Xv1y)

SHE] REDNLY.

23]

brelang on a question of Irish Coercion? I should deeply 1848.
lameng this. Ar, 42.
“I will ask you also to consider this. After the passing
f the Corn and Customs Bill, considering how much trade
bs suffered of late from delays, debates, and uncertainty as
the final result, does not this couniry stand in need of
"Pose 2 Would not a desperate political conflict through-9b
 the length and breadth of the land impair or defer the
beneficig) effect of the passing of those measures If it
ould, we are just in that degree abating satisfaction with
the Past, and reconcilement to the continued application of
the Principles of Free Trade.
“Consider also the effect of dissolution in Ireland; the
"Section of the Irish Bill immediately preceding it.
“I have written this during the progress of the debates,
fo Which T have been obliged to give some degree of attentoa,
 1 may, therefore, have very iraperfectly explained
Wy views and feslings, but imperfect a8 that explanation
Nay be, it will I hope suffice to convince you that I receive
Your communication in the spirit in which it was conceived,
Md that I set a just value on your good opinion and
teeny,

“1 have the honour to be, Sir,
With equal respect for your character and abilities,
Your faithful Servant,
Rareer Perr?

Lh is easy to understand the attractiveness of the idea
"ith which Cobden was now possessed. It was thoronghly
al out in his own mind. By mesns of the forty-.
 ing freehold, the middle and indnstrious classes were to
“Quire 5 preponderance of political power. It was not the
Morkmen as such, in whom Cobden had confidence. “You
"over heard me,” he said to the Protectionists in the House
n