Responsible government in the Dominions: Responsible government in the Dominions

Responsible government in the Dominions (Vol. 1)

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Multivolume work

Identifikator:: 1896933912

Document type:: Multivolume work

Author:: Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794

Title:: Responsible government in the Dominions

Place of publication:: Oxford

Publisher:: Clarendon Press

Year of publication:: 1912-

Collection:: Economics Books

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Volume

Identifikator:: 1896934455

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-236504

Document type:: Volume

Author:: Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794

Title:: Responsible government in the Dominions

Volume count:: Vol. 1

Place of publication:: Oxford

Publisher:: Clarendon Pr.

Year of publication:: 1912

Scope:: LI, 568 Seiten

Digitisation:: 2022

Collection:: Economics Books

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Chapter

Document type:: Multivolume work

Structure type:: Chapter

Title:: Part II. The executive Government

Collection:: Economics Books

CHAP. 1V] THE GOVERNOR AS HEAD 223 petitions. When these election petitions had unseated, on the 31st of July, Sir W. Whiteway, Mr. Robert Bond, Mr. Watson, and others, a Proclamation was issued calling together the Legislature, and by the 4th of August several Bills were passed and supply was granted, though it was only carried with great difficulty in the Upper House, in which the ex-Ministry held a considerable majority of seats. The Government, however, only held office on a doubtful tenure, having no real majority, and the Ministry resigned not long afterwards on the financial crisis of 1894. § 3. Tur DisMISSAL OF MINISTERS While the power of refusing a dissolution is frequently exercised, it is different with the power of dismissing minis- ters. That power is claimed by Todd?! for the Crown on the strength of the action of William IV in 1834, and while the precedent is not perfectly in point, it is certainly a precedent which is not fortunate, and the dicta ® which at the present day regard it as a possible course of action seem clearly wrong as tending to the subversion of the constitution and the ultimate overthrow of monarchical institutions. Nor in effect is it much different in the Colonies ; the power has been exercised and may again be exercised, for it is not one which would be fatal in any sense to a Governor or to the Imperial Government, but is an extreme measure; it is wiser to let the constitution work out slowly but surely its pwn changes and not to attempt to rush matters on. Such was the view taken by Lord Elgin in the classic case of the Rebellion Losses Bill in Canada in 1849.4 That measure evoked almost incredible outbursts of anger on the part of the loyalists in Canada, and every pressure was brought to bear on the Governor-General to insist on the resignation of ministers; he firmly declined to do so, and his firmness was proved to be correct by the fact that the ! Parliamentary Government in the British Colonees, p. 432. * See Anson, Law of the Constitution? 11, i, 38, 39, and of. xxx, xxxi. * e.g. Sir C. Dilke, Journal of Royal Society of Arts, Ivi. 344. 3 Parl. Pap., Mav and June 7. 1849,

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