Full text: National origins provision of immigration law

NATIONAL ORIGINS PROVISION OF IMMIGRATION LAW 155 
Quotas of Germany, the Irish Free State, and Great Britain, plus Northern 
Ireland 
1890 
quotas 
National 
origins 
quotas 
FOrmany - ove cvaecauna: ee mmmmmeeemmemmmmmmamemmaemmme Sm mmmeem mm 
[7iSh Free State ooo eoarom—romemememsamwes: -oscemmsemeees. smmssasmssssnmees 
JFreat Britain and northern IrelaBd. oc cmumeem commas conan er ———] 
31, 227 
28, 567 
34, 007 | 
24, 906 
17,427 
85, 894 
Assuming that the revised report of the national origins figures 
is substantially correct, as I believe it is, the 1890 quotas effect a 100 
per cent discrimination in favor of the element in our population 
derived from Germany and the Irish Free State and a discrimination 
of 94 per cent against that part of our people which is derived from 
England, Scotland, Wales, and North Ireland. How does this work 
out over a period of 10 years? 
; In 10 years we should get, approximately, on the 1890 foreign-born 
asls 
HT IE ATES eee oe rm om bn 
[rich Free State Rei im ee 
510, 000 
280, 000 
TOA eee mmm mmm meee. (90, 000 
English, Scotch, Welsh, and North Irisho eo 340, 000 
Thus there would come into the country in the period named 
£50,000 more Germans and Irish than immigrants from Great Britain 
and North Ireland. This excess, moreover, as already pointed out, 
would represent further dilution of the Anglo-Saxon element in our 
population. It would not be a square deal to all elements as is the 
case with the national origins plan. Is this just to ourselves as a 
nation, or is it advisable? The late Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood summed 
up the melting-pot problem clearly and briefly when he said, “ The 
American cement has about all the sand it will stand.” 
The late Gino Speranza, an American citizen of Italian parentage, 
in his great book, Race or Nation, had for his main thesis that our 
American institutions and our American civilization itself were in 
danger if we continued to allow mass immigration of other races 
eradually to submerge the racial element which produced those insti- 
ations and civilization, He holds that, to a large extent, forms of 
government as well as social customs and ideals are the products of 
race, and that the best guardian of a nation’s institutions is the race 
ny which they were involved. 
By keeping our basic stock proportionately represented in the 
quotas we tend to avert the danger pointed out by Speranza. In 
this connection the quotation from Gustave Le Bon in Professor 
Garis’ article, We Must be on Guard (Saturday Evening Post, 
January 5, 1929), is appropriate: 
A preponderating influence of foreigners is a sure solvent of the existence of 
States. It takes away from a people its most precious possession—its soul, 
I believe that there are many evidences that our body politic is 
suffering to-day from too much alienage. Says Speranza, on this 
point:
	        
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