8o4 LIFN OF GOBDEN. [omar
1800. minister their laws, but to legislate for them. They do not
expect, as we do in England, to initiate reforms. They look
for amelioration from above. When speaking with the
Emperor, he observed to me that the protected interests
were organized, and the general public was not; and, therefore,
 the contest was as unequal as between a disciplined
regiment and a mob. The answer was obvious: ‘Your
Majesty is the organization of the masses.’ And I am
earnestly of opinion that he is now acting under this impulse
and conviction.”
The direct effects of the Treaty upon the exchange of
products between England and France have been too palpable
 to be denied. In 1858 the total exports from
England to France amounted to no more than nine million
pounds, and the imports from France to thirteen millions.
Nineteen years later, in 1877, the British exports and
re-exports had risen from nine to twenty-five million pounds
and the imports from France to forty-five millions.
The indirect effects of the Treaty were less plainly
visible, but they cannot be left ont of account if we seek
to view the Treaty policy as a whole. England cleared her
tariff of protection, and reduced the duties which were
retained for purposes of revenue on the two French staples
of wine and brandy. France, on her part, replaced prohibition
 by a system of moderate duties. If this had been all,
it might have been fair to talk about reciprocity, though
even then, when it is a reciprocity in lowering and not
in raising duties, the word ceases altogether to be a term
of reproach. But the matter did not end here. The
Treaty with France was not like the famous Methuen Treaty
with Portugal (1708), an exclusive bargain, to the specified
disadvantage of a nation outside of the compact. In 1703
we bound ourselves to keep our duties on French wines onethird
 higher than the duty on the wines of Portugal. This