LENIN ON ORGANIZATION
tion of revolutionaries” as being more or less
coincident with the conception “organization of
workers.” And this, in fact, is the case; so that
when we talk of organization we are literally talking
different languages. I recall, for instance, a conversation
 I once had with a fairly consistent economist
 (1) with whom I had not been previously
acquainted. We were talking about the brochure
“Who Will Make the Political Revolution?” and we
were very soon agreed that its chief defect was that
it ignored the question of organization. We were
beginning to believe ourselves in complete agreement,
 — but as the conversation proceeded it
appeared that we were talking of different things.
My interlocutor accused the author of ignoring
strike funds, mutual aid societies, etc., whereas I
had in mind an organization of revolutionaries, as
an essential factor in “making” the political revolution.
 Once that difference became clear I do not
remember to have found myself in agreement with
that economist on any question of importance
again!
Wherein lay the source of our disagreement? It
lay in the fact that on questions both of organization
 and politics the economists are forever lapsing
from Social Democracy into trade unionism. The
political struggle of the Social Democrats is far
more extensive and complex than the economic
Struggle of the workers against the masters and the
government. Similarly (and indeed for that reason)
 the organizations of the revolutionary Social

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