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APPENDIX TO EEPORT FROM SELECT COMMITTEE
Appendix, No. 7. abused to foster and supply an increasing external traffic, and believing that no efforts on
our part will avail effectually to prevent it whilst that permission exists, I venture to
suggest that an attempt should be made by the British Government to obtain a revision of
the existing Treaty on the subject, whereby the present restricted legality of the trade
should be rescinded, and all export and import of slaves within his Highness’s territories be
strictly prohibited.
33. It has already been pointed out that from nineteen to thirty thousand slaves are
annually imported into Zanzibar. This number is immensely beyond the requirements of
the Island, making every allowance for the fact noted by Colonel Rigby, that the females
seldom bear many children ; added to this large numbers are exported from Kilwa and
other places on the coast to foreign ports as well as to the adjacent islands : but all osten
sibly for the domestic supply. This transport is incessant, and is carried on in detail at all
seasons of the year by numerous small boats plying between every point of the coast and
the islands; inasmuch that whilst the present exemption lasts it is practically impossible to
stop it. Every boat overhauled would have the ready excuse, which it would be difficult
to dispute, that the slaves on board were destined for some place within the legalised limits;
and in like manner it would require quite a fleet of vessels to guard against any export
beyond those limits, whilst the same plea is available to escape the penalty of violating the
Treaty. But let the ground for this pretext be entirely removed, and all transport of slaves
beyond sea be declared illegal, and with no more than ordinary efforts on our part to see
such a provision carried into effect, a blow would be struck against the slave trade in the
African dependencies of Zanzibar which would go a great way to compass its eventual
abolition.
34. There are several plausible objections, however, which may be urged against the
measure here suggested. The stoppage of all importation of slaves from the coast, viewed in
connection with the fact recorded by Colonel Rigby, that the females bear few offspring, might
prove a serious drawback to the prosperity of Zanzibai', especially to the clove and other
plantations on the Island. In reply to this it may fairly be premised that once convinced
that all extraneous supply was cut ofl^ the Arabs would take more care of the slaves already
in their possession, and the result would be a correction of those causes which at present
contribute to arrest the natural increase. Besides which, according to Colonel Rigby,
there is abundant free labour procurable at Zanzibar. The European and American mer-
chants generally have several hundred labourers in their employ, cleaning gum copal,
“ cowries, curing hide, See. ; and hundreds of Arabs from lladramant come here, who work
“ as porters, loading and unloading ships, &c. ;” and further, there can be no doubt that
many Africans would voluntarily seek a livelihood at Zanzibar if they were assured of
enjoy ing their freedom there, and of receiving adequate remuneration for their labour.
35. The objection to the ulterior intervention suggested on the ground that it would be
an unjustifiable interference with the religious privileges of the Arabs, scarcely deserves
notice. The prohibition by His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, and by the Viceroy of Egypt,
of any fresh importation of slaves within the Ottoman dominions, constitutes a satisfactory
precedent more than sufficient to remove all scruples on that score. Besides which, it is
notorious that the Arabs of these parts never affect to adduce the sanction of religion
in defence of a system which is obviously pursued from no other motive than that of secular
profit.
36. But a much more serious objection is the opposition on the part of the Arab popula
tion, and of other interested parties among his subjects, which the proposed measure would
most probable occasion to the ruler at Zanzibar, whether that state be eventually re-joined
to Muscat or continue independent. The system of Arab rule is so precarious, and the
Sovereign, though in some respects absolute, has so little power to control the popular will
when adverse to his wishes, that his acquiescence in such a measure might perchance imperil
his authority. Luckily any opposition of this nature is really so contemptible, that one
British man of war at Zanzibar would suffice, by the moral effect of its presence alone, to
restrain the disaffected. Nevertheless, should the British Government eventually decide to
adopt the suggestions now made, I would recommend that a period of three years be allowed
before the prohibition is enforced. That would afford the Arabs abundant time to familiarize
themselves with the necessity, give them ample space to make suitable provision against its
consequences, and thereby tend to render them less inimical to the enactment when it finally
came into operation.
37. When conferring with Syud Thoweynee at Muscat, I understood his Highness’s
remark, that this further restriction of the slave trade might be effected by the ruler at
Zanzibar, “if backed by the influence of the British Government” (vide my Report on
Muscat, No. 10, of I860) to refer solely to a support such as is described in the foregoing
paragraph; but I have now reason to believe that something beyond that was intended, I
find, on examination, that about one-sixth oí the entire amount for which the customs of
Zanzibar and its African dependencies are farmed is derived from the duty levied on slaves.
Hitherto the duty has been one dollar per head, but his Highness Syud Majeed has lately
raised it to t\Ao dollars, in lieu of paying interest on the large debt which heoAves to the
banyan who farms the customs. Hence, if the present limitation were removed, and all
transport and importation of slaves be declared illegal, the income of the State, which is
derived almost exclusively from the customs, would suffer to the extent of from five to eight
thousand
