THE RISE AND FALL OF THE INTERNATIONAL. 151 
ing Le Lubez for France, Wolff for Italy, Marx for Germany, 
Holtorp for Poland, and Jung for Switzerland. In order to 
cover expenses, a fund was opened. They raised, it is said, 
sterling : a small sum to shake the world. 
Mazzini, by his secretary,Wolff, proposed a highly centralized 
organization, which would entrust the entire management to the 
leaders. Marx took the other side, arguing that such a system 
might suit a political conspiracy, plotting to overthrow a govern 
ment, but that it would not avail for combining a very large num 
ber of working men’s societies established in different countries 
and under different conditions. In order to succeed, they must 
be satisfied with a lax federal tie, and above all must respect local 
independence. Far from acting in the dark, their success de 
pended on the greatest possible publicity. Mazzini was a mere 
politician, and did not understand social questions. Having 
passed his life in hatching plots, he could not see anything out 
side of “ Carbonarism.” Marx, who had a profound knowledge 
of Political Economy, had no difficulty in showing that, if a few 
barricades and a bold stroke might sometimes be sufficient to 
overthrow a dynasty and proclaim a republic, that was not the 
way to introduce modifications with regard to the holding of 
property, the organization of labour, or the basis of the distribu 
tion of wealth. Marx carried the day. Soon, in his turn, he 
too was to be opposed and cast off as too dictatorial. Mazzini 
and his followers seceded. 
The very skilful and comparatively moderate manifesto, 
drawn up by the general council, embodied the ideas of Marx. 
In a speech in Parliament on the 16th of April, 1863, Mr. 
Gladstone had said that during the last twenty years the con 
dition of the working man had hardly improved, and that in 
many cases the struggle for existence had become more difficult 
for him, while the growth of the national wealth from trade and 
commerce had been unprecedented, and that, for example, the 
exports had been multiplied threefold. The manifesto cited 
this speech and drew from it the conclusion that means must 
be adopted for increasing the share of labour. The normal 
working day must, in the first place, be limited to ten hours, in 
order to give the labourer some leisure for the development of