THE  RISE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL.  151
ing  Le  Lubez  for  France,  Wolff  for  Italy,  Marx  for  Germany,
Holtorp  for  Poland,  and  Jung  for  Switzerland.  In  order  to
cover  expenses,  a  fund  was  opened.  They  raised,  it  is  said,
sterling  :  a  small  sum  to  shake  the  world.
Mazzini,  by  his  secretary,Wolff,  proposed  a  highly  centralized
organization,  which  would  entrust  the  entire  management  to  the
leaders.  Marx  took  the  other  side,  arguing  that  such  a  system
might  suit  a  political  conspiracy,  plotting  to  overthrow  a  government, ­
  but  that  it  would  not  avail  for  combining  a  very  large  number ­
  of  working  men’s  societies  established  in  different  countries
and  under  different  conditions.  In  order  to  succeed,  they  must
be  satisfied  with  a  lax  federal  tie,  and  above  all  must  respect  local
independence.  Far  from  acting  in  the  dark,  their  success  depended ­
  on  the  greatest  possible  publicity.  Mazzini  was  a  mere
politician,  and  did  not  understand  social  questions.  Having
passed  his  life  in  hatching  plots,  he  could  not  see  anything  outside ­
  of  “  Carbonarism.”  Marx,  who  had  a  profound  knowledge
of  Political  Economy,  had  no  difficulty  in  showing  that,  if  a  few
barricades  and  a  bold  stroke  might  sometimes  be  sufficient  to
overthrow  a  dynasty  and  proclaim  a  republic,  that  was  not  the
way  to  introduce  modifications  with  regard  to  the  holding  of
property,  the  organization  of  labour,  or  the  basis  of  the  distribution ­
  of  wealth.  Marx  carried  the  day.  Soon,  in  his  turn,  he
too  was  to  be  opposed  and  cast  off  as  too  dictatorial.  Mazzini
and  his  followers  seceded.
The  very  skilful  and  comparatively  moderate  manifesto,
drawn  up  by  the  general  council,  embodied  the  ideas  of  Marx.
In  a  speech  in  Parliament  on  the  16th  of  April,  1863,  Mr.
Gladstone  had  said  that  during  the  last  twenty  years  the  condition ­
  of  the  working  man  had  hardly  improved,  and  that  in
many  cases  the  struggle  for  existence  had  become  more  difficult
for  him,  while  the  growth  of  the  national  wealth  from  trade  and
commerce  had  been  unprecedented,  and  that,  for  example,  the
exports  had  been  multiplied  threefold.  The  manifesto  cited
this  speech  and  drew  from  it  the  conclusion  that  means  must
be  adopted  for  increasing  the  share  of  labour.  The  normal
working  day  must,  in  the  first  place,  be  limited  to  ten  hours,  in
order  to  give  the  labourer  some  leisure  for  the  development  of