Full text : Report from the Select Committee on Slave Trade (East Coast of Africa); together with the proceedings of the Committee, minutes of evidence, appendix and index

30

MINUTES  OF  EVIDENCE  TAKEN  BEFORE

SELECT  COMMITTEE

Mr.  H.  A.
Churchillj
C.B.

17  July
1871.

we  are  already  paying  that?—Yes;  butlpropose
  that  it  should  be  taken  away  from  him,  and
then  held  out  to  him  as  an  inducement  to  make  a
treaty,
390,  But  has  he  at  present  sufficient  powers
to  enforce  such  a  treaty  unless  his  means  were
increased  ?—To  the  extent  of  the  treaty  that  we
recommended  in  the  Foreign  Office  Committee
1  should  think  he  might.
391,  He  would  be  able  to  confine  the  export
of  slaves  to  one  port,  would  he  not?—Yes,  I
think  so,
39Í1,  Sir  Ä  A  ristruther.~\  But  if  he  cannot  enforce ­
  his  own  decree  with  regard  to  the  resale  of
slaves  for  the  northern  Arabs,  for  his  own  subjects, ­
  what  means  would  he  have  of  enforcing
such  a  treaty  ?—There  are  a  great  many  reasons
for  not  enforcing  the  decrees  ;  many  of  his  own
people  are  engaged  in  the  slave  trade,  the  great
folks  of  Zanzibar,  and  when  they  are  detected  he
does  not  like  to  punish  them,
393.  Would  not  that  apply  also  to  the  liberated
slaves  ?—We  should  have  a  supervision  over
them;  we  should  prevent  them  being  kidnapped.
I  dare  say  some  might  be  kidnapped,  but,  on  the
whole,  I  think  w  e  might  protect  them  sufficiently
well.  Ihe  Sultan’s  own  slaves  are  sometimes
kidnapped.
394.  Then  the  expense  of  the  protection  to
liberated  slaves  would  fall  on  us,  and  nob  on
him  —1  o  a  certain  extent  it  would  fall  upon  us,
certainly.
395.  Lord  F.  Cavendish.']  Could  you  state
at  all  what  expenditure  we  should  be  put  to
in_  order  to  enable  the  Sultan  to  put  an  end  to
this  treaty.  We  have  had  it  in  evidence  that
the  mere  expenditure  of  1,500/.  a  year,  and  the
fees  of  a  consular  establishment,  would  put  an
end  to  the  slave  trade  ;  is  that  your  opinion  ?—
No,  certainly  not.  That  would  lead  in  a  considerable ­
  degree  to  bringing  the  matter  to  a  close
ultimately  ;  but  I  do  not  think  it  would  put  an
end  to  the  slave  trade  at  all.

396.  Can  you  give  the  Committee  any  kind  of
estimate  with  regard  to  the  expenditure  we  should
be  put  to  in  order  really  to  grapple  with  this
trade?—I  cannot.
397.  Can  you  form  any  opinion  whatever  of
what  the  expense  would  be  ?—No  ;  it  would  be
a  matter  for  future  negotiations,  I  should  say.
398.  If  the  slave  trade  was  confined  to  one
port  on  the  adjacent  coast,  would  it  not  have
the  effect  very  much  of  increasing  the  land
journey  ?—Yes  ;  it  would  have  the  effect  of  increasing ­
  the  land  journey  by  the  distance  existing ­
  between  Kilwa  and  Dar  Selam;  that  would
be  a  matter  of  four  or  five  days,
399.  And  on  those  four  or  five  days  the  suffering ­
  would  be  very  considerable,  would  it  not?—
hiot  more  considerable  than  the  sufferings  of  the
slaves  in  the  dhows.
400.  I  think  you  stated  that,  after  all,  this
trade,  like  all  other  trades,  depended  on  the  demand; ­
  should  we  not  have  a  better  chance  of
checking  it  if  we  checked  the  demand  by  making
the  landing  of  slaves  much  more  difficult  in
Muscat,  and  the  other  places  ?—Yes,  certainly.
I  propose  that  we  should  call  on  the  Suitan  of
Muscat,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  to
prevent  the  importation  of  slaves  into  their
dominions  and  to  punish  those  who  engage  in  the
trade.

401.  Muscat  is  the  main  port  of  entry,  is  it
iiot  ?—No  ;  not  Muscat  itself,  but  all  the  small

ports  along  the  coast  of  Arabia  on  the  Gulf  of
Oman.
402.  Are  they  all  subject  to  the  Imaum  of
IVfuscat  ?—Yes,  most  of  them.
403.  What  other  rulers  are  there  beyond  ?—
Beyond,  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  there  is  the  Chief
of  Bahrein,  and  a  little  low  er  down,  the  Chief  of
Abuthubbee.
404.  Do  they  encourage  or  restrain  the  slave
trade  ?—They  encourage  it  just  as  the  rest  do,  by
allowing  their  subjects  to  carry  on  the  trade  with
impunity.
405.  Ihey  have  a  large  pecuniary  interest  in
It,  have  they  not?—Yes,  indirectly.
406.  Have  we  any  treaties  with  them  ?  —  Yes,
with  all  of  them.
407.  But  all  those  treaties  are  evaded,  are
they  not?—Yes;  Colonel  Disbrow,  who  went
the  round  of  many  of  those  ports,  saw  slaves
landed  openly  there.
408.  Chah'inan.]  Have  not  many^  British  subjects ­
  placed  themselves  under  the  Sultan  of
Zanzibar,  in  order  to  be  able  to  hold  slaves  with
impunity  ?—A  great  many.
,  409.  That  is  principally-  since  the  Naturalisation ­
  Act  has  become  known  there,  is  it  not  ?—It
is  many  years  ago  that  British  protected  subjects
of  India  were  allowed  to  take  the  protection  of
the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  ;  ever  since  the  vear
1862,  I  think.
410.  Do  you  mean  that  they  were  allow^ed  that
protection  by  the  connivance  of  the  British
Government  ?  —  General  Rigby  prohibited  it;
at  least,  it  was  never  entertained  during  his  time  •
but  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  Pelly,  it
then  began  to  be  allowed  ;  and  in  Colonel  Playfan
  s  time,  w'^itii  the  sanction  of  the  Government
of  Bombay,  I  believe,  the  Sultan  was  told  that
British  protected  subjects  who  had  not  entered
their  names  in  the  consular  register,  were  to  be
considered  as  Arab  subjects.  The  first  question
the  Sultan  asked  was  whether  they  rnio-fit  hold
slaves,  and  he  was  told  that  they  were  considered
as  Arab  subjects,  and  mi^lit  do  what  they  liked
and  they  immediately  began  to  buy  slaves.
411.  On  whose  authority  was  such  a  statement
made;  was  it  on  the  authority  of  the  Government ­
  of  India  ?  —  I  am  under  the  impression
that  it  was  ;  it  could  not  be  otherwise,  I  should
say  ;  but  when  I  went  to  Zanzibar  this  subject
attracted  my  attention,  and  I  made  representations ­
  about  it,  and  the  answer  that  I  obtained
from  the  Bombay  Government  was,  co  the  effect
that  it  might  be  very  proper  to  deprive  the  said
Indians  of  their  slaves,  but  who  was  goino*  to
pay  the  compensation  to  which  they  would  be
entitled  ;  certainly  not  the  Indian  Government.
However,  the  question  was  very  well  ventilated
and  the  last  orders  of  the  Indian  Government
were  that,  although  they  should  be  allowed  to
keep  the  slaves  they  had,  they  were  not  to  buy
or  sell  any  more.  ^
T  ^  ^  questions  for
Lord  Enfield,  who  has  left  the  room  for  a  short
time;  the  first  is,  are  you  aware  that  the  late
Sultan  of  Zanzibar  ever  violated  the  Slave  Trade
lieaty  .  I  have  never  heard  of  his  having  done
so.
413.  Did  he  discourage,  as  far  as  he  could,  the
visits  of  the  northern  dhowsf—He  did;  on  one
occasion  he  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  he  would
L  ™  dhow  that  came  from  the  north.  I
thought  it  a  very  general  way  of  putting  it,  and
I  proposed  that  he  should  only  burn  those  dhows
that
            
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