Report from the Select Committee on Slave Trade (East Coast of Africa); together with the proceedings of the Committee, minutes of evidence, appendix and index

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Monograph

Identifikator:: 832922498

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-79587

Document type:: Monograph

Title:: Report from the Select Committee on Slave Trade (East Coast of Africa); together with the proceedings of the Committee, minutes of evidence, appendix and index

Place of publication:: [London]

Publisher:: [The House of Commons]

Year of publication:: 1871

Scope:: 1 Online-Ressource (XXIV, 242 S.)

Collection:: Economics Books

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162 APPENDIX TO REPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE Appendix, No. 8. they merit, I reproduce them entire from the Appendix. That officer writes—I con- sider that the connection which existed between Oman and a country so far remote as East Africa, was always an unnatural one, and ever prejudicial to the interests of both countries. This I mean with reference to the want of all system and regularity in the government of Arab states, in which everything depends on the personal influence and presence of the ruling chief. The selections from the records of the Bombay Govern ment relating to the Persian Gulf abundantly prove the dangers and disorders which constantly threatened the late Imam’s possessions in Oman in consequence of his absence at Zanzibar, On several occasions the danger was only averted by the influence and intervention of the British Government. Had the late Imam continued to reside at Muscat, it is probable that, with his energetic, shrewd character, he would have greatly extended his power, and firmly established it. In 1846 Lieutenant Colonel Hamertou writes to the Secretary to Government as follows :—‘ I brought to the notice of his High ness the injury which was occasioned to his interests in Arabia from his protracted stay at Zanzibar, and that the Government at Muscat was but ill-administered. His Highness replied that this had been a matter of much distress to him lately.’ And in another letter during the same year, he writes to the Secretary to Government, Bombay—‘ I have, in obedience to instructions, most fully communicated to his Highness the Imam the state of his affairs in Arabia, as appears from the copies of the documents enclosed with the letter. His Highness was aware of everything, but did not appear to consider matters so serious as perhaps they are. The Imam has always appeared to me to care little for his Arabian possessions further than the seaports. His Highness’s influence in the interior of Oman is irretrievably lost, from the feeble nature of his government ; and he knows and feels it. His Highness last year deputed Sheikh Alii bin Massood to proceed to Oman from Zanzibar, to try to procure men from the different tribes in Oman to assist his Highness in the war he is now carrying on against the people of Sewee ; but the Sheikh has returned without being able to procure a single sword from the tribes in Oman.’ “ As an Arab chief, the late Imam was a very superior man ; it may be many years before his equal is found among his successors. From his personal bravery, his wealth, and his long reign, he had far more influence amongst those by whom he was surrounded than is likely to be possessed by either of his sons. Nevertheless, his absence from Oman destroyed his influence with the tribes, and nearly caused him the loss of all his Arabian possessions. “ With respect to the Zanzibar dominions, I think their complete severance from Muscat would soon lead to the stoppage of the northern slave-trade. The ruler of Zanzibar would feel independent of the northern Arabs, who every year swarm at Zanzibar during the north-east monsoon, to prey upon him.” The sum distributed by Syud Majeed amongst these people every year is a serious drain upon the Zanzibar Treasury. I imagine that the only reason why these Arabs are thus paid is with the idea that their aid may one day be required. If these payments were stopped, and vigorous measures were adopted for one or two seasons by an English gunboat to capture the boats of these piratical tribes when found carrying slaves, 1 think they would soon discontinue visiting this coast, and probably find some more honest occupation. “ I think, if Zanzibar is governed with prudence, it may perform a very important part in the future commerce and civilisation of East Africa. From Port Natal to Gape Gardafui, the only state from which any progress or stability can be hoped is Zanzibar. Its commerce has rapidly increased within the last few years, and it bids fair to become the chief emporium of trade on the east coast. Its ])Opulation possesses valuable elements for commerce in the wealthy and numerous settlers from India, and the enterprising Arabs and Sowahilis who travel over Central Africa, distributing foreign goods in exchange for the products of the country. The Portuguese possessions on the east coast are in a hopeless state of decay, and there is not the slightest probability ot the Portuguese ever advancing the civilisation or commerce of the interior. If Zanzibar should be an independent state, the dominions of its ruler would probably soon extend into the interior, and his power would be consolidated, and in time it might form a considerable African kingdom. But supposing that, from the non-residence of the ruling chief, from its being continually held as a dependency of Muscat, from neglect or feeble rule, such as Oman has suflered from for so many years in consequence of the late Imam being a non-resident, the Zanzibar state were gradually to lose its power over the territories of the mainland, the petty sultans and chiefs would soon become independent ; the treaties for the suppression of the slave trade would be disregarded, foreign eettle- « Appendix B, reply ments would be established, and all hope of progress be destroyed.”* to Query 36. Avould be superfluous to add anything to these considerations in favour of the independent sovereignty of Zanzibar. Fortunately the expediency on which they are based, and which alone would hardly suffice to justify the severance of that state from the parent state of Muscat, is adequately supported and confirmed by the arguments founded on right, which have already been discussed in the foregoing pages. 42. But if, notwithstanding these combined considerations, Syud Thoweynec, as the ove reign of Oman, may still" be deemed to have some claim on the African territories of the kingdom, either in virtue of the relationship which has hitherto existed between those dependencies and the parent state, or by way of indemnity for any chance which, throuo’h having consented to"forego his projected invasion of Zanzibar, he may consider “ that

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