National origins provision of immigration law

Bibliographic data

Monograph

Identifikator:: 1796380105

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-196168

Document type:: Monograph

Title:: National origins provision of immigration law

Place of publication:: Washington

Publisher:: Gov. Pr. Off.

Year of publication:: 1929

Scope:: III, 171 S

Digitisation:: 2022

Collection:: Economics Books

Usage license:: Get license information via the feedback formular.

Chapter

Document type:: Monograph

Structure type:: Chapter

Title:: Statement of Hon. John W. McCormack, representive in congress from the state of Massachusetts

Collection:: Economics Books

NATIONAL ORIGINS PROVISION OF IMMIGRATION LAW 141 understand it, in the city of New York were burned at the Ellis [sland fire of 1896. Many of the early records were destroyed when the British occupied the city of Washington, all the data was neces- sarily lacking or not kept; and Doctor Hill and his committee faced this tremendous task, and to the best of their ability tried to per- form it, but the whole thing is impossible of human performance and ascertainment, without being offensive. Senator Reep. May I interrupt you with a question? Representative McCormack. I would be glad to have you do so. Senator Reep. Have you read the entire statement of the American Legion? Representative McCormack. Yes; I have. Senator Reep. Do you think there is no force in their argument that 53 per cent of the foreign born who were called in the draft claimed exemption on account of alienage? Representative McCormack. Not on this question; no, I do not. Senator Rzep. Do you think we ought to base our quotas on a group of which 53 per cent declined to serve the country in time of crisis and ignore all the native-born Americans? Representative McCormack. As I said before, the argument, in my opinion, advanced by the representative of the American Legion is an inflammatory, emotional, and irrelevant argument. Just as a fundamental question on immigration I would say this—I hope the Senator does not think I am trying to evade this question; if I fail to do so, I want you to keep right after me; I do not want to duck it, in plain language—but it seems to me if Congress wanted to say, “ We will give southern Ireland this much, we will give Scotland this much—England with Scotland, Wales, and North Ireland this much ”—if you and I as Members, performing our duty as we see it, and the majority accomplishing it, agree we will give each country a definite quota, I have no controversy. I might disagree, but we will assume our responsibility. We here say that it shall be deter- mined upon national origins. We then pass to the President’s commission of three eminent men, distinguished men—not of my political faith, but that is imma- terial—politics, in my opinion, ceases in the main on election day. We are here to do what we can nationally. Those men admit infer- entially, at least, in both their reports that they have no faith in it, at least they say they do not guarantee its correctness. That is a fair inference to be drawn in both their reports. Doctor Hill admits that he feels it to be statistically correct—that is, his first report—statistically correct. He does not believe it to be correct, only statistically correct. Senator Rep. Did you see Doctor Hill’s testimony that he believed that the 1890 computation involved greater uncertainties than the national-origins basis? Representative McCormack. No. Senator Reep. You did not see that? Representative McCormack. No. I did read something purporting to come from Commissioner of Immigration Hull to the effect that 1890 basis is better and more desirable—I think I saw in Senator Shipstead’s article, which I found very interesting. I say that not 35885-—20— 10

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