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Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India

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fullscreen: Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India

Monograph

Identifikator:
1850495947
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-233603
Document type:
Monograph
Title:
Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India
Place of publication:
London
Publisher:
His Majesty's Stationery Off.
Year of publication:
1931
Scope:
xviii, 580 S.
graph. Darst., Kt.
Digitisation:
2022
Collection:
Economics Books
Usage license:
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Chapter

Document type:
Monograph
Structure type:
Chapter
Title:
Chapter XXI. - Wages on planatations
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • Chapter I. - Introduction
  • Chapter II. - Migration and the factory worker
  • Chapter III. - The employment of the factory worker
  • Chapter IV. - Hours in factories
  • Chapter V. - Working conditions in factories
  • Chapter VI. - Seasonal factories
  • Chapter VII. - Unregulated factories
  • Chapter VIII. - Mines
  • Chapter IX. - Railways
  • Chapter X. - Railways - continued
  • Chapter XI. - Transport services and public works
  • Chapter XII. - The income of the industrial worker
  • Chapter XIII. - Indebtedness
  • Chapter XIV. - Health and welfare of the industrial worker
  • Chapter XV. - Housing of the industrial worker
  • Chapter XVI. - Workmen's compensation
  • Chapter XVII. - Trade unions
  • Chapter XVIII. - Industrial disputes
  • Chapter XIX. - The planatations
  • Chapter XX. - Recruitment for Assam
  • Chapter XXI. - Wages on planatations
  • Chapter XXII. - Burma and India
  • Chapter XXIV. - Statistics and administration
  • Chapter XXV. - Labour and the constitution

Full text

308 
CHAPTER XXI. 
and wage inspector could be combined. The inspector would 
concentrate on hoth factory and wage inspection during six months 
of the year and entirely on wage inspection during the remain- 
ing period when the factories were closed. The effectiveness of 
wage regulation depends mainly on three things—the agreement of the 
industry, its degre¢ of organisation and the efficiency of the enforcement. 
[t is reasonable to anticipate that, by the time the promulgation of rates 
had been reached, the machinery in Assam, as in Ceylon, would be working 
with the agreement and active co-operation of the industry. More- 
over, while the workers are completely unorganised (a fact which 
alone makes inspection by independent officials essential), the employers 
are unusually highly organised, the one Association covering over 90 per 
cent of the industry. The employer failing to observe the law would, 
in due course, become conspicuous and thus invite the attention of the 
inspector. We anticipate that the administration of the statutory rates 
during the first few years would be largely explanatory and advisory, 
with a view to assisting employers to make themselves thoroughly con- 
versant with the requirements of the law. The application of an old 
type of legislation in a new sphere may often appear to those at first 
brought into contact with it fraught with many dangers and difficulties. 
If the enforcement of that legislation is characterised from the outset by 
sympathetic and understanding administration, these dangers and 
difficulties are found gradually to disintegrate, and what was first accept 
ed experimentally with suspended judgment becomes a valued part of 
the machinery of the industry. 
Wages in the Dooars. 
The conditions obtaining in the Dooars are in many respects 
similar to those in Assam. The labour force is equally unorganised and 
the employers are represented by two independent organisations, namely, 
the Dooars Planters’ Association and the Indian Tea Planters’ Associa- 
tion. The former, which consists mainly of European planters, repre- 
sents 128 gardens with an acreage of over 120,000 or more than 90 per 
sent of the total acreage under tea cultivation in the Dooars. The other 
Association represents the interests of Indian planters, mainly in the 
Dooars, but its membership also includes a few planters in Assam and 
in the Terai. The total acreage under tea represented by this Asso- 
ciation is about 25,000. Formerly the system of payment was to fix 
a hazira for the daily task, while the worker, if he desired, could in addition 
earn overtime, which was known as doubli. With the rapid increase in 
the cost of living the planter preferred not to increase the rate of wages, 
but to decrease the task by introducing the system of a second and even 
a third hazira. The general rate of payment for the hazira is 4 annas 
for men, and 3 annas for women and children. It was stated that, on an 
average, a worker now takes about 3% hours and 2% hours respectively 
to complete the first and second hazira ; the completion of three haziras 
normally requires about 8% hours, but in a few instances workers are 
said to be able to complete 4 or even 5 haziras in one day. The labourers 
work in gangs under a sardar who, in addition to a monthly wage, receives
	        

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