CHAP. v] THE GOVERNOR AND THE LAW 253
laying down an arbitrary course of procedure may bring him
into collision with his ministers on matters affecting local
interests alone, and involve such an encroachment upon the
privileges of the people and Parliament of this Colony as
appears quite inconsistent with those broad and enlightened
principles of self-government which have been long acknow-
ledged in this Colony, and of late so strongly impressed upon
she Colonies by the Imperial Government.
The magnitude and frequency of unexpected demands
upon our public funds may be estimated from the amount
of supplementary appropriations made by Parliament
annually during a series of years, say ten :—
1859 supplementary estimate,
1860 Jo. do.
1861 do. do.
[862 do. do.
1863 do. do.
1864 10. do.
[865 do. do.
1866 do. do.
| 867 do. do.
RAK do. do.
2
81,623
78,190
78,634
148,050
406,718
121,593
107,060
181,574
124,666
201.070
The greater part of this large supplemental expenditure
has been from time to time dealt with as having originated
under circumstances of emergency which were held to
justify the exercise of Executive responsibility, and which
was afterwards on that ground legalized by the harmonious
action of both Chambers.
I may here point out that the practice in England is to
pay moneys upon the resolution of the House of Commons
alone, a practice expressly authorised and recognised by the
29th and 30th Vict. cap. 39, sec. 14, viz, :
When any sum or sums of money shall have been granted
to Her Majesty by a resolution of the House of Commons
or by an Act of Parliament to defray expenses for any
specified public services, 4 shall be lawful for Her Majesty
by Her Royal Order under the Sign Manual, countersigned
by the Treasury, to authorise and require the Treasury to
issue out of the credits to be granted to them on the Ex-
chequer Accounts the sums which may be required from
time to time to defray such expenses.’
In opposition to the idea of Executive responsibility
entertained by Lord Granville, I have recited by way of