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THE SOCIALISM OF TO-DAY.
peasants and working men. In ancient Greece, the “ tyrants,”
that is to say, the dictators, usually got possession of power
by placing themselves at the head of the poor against the rich.
It was thus that Cæsar, at Rome, hoped to establish absolute
power. In the Middle Ages, in France, the king was looked
upon as the protector of the people and the communes against
the feudal lords. To-day the Monarchical Socialists invite the
sovereign to fulfil a similar mission, but this time against the
financial and industrial middle classes who exercise the privileges
of the landed aristocracy. They invoke the authority of Lorenz
von Stein, the eminent professor at Vienna : “ Every monarchy,”
he said, “ will be no more than an empty shadow, and will
give place to a republic, or be transformed into a military
despotism, unless, imbued with the moral dignity of its rôle,
it takes the initiation in the matter of social reforms.” What
good can a constitutional sovereign do, when he is at the
mercy of the parties who in turn dispose of the majority?
And what are these parties ? Coalitions of interests, groups oí
cliques, representatives and agents of selfish class interests,
who make use of power only to work to their own advantage
the making of the laws and the framing of the budget. The
king alone can rise superior to this conflict of ambitions and
greedy desires, so as to represent the permanent interests of
the nation ; he alone can take in hand the cause of the
oppressed, because he alone draws no profit from their degra
dation. Such is the language of the Christian Socialists in
Germany.
This ideal of a good despot, assuring to each his share of
terrestrial happiness, has a certain Messianic charm about it,
which may allure, especially when the parliamentary machine
becomes effete or breaks up. But who will guarantee that the
despot shall not be a fool, an idiot, or a vicious wretch?
Cæsarism was too unsuccessful to induce men to return to it,
at least voluntarily. However, the Christian Socialists certainly
express very well the idea that the Emperor William himself
has conceived of his mission. He has a horror of government
by majorities; he readily listens to the grievances of the
labourers ; and, as we have seen, he spends money out of his