162 THE AGRARIAN SYSTEM OF MOSLEM INDIA
reports, and the absence of competition for land is borne
out abundantly from other sources.! In the actual practice
of the period, these peasants usually came to terms with the
managers either once a year or once a season, and written
agreements were frequently exchanged; except in the case
of existing Contract-holdings, the peasants were usually
reluctant to bind themselves for a longer period, and their
attitude was undoubtedly prudent at a time when the
natural risks of agriculture were supplemented by the
dangers arising out of the disturbed condition of the country.
In effect, then, the position of these peasants was con-
tractual, though the terms of the contract were probably
influenced by traditions dating from earlier times, traditions
which, under other circumstances, might have crystallised
out as definite rights and liabilities.
The available records justify the statement that at this
period a Brotherhood existed in most villages, but certainly
notin all. The institution consisted of a number of peasants
held together by the tie of a common ancestry, each in-
dividual having separate possession of the land which he
cultivated, but the whole body acting together, through its
representatives, in managing the affairs of the village, and
paying the revenue to whoever might be entitled to receive
it." The members were ordinarily grouped in divisions and
subdivisions on a scheme representing, or at any rate be-
lieved to represent, the operation of the Hindu law of
inheritance; and land which was not possessed by an in-
dividual member might be held jointly by the members of
a subdivision, or of a division, or by the whole Brotherhood.
It was frequently observed at the time that the areas
assigned to the various subdivisions or individuals did not
correspond exactly with the areas they would have received
under the law of inheritance, so that a subdivision recorded
as holding, say, one-fourth of the village would not neces-
sarily hold one-fourth of the area: and two explanations of
these discrepancies were recorded, both of which were
probably true in one village or another. The first explana-
tion was that the distribution took quality as well as quantity
1 As an example, I may refer to Twining’s description of his journey
from Delhi to Fatehgarh in 1794-5, Part IT of Travels in India a Hundred
Years Ago (London. 1893)