National origins provision of immigration law

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Monograph

Identifikator:: 1796380105

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-196168

Document type:: Monograph

Title:: National origins provision of immigration law

Place of publication:: Washington

Publisher:: Gov. Pr. Off.

Year of publication:: 1929

Scope:: III, 171 S

Digitisation:: 2022

Collection:: Economics Books

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Document type:: Monograph

Structure type:: Chapter

Title:: Statement of Edward R. lewis, chairman executive committee, Immigration Restriction Legislation, Chicago, Ill.

Collection:: Economics Books

92 NATIONAL ORIGINS PROVISION OF IMMIGRATION LAW Mr. Lewis. I mean the whole difference—there is dispute on many of these 1790 populations, and the whole spread between Doctor Faust’s estimates and the origin committee's estimates is only 2,800 in the quota; if you exclude the (ferman blood from other countries than Germany it is about 700 in the quota. A man simply can not answer those questions; he can not say that the 1890 basis 1s a more accurate basis than the origins basis. He simply is helpless, and he is bound to say one other thing, “I am inclined to favor the 1890 basis because it let in the best immigration and keeps out the worst.” Now, gentlemen, I read that frequently during last fall in the cam- paign, and I think that is an impossible political position to tale. 1 do not think it is desirable to say that we are flatly discriminating, if we keep out one nationality and let in another, to encourage one and keep out another, as far as European Immigration is concerned, any of the white races. I do not think that is a possible political position. I think it is bound to lead to friction with foreign coun- tries and certainly will lead to bitterness and misunderstanding in this country. The newer races that have come in since 1890 are not so articulate and so well represented as the older races but as they get more used to this country, get more influence in our politics, in other words, certain influence comes with time—they are going to ask and can not be gainsaid, “ Why do you take an 1890 basis if you are not doing it to slap us in the face?” And some day you will have to bring it down to 1920, if you are going to base it on the foreign born; and then it will be utterly discriminatory and bring the whole matter of restriction into disrepute. As far as that goes, I think it is an impossible political position— I mean governmental position—that you are going to say to the German and Scandinavian immigration, however good they may be, that they are more desirable than the English, Scotch, Welsh, and Ulster Irish. I do not think that we want to discriminate against the stock that gave us Cardinal Gibbons and Carl Schurz more than against the stock that gave us George Washington and Abraham Lincoln. I think we want a square deal for all. I think that is about all IT have to say. (The following statement was subsequently furnished by Mr. Lewis and at direction of the chairman is inserted at this point :) Now, let us sum the matter up: I have tried to show that we can not select immigrants by quality tests, since there are no comparative tests available, and since the pressure of numbers would be too great for proper selection, aud, moreover, that method takes no account of racial differences and might result in serious changes in our national complexion in the course of years, whereas the national-origing plan is designed fo prevent any radieal changes in our national make-up. The 1920 foreign-born basis discriminates in favor of the latest comers, giving them three times their proportion of our immigration. The 1890 foreigu-born basis discriminates against the latest comers and against native stock in favor of the middle comers and gives several national groups twice their proportion. The national-origins plan counts us all and discriminates for and against nobody. An attack has been made on the accuracy of the national-origin figure, and that attack is centered on the strength of the various racial groups in this country in 1790.

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