NATIONAL ORIGINS PROVISION OF IMMIGRATION LAW 99
Senator Reep. When we come to use a quota for Poland, for ex-
ample, we have to guess entirely, because Poland is not mentioned in
the census of 1890.
Mr. Mowirz. Of course, there you come to a very peculiar situa-
tion on account of this new Polish corridor, and so forth, back in
there. It might interest you to know that because of our immigra-
tion law, if President Hindenburg wanted to come to the United
States and needed a visa, he would have to get it from the Polish;
he could not have a German visa.
Senator Ruep. Take the whole Polish quota, it involves some un-
certainty because there was no Poland in 1890, and what is true of
Poland is true of a dozen other countries of new Europe.
Mr. Mowrrz. That is true.
Senator REED. So that there is an element of uncertainty?
Mr. Mowirz. There is no element of uncertainty ; it is certainty;
they are not there. Some definite means can be provided whereby
that situation can be taken care of, because you are dealing with a
definite proposition.
Senator Reep. It requires an estimate?
Mr. Mowrrz. It does in the first instance.
Senator Rerp. Which is incapable of exact check.
Mr. Mowrrz. Yes; but the point is this, Senator; we believe that
sight should not be lost of the fact that the wisdom of this policy lies
in the fact that the selection should be as nearly as possible and as
fairly as possible from those tried stocks who in the past have been
admitted to this country and unquestionably have contributed ma-
terially to its progress.
Senator Rep. Mr. Mowitz, I share with you in admiration for the
average German immigrant. I think he is a very high type of
immigrant. But if we adopt the 1890 basis because it is more fairly
representative of the proposition of all America than is the 1920
basis, still, are we not inconsistent when we have given the German
immigrant a quota of 51,000 and the British immigrant a quota of
only 34,000 None of us can claim that the German element in the
United States is 50 per cent larger than the British, can we?
Mr. Mowrrz. No; and I would say in answer to that, Senator,
that I would not take one single Englishman off a quota to which
that Englishman is fairly entitled on the same basis we claim for
Germany. We do not want one more. I mean it should be fair;
otherwise our argument falls.
Senator Reep. I will meet you the other way; I would not admit
one single Englishman to take the place of a German fairly entitled
to come.
Mr. Mowrrz. I have never questioned your views on that subject,
that is self-evident. But, after all, I think we are confronted, if 1
may be permitted to say so, with choosing between the least of two
evils, if you want to put it that way; and it is, I think, the evil
mentioned by Mr. Hill and I can name you any number of author-
‘ties—even the commission, composed of the three Cabinet officers—
State, Labor, and Commerce—that they could not possibly vouch
for the correctness of their papers and figures; and Doctor Garis
himself—why he has had a change of heart with no better figures
available now than in 1927, I do not know. I saw the article the
