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in the course of private business which cannot be assessed,
and even in the case of public companies, the possibility
of evading heavy taxation by watering stock, distributing
bonuses and by other means of concealing profits, would
have to be considered by statesmen guided by an economic
policy. Economists will declare that these elements of
income are a legitimate object of taxation wherever they
can be reached, in that they are the result of public
activities and public needs. How far and in what ways
they can best be reached are questions for politics as
distinguished from economics.
These practical qualifications do not, however, impair
the value of the light which economic analysis throws
upon the paths of the progressive policy.
If the public mind once firmly fastens on the economic
principle that taxation, in whatever way imposed, tends *
to settle on the economic rent of land, high profits of
monopolies and other “ unearned” elements of individual
income, it is likely that the assumption of public property
by means of progressive taxation will be more rapid and
more systematic than hitherto.
§ 4. Working-Class Movement for Higher Wages.
The other line of advance is the organised pressure of
the working classes for an increasing proportion of the
* This tendency is of course in many instances thwarted or
retarded by the effect of leases and other contracts and by various
forms of friction which impede the strictly “economic” settlement
of taxation here indicated, imposing for a time new burdens upon
those who are ill able to bear them. The tendency, however, of
practical politicians is to over-estimate the length of time taken
by a tax to settle on rents.