LENIN ON ORGANIZATION 
By means of legalization, therefore, we cannot 
solve the problem of creating a trade union organ- 
ization which will be as little conspiratorial and as 
widely extensive as possible (but we should be 
extremely glad if the Zubatovs and the Ozerovs 
provided even the slightest opportunity for such a 
solution,—to which end we must fight them as ener- 
getically as possible!) There only remains the path 
of secret trade union organizations; and we must 
offer every possible assistance to the workers, who 
(as we know) have already adopted this path. 
Trade union organizations may not only be of tre- 
mendous value in developing and consolidating the 
economic struggle, but may also become a very 
useful auxiliary to the political, agitational and 
revolutionary organizations. In order to achieve 
this purpose, and in order to guide the beginnings 
of the trade union movement in the direction desired 
by the Social Democrats, we must first fully under- 
stand the foolishness of the plan of organization 
with which the Petersburg economists have been 
occupying themselves for nearly five years. That 
plan is described both in the “Statutes for a Work- 
ers’ Fund” of July, 1897, and in the “Statutes for 
to see that these facts tell against it and prove that the 
working class movement is assuming menacing proportions 
in the eyes of the government.” (Two Congresses,” D. 27%). 
For this we have to blame the “dogmatism” of the “blind 
and perverted” orthodox. They obstinately refuse to see the 
yard-high wheat and are fighting down the inch-high tares! 
Does this not reveal a “distorted sense of perspective with 
regard to the Russian working class movement?” (idem. 
D. 27). 
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