274
THE SOC/AL/SM OF TO-DAY.
finally persuaded that notions of morality and right ought to
preside over the distribution of wealth. They gave up the
belief that free competition, even if pushed to its final limits
and applied to international trade, would suffice to establish
amongst men a rational and equitable order. Without admitting
the exaggerations and the conclusions of the Socialists,
and especially their appeals to a revolution, they accepted the
principle which is the foundation of the Socialists’ claims. In
conceding that, “in the struggle for existence,” the free play of
conflicting interests does not bring about a division of wealth
conformable to justice, and does not assign to the labourer a
reward proportioned to the part he takes in production, they
were logically led to call for the action of the State and the
Legislature, not exactly in the same way as the Socialists—in
order to effect a radical change in the civil laws, and especially
as regards the rights of property and of inheritance—but in
order to protect the weak and to fight against the hard consequences
of the new industrial régime. The opponents of the
new school were, therefore, not wrong in saying that their
doctrine was only a timid Socialism which shrank from its
logical consequences.* Moreover, some of the adherents of
the new doctrine, and those not the least considerable,
approach closer and closer to what may be called scientific
Socialism, as opposed to Utopian or revolutionary Socialism.
Amongst these may be mentioned Adolf Samter, Lange,
Diihring, Von Scheel, Wagner, Schæffle, and, in Italy, Loria.
It is true that at the other extremity, towards the right, are
* At the Congress of the Socialists of the Chair, which met at Eisenach
in October, 1875, orie of the professors whom I met there told me that
Bismarck was also of this opinion. This professor was a member of a
deputation that went to the Chancellor to explain the wants of the university.
Prince Bismarck received them in the most cordial manner, and
invited them to dinner. Among the guests were several “ Excellencies.
“You will allow,” said the Chancellor to them, “that for to-day Science
takes precedence of everylxjdy. Monsieur Professor, be so good as to offer
your arm to Madame de Bismarck.” During the repast, he said to Professor
X , “ You are, I suppose, a Katheder-Socialist ? ” “ Yes, your Excellency.”
“And why not simply Socialist? I too am a Socialist; but,
unhappily, I have not time to take up the question. Certainly, however,
there is much to be done for the labourers.” The Chancellor then, a*
Professor X told me, explained his ideas on the subject in a few
vigorous and fresh words, going to the very root of the social problem.
