THE LAST PHASE IN NORTHERN INDIA 171
village would .at once be raised; and concealment was
flected, or at least facilitated, by the employment of a
special unit of area for the land cultivated by the Brother-
hood. To take a case! reported from part of what is now
the Ghazipur district, the net sum payable by the members
of the Brotherhood being Rs. 150, and the area cultivated
by them being 300 ordinary bighas, they had to pay only
8 annas per bigha; but, if this fact had become known,
there would have been prompt enhancement, so they kept
a special measuring-rope for their own cultivation, giving
a bigha four times the usual size, and thus only 75 bighas,
instead of 300, were recorded in the village papers, and the
payment on this area worked out at Rs. 2 per bigha, a
figure sufficiently high to avoid suspicion.
Where then the organisation of the Brotherhood func-
tioned effectively, the profit of the village was shared
equitably among the members, and competent Headmen
might be able to show a profit of reasonable amount; but
where a usurping Headman was found, he took much of the
profit for himself in the way indicated in the quotation given
in the last section, charging the members at rates somewhat
less than were paid by other peasants, and remaining “in
his own person the master of profit and loss.” On the other
hand, there are cases on record where members of the
Brotherhood paid the same rates as other peasants, because
the assessment left nothing in the way of profit, and there
may have been cases, though I have not come across any,
where the Brotherhood actually paid rather more. The
economic effect of the system was thus to take out of the
1 Mehendy Ally Khan's report to Jonathan Duncan, Rev. Sel, i. 170.
The statement that the use of the special unit of area was intended to
~onceal the facts was controverted on conjectural grounds by Baden-
Powell (The Land-Systems of British India, ii. 138). His argument was
that the officials “would not in the least care for areas. They probably
had no measurement, but a traditional assessment of the village. . . .
They cared nothing for how much land each sharer held, as long as the
whole demand was paid.” Aurangzeb’s farmans, however, show that the
lata of area were regularly taken into account in making the annual
assessments, so that this conjectural argument falls to the ground. They
show also that the officials were ordered to make use of the village-accounts,
so that it is reasonable to infer that Mehendy Ally -knew what he was
writing about when he wrote that the special unit was used “to the end
that, should their putwarree’s accounts be ever called for by Government
or the Amil, the profits in their villages mav not be known to amount to
so much.’”’