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Responsible government in the Dominions (Vol. 1)

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fullscreen: Responsible government in the Dominions (Vol. 1)

Multivolume work

Identifikator:
1896933912
Document type:
Multivolume work
Author:
Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794
Title:
Responsible government in the Dominions
Place of publication:
Oxford
Publisher:
Clarendon Press
Year of publication:
1912-
Collection:
Economics Books
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Volume

Identifikator:
1896934455
URN:
urn:nbn:de:zbw-retromon-236504
Document type:
Volume
Author:
Keith, Arthur Berriedale http://d-nb.info/gnd/119086794
Title:
Responsible government in the Dominions
Volume count:
Vol. 1
Place of publication:
Oxford
Publisher:
Clarendon Pr.
Year of publication:
1912
Scope:
LI, 568 Seiten
Digitisation:
2022
Collection:
Economics Books
Usage license:
Get license information via the feedback formular.

Chapter

Document type:
Multivolume work
Structure type:
Chapter
Title:
Part II. The executive Government
Collection:
Economics Books

Contents

Table of contents

  • Responsible government in the Dominions
  • Responsible government in the Dominions (Vol. 1)
  • Title page
  • Contents
  • Part I. Introductory
  • Part II. The executive Government
  • Part III. The Parliaments of the Dominions

Full text

cHAP. viI] CABINET SYSTEM IN DOMINIONS 331 
defeated body is hardly ever desirable : it may also create 
very complicated relations between the Governor and his 
ministers if he is asked to do anything at all unusual by the 
Government which has lost its hold on the people, as was 
seen in Sir C. Tupper’s case, and the cases of Ontario in 
1905 and New Brunswick in 1908. On the other ‘hand, 
ministers must claim the right to meet Parliament if they 
think that it is in the public interest to do so, and, if 
they confine themselves to measures of ordinary administra- 
tion in that period the Governor is certainly not compelled 
to take steps to secure other advisers. But it is certain he 
could not consent to delay the opening of Parliament longer 
than was usual or proper, and if the majority against the 
Government were a great one he would probably be justified 
in trying to secure that there should be an early meeting 
of Parliament, or that ministers should resign:! in the 
South Australian case the majority for the Opposition was 
very small, two votes at best, and it was hoped or thought 
that by forcing the Opposition to place one of its members 
in the chair the result might be brought about that it would 
have either no majority or a majority of one, while in the 
Upper House nearly all the members were members of the 
governmental party. 
Ministries, of course, also resign when they cannot find 
adequate support in the Lower House, and either do not 
ask for, or if they ask for, do not receive a dissolution.? 
As in England, as a normal rule, the Lower House alone 
determines the Government of the day, and the Upper House 
has no voice in its selection. This is obviously the case 
with all the Legislatures which have nominee Upper Houses, 
and it is no less so with those which have elective Upper 
‘ Cf. New Zealand Parl. Pap., 1879, A. 1 and 2. 
* So in 1905 Mr. Daglish resigned in Western Australia without even 
asking for a dissolution (Parliamentary Debates, xxvii. 803), as the party 
would not work harmoniously ; in three of the cases of the Commonwealth 
changes a dissolution has been asked for but refused. Sir J. Macdonald in 
1873 resigned before an adverse vote, which was certain, could actually 
be passed (Pope, ii. 184 seq.).
	        

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Responsible Government in the Dominions. Clarendon Pr., 1912.
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