180 ECONOMIC ESSAYS IN HONOR OF JOHN BATES CLARK
i mT a ee .
this answer is that, in actual practical human life, we do pro-
ceed on just such assumptions. Academically we may have
philosophic doubts as to bridging the gulf between mind and
mind, or even between one time and another time for the same
ind. But somehow, we do bridge those gulfs. Human inter-
: largely consists in so doing even if we cannot tell how we
o it. The housewife knows the wants of her husband and chil-
ren almost as well as she knows her own, and we may well take
or granted that the other woman beside her, unless abnormal or
nusual, has comparable wants both as an individual and as the
presentative of her own family zroup. ANE
hilosophic doubt is right and proper, but the problems of life
annot, and do not, wait. One can even doubt the philosophic
ropriety of our measurements of space, matter and time, and in
act, Einstein has raised very definite doubts and possibly even
overthrown what Newton seemed to have established. But prac-
ically we go on measuring, and building in space and time,
nd, for all practical purposes, our unproven ideas work.
o economists cannot afford to be too academic and shirk the
reat practical problems pressing upon them merely because these
appen to touch on unsolved, perhaps insoluble, philosophical
roblems. The psychologist has set the example by becoming a
‘behaviorist.” He can thereby deal practically with phenomena
he essential nature of which he confesses he cannot fathom.
y common sense we cut our gordian knots. We may not know
eally what goes on in the mind of a dog, but practically we can
ell by his behavior when he is hungry, or pleased. We have some-
how learned to interpret the wagging of his tail, and the sound
of his bark. Even more have we learned to interpret the feelings
f another human being. Any normal housewife knows the heart’s
esire of every member of her flock. SE
Facing our problem, then, as a practical common sense problem,
ather than as an academic and philesophical one, I venture to
et up as a working hypothesis, that similar families have similar
ants, that in particular, two average American working-
en’s families which are of the same size and age and sex eon-
titution, and which have the same food budgets will also have
he same want-for-one-more unit of food; or again, that tro
ypical American workingmen’s families which have the same
ousing accommodation (assuming there has been opportunity to
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