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National origins provision of immigration law

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fullscreen: National origins provision of immigration law

Monograph

Identifikator:
1796380105
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-196168
Document type:
Monograph
Title:
National origins provision of immigration law
Place of publication:
Washington
Publisher:
Gov. Pr. Off.
Year of publication:
1929
Scope:
III, 171 S
Digitisation:
2022
Collection:
Economics Books
Usage license:
Get license information via the feedback formular.

Chapter

Document type:
Monograph
Structure type:
Chapter
Title:
Statement of John B. Trevor, National Immigration Restriction Conference, New York City
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • National origins provision of immigration law
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • Statement of hon. Wilbur J. Carr, assistant secretary, Department of State
  • Statement of Samuel W. Boggs, geographer, Department of State
  • Statement of Dr. Joseph A. Hill, assistant to the director of the census, Department of Commerce
  • Statement of hon. Robe Carl White, assistant secretary, Department of Labor
  • Statement of hon. Harry E. Hull, commissioner general of immigration, Department of Labor
  • Statement of Demarest Lloyd, representing delegation of patriotic societies, Washington, D.C.
  • Statement of Bell Gurnee, representing National Civic Federation, Women's Department
  • Statement of Frank B. Steele, secretary-general, representing the Sons of American Revolution
  • Statement of John B. Trevor, National Immigration Restriction Conference, New York City
  • Statement of Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, Washington, D.C.
  • Statement of hon. B. carroll Reece, representative in congress from the State of Tennessee
  • Statement of col. John Thomas Taylor, representing the American Legion, Washington, D.C.
  • Statement of Edward R. lewis, chairman executive committee, Immigration Restriction Legislation, Chicago, Ill.
  • Statement of Frank B. Steele, secretary General Sons of American Revolution, 1227 Sixteenth Street, Washington, D.C. - resumed
  • Statement of Samuel A. Mathewson, University Club, New York City
  • Statement of Victor Frank Ridder, representing German element of the United States
  • Statement of Hon. John W. McCormack, representive in congress from the state of Massachusetts
  • Statement of J. Edward Cassidy, executive director United States Air Force Association, Washington , D.C.
  • Statement of Maj. Gist Blair, representing the military order of the World War, Washington, D.C.
  • Statement of Frances H. Kinnicutt, immigration restriction league, and allied patriotic society, New York City

Full text

NATIONAL ORIGINS PROVISION OF IMMIGRATION LAW 41 
hold to no national allegiance, thereby constituting a danger in all organized 
society; or, they too often come imbued with a determination to perpetuate 
the ties of racial solidarity and give, at the best, but a divided allegiance to 
the United States. Evidences of the activity of racial blocs attempting to 
influence congressional aetion for their special benefit have been brought to the 
attention of the executive committee. Accordingly, this special meeting of 
the chamber has been called to lay before the members the following essential 
features of the situation, and to secure a reaffirmation, in a formal and impres- 
sive manner, of principles which already have been adopted by this body or 
which are logically supplemental to its previous action. 
When the Seventieth Congress assembles it is the expressed intention of 
some of its Members who represent districts in which alien influence pre- 
dominates, to secure the repeal of one of the fundamental provisions of the 
immigration act of 1924. The particular section under attack is the national 
origins provision. This provides, in substances, that the annual quota of any 
nationality for each fiscal year shall be a number which bears the same ratio 
to 150,000 (the total number of aliens to be admitted annually) as the number 
of inhabitants of that national origin in continental United States in 1920 
bears to the total population of continental United States in 1920. The para- 
graphs of the acts of 1924, which embody this provision and describe the 
methods by which it is to be put into effect, are subsections (b), (e), (dy, 
and (e) of section 11, commonly known ag the national origins provision. 
The wording of this section and the statements of its proponents in 1924, 
demonstrate beyond peradventure of doubt, that it was the infention of 
Congress to maintain the racial status quo in the United States as of 1920. 
However, in order that the essence of the controversy which has arisen over 
this matter in the past three years may he understood, it is necessary to refer 
briefly to some of the circumstances which led to the adoption of this method 
for the apportionment of immigration quotas. 
Prior to the adoption of the first quota act, it became very evident that a 
lefinite check by legislation must be put upon immigration into the United 
States. Without such action, this country was in danger of being submerged 
oy a kind of immigration of a type essentially different in culture and political 
experience from the elements which evolve the political institutions under 
which this country has prospered for 150 years. The discussion at that time 
centered upon a consideration of the characteristics of what are known as the 
“old” and “new” streams of immigration. But whatever the relative merits, 
intellectually or culturally, of these groups may be, the essential fact, apparent 
to everyone, wag that the old immigration from northwestern Europe was 
being gradually eliminated. This was because the people originating in that 
area could not compete with the low scale of living to which the newer immi- 
grants were accustomed by environment and the standards of their fore- 
fathers. 
Experience demonstrated that the first quota system adopted fa led in two 
respects : First, it proved to be an inadequate check on the influx of 1:eople 
seeking to land upon our shores’; and, secondly, it failed to divide the immi- 
gration in accordance with the relative proportion of the two streams of our 
population as a whole, Both of these condifions led to the adoption of the 
census of foreign born in 1890 as a rough and ready just division of the 
quotas between the two great streams of immigration. It was, nevertheless, 
recognized that within each group this arbitrary: method inevitably resulted 
in discrimination. For example, there is an obvious inconsistency in a German 
quota amounting to 51.227 and the assignment of a quota of only 34,007 to 
Great Britain and North Ireland, when the veriest schoolboy is aware that 
the contribution of the English, the Welsh, the Scotch, and the S-otch-Irigh 
constituted the great hulk of the foundation stock of the American people? 
That is to. say, Germany obtained 81 per cent of the total quotas and 32 per 
cent of the actual adm’ssions uuder the quota of the last fiscal year, although 
It is deducible from the calculations of the committee of Government experts 
! The quotas aggregated 357,803 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1924, but the total 
net increase of population through immigration ‘as a result of exemptions was 662,557, 
or only 672 less than the average net increase of poonlation in the five years preceding 
the Great War, 
2In fact, owing to the necessity of apportioning the quotas among the Secoteh, Welsh, 
North Irish, and certain dependencies overseas falling within the British quota, the actual 
number of immigrants admitted from England in the fiscal vear ending June 30, 1926, 
was only 10,5949, or roughly, one-fifth of the German quota. (Annual report of the 
Commissioner General of Immigration for 1926. Tuble 2. 1 34)
	        

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