Responsible government in the Dominions: Responsible government in the Dominions

Responsible government in the Dominions (Vol. 1)

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Multivolume work

Identifikator:: 1896933912

Document type:: Multivolume work

Author:: Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794

Title:: Responsible government in the Dominions

Place of publication:: Oxford

Publisher:: Clarendon Press

Year of publication:: 1912-

Collection:: Economics Books

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Volume

Identifikator:: 1896934455

URN:: urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-236504

Document type:: Volume

Author:: Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794

Title:: Responsible government in the Dominions

Volume count:: Vol. 1

Place of publication:: Oxford

Publisher:: Clarendon Pr.

Year of publication:: 1912

Scope:: LI, 568 Seiten

Digitisation:: 2022

Collection:: Economics Books

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Chapter

Document type:: Multivolume work

Structure type:: Chapter

Title:: Part II. The executive Government

Collection:: Economics Books

196 THE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT [PART II opposed to the Labour Party. The 25 members who, by voting against the motion, showed their confidence in the Cabinet, were the most numerous section in the House. It was obvious that no leader could form a stable Government in the Assembly then existing unless he could command support from two of these sections. The Premier assured me that his supporters would continue to oppose the Labour Party, and were not likely to be friendly to those non-Labour members who had voted against him. I carefully considered Mr. Prendergast’s position as leader of the Opposition. The Labour Party, in their attitude to politics, claim to stand exactly as they did at the last election. Mr. Prendergast, therefore, with only fifteen followers, could not command the confidence of the House, unless there had been a change in the attitude of a considerable number of non-Labour members towards him. Of this there was no evidence. It would not have been fair to the Labour Party themselves to have asked their leader to form a Ministry, unless I was prepared to allow him to appeal at once to the slectors. And, as I saw no sign that the constituencies, which had hitherto been so opposed to Mr. Prendergast’s party as to return 50 members against it and only fifteen in its favour, would like an appeal made to the country by him, [ did not feel justified in asking Mr. Prendergast to form an Administration. I could find no evidence of Mr. Murray having ever been regarded as a leader in the House, and nothing had been disclosed in debate on his motion to show that anything had arisen to give him that position. The majority which supported him, though large, seemed to me entirely formed to carry that one motion; two of those who voted with him deliberately expressed doubt as to following him in anything else; some were well known to be hostile to the Labour Party, with whose representatives they then voted; others had shown by their speeches that they were divided among themselves on the land question, with which it was generally expected that the Government would shortly deal; and nothing showed that the Labour Party meant to give him further support. In my opinion any Ministry formed at that moment by Mr. Murray could have had no real stability ;- and I saw nothing to lead me to think that he, rather than the present Ministry, ought to appeal to the country at a dissolution. Indeed, there was evidence to the contrary. Mr. Murray had said that one reason for his distrust of the Government

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