530

LIFE OF UOBDAXN, fors*

1850. stances, and without any qualification or limi, to preclnd®
air. 46. an armed protest against intervention by other foreig™
powers. There may happen to be good reasons why WO
should on a given occasion passively watch a foreign Govery
ment interfering by violence in the affairs of another country:
Our own Government may have its hands fall ; or if way
have po military means of intervening to good purpose oF
its intervention might in the long-run do more harm that
good to the objects of its solicitude. But there cant be #0
general prohibitory rule. Where, as here, a military despot
interfered to crush the men of another country while strug”
gling for their national rights, no principle can make it
wrong for a free nation to interfere by force against 1%
It can only be a question of expediency and prudence.
Of course so obvious a distinction was not anperceived by
Cobden, and he had a sufficiently strong case without strait”
ing the general principle further than it can legitimately be
made to go. At a meeting which was held at the Londo?
Tavern to protest against the Russian invasion of Hung!
he set forth in definite language his view of the natur® and
the duty of a right intervention. By a singular chance Lord
Palmerston forgot to meddle, even by a — in the on?
case at this date where he might possibly have meddled 80
good effect. Russia, said Cobden, was allowed t0 marc?
her armies across the territory of Turkey, through Wallach?
and Moldavia, to strike a death-blow at the heart of HU
gary, and yet no protest was recorded by our Governmert
against that act. It wae his deliberate conviction, &8 jf woe
that of the most illustrious men who were engaged in 85°
Hungarian struggle, that if Lord Palmerston had made ?
simple verbal protest in energetic terms, Russia would neve
have invaded Hungary. “It is well known,” he said; « tat
the Ministers of the Czar almost went down on their kne®
to biog und entreat him nob to embark in a gtraggie hotsree?