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POLITICAL ECONOMY
tion of these two sets of forces, the fortunate
industries will expand and the unfortunate
industries will contract, until a position of
equilibrium is reached at which labour of the
same capacity in equally agreeable occupa
tions will tend to earn the same, and the
remuneration of capital, so far as industrial
risks are identical, will tend to be everywhere
the same. Hence the conclusion that within
an area over which competition rules and
throughout which capital, labour, and enter
prise are comparatively mobile, things will
exchange according to their marginal costs of
production.
Thus, for our present purpose, may the
theory of the home trade be portrayed—as a
union of two distinguishable doctrines. It
must not be supposed, of course, that the
processes embraced by the one doctrine take
place independently of the processes embraced
by the other. The two sets of processes go
on concurrently so that normally there is
no noticeable breach between the prices of
things and their costs of production.
Now the fundamental distinction between
home trade and international trade consists
in the fact that in the latter the second set
of processes, which I have called the reactions,
cannot have the same free play as in the