LENIN ON ORGANIZATION 
rade Akimov frankly declared that he regarded 
“their aim (i. e. Plekhanov’s, Martov’s and mine, 
namely, to create a controlling organization of 
revolutionaries) as unrealizable and dangerous”; 
he sticks, as does Comrade Martynov* to the idea 
of the economists that an “organization of revolu- 
tionaries” is unnecessary. He is “full of the belief 
that life will penetrate into our Party, whether we 
bar its way by Martov’s formula or by Lenin’s for- 
mula.” There would be no need to dwell upon 
this “khvostist” conception of “life” if it were not 
shared by Comrade Martov. The second speech 
of Comrade Martov is as a whole so interesting 
that it is worth a detailed analysis. 
Comrade Martov’s first argument is that the con- 
trol of the Party over members who do not belong 
to Party organizations “is possible, in as much as 
the committee, having entrusted a certain function 
to a certain person, is able to supervise its execu- 
* Comrade Martynov, it should be said, wants to dissociate 
himself from Comrade Akimov; he wants to show that con- 
spiracy (here the Russian word for conspiracy is used by 
Lenin.—Trans.) does not mean conspiracy (Lenin here uses 
the word of Latin origin.—Trans.), that the difference in 
these words conceals a difference of meaning. What that 
meaning is, neither Comrade Martynov, nor Comrade Axel- 
rod, who is following in his footsteps, has explained. Comrade 
Martynov “pretends” that in “What is to he Done?” (as also 
in the “Tasks”) I did not definitely declare myself opposed 
to “narrowing down the political struggle to a conspiracy.” 
Comrade Martynov wants to make his hearers forget that 
those whom I fought had failed to see the necessity for an 
organization of revolutionaries, as Comrade Akimov fails to 
see it now. 
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