law was passed in 1922 and 1923. There ‘was a. period, was there not, where following Mr. Ketcham’s thought, the consumers of the railroads’ services did force the railroads into bankruptcy, so that after 30 years’ operation under the first commission jt. was necessary to reverse the attitude and change the law and create a new law that gave the railroads a chance to live. Mr. Caverno. That is what I have said. I said these boards were appointed for regulation and driven to assistance; and, men, I can not help but believe that that has got to happen to every great indus- try of our country. There is either going to be an autocracy outside of the Government or a certain amount of autocracy in it, and it ought to be reduced to the lowest terms and limited to direction as much as possible. Let me state one thing here in regard to what Mr. Ketcham has referred to. He has a different picture from what I have in regard to how this is going to work, and I hope that I can get around to talk about the practical workings of this bill. But I want to say, as I see this, every bushel of grain and every bale of cotton might go under the McNary-Haugen bill into the very same freight cars, the very same elevators, through the very same hand, without any cooperative associations, and make the bill effective. Some will say I have been turning down the cooperative associa- tions. I have not. I think they have been a necessary good; and, anyway, I did not propose to solve this through the cooperative associations; I proposed to solve this through the national industrial conference board. I went to men like Herbert Hoover in an en- deavor to have this thing solved without getting into the House. Mr. Apkins. You do not think the farmers are uneasy, do you, or believe they have got to operate at a loss right along to keep the other 70 per cent of the people off their backs. Mr. Caver~o. I wish you members of the committee could take time to read the little letters here of men who have been putting in 25 cents and up in Mr. Hirth’s organization. I have nothing to do with it. He asked me to receive contributions and turn them over to our little office up here # the Investment Building, where we are trying to meet the chamber of commerce, and the United milling interests represented by Mr. Anderson here. Mr. AswerLr. What do you do with that money? Mr. CaverNo. Doctor, I knew you would ask that. Mr. AsweLL. It is a good question, if you knew I would ask it. Mr. Caverno. We try to have study made by experts. Ifyou know Chester Davis—I call myself proud to know him. Mr. Davis is employed and these 25-cent subscriptions go to help that little office, which is the most expert economic service the farmers of the United States ever had. To prove my contention that this is an economic problem, I want you to compare those little letters with what appears in this book [laying printed volume of committee hearings on the table], and that is the report of the Reed Investigating Committee on senatorial campaign expenditures, to prove that economics is at the bottom of politics. See what was collected in the Pennsylvania campaign. Was it worth it for political office? It was not. It was because of the economic factors. One of the Mellons, I think, who said in an interview, it was worth $5,000,000 to control the Republican organi- zation in the State of Tinois

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