Full text : Report from the Select Committee on Slave Trade (East Coast of Africa); together with the proceedings of the Committee, minutes of evidence, appendix and index

ON  SLAVE  TRADE  (EAST  COAST  OF  AFRICA).

39

^vork  done  in  these  latitudes  much  better  than
We  could  do  it  ourselves.
484.  it  might  materially  assist  us.  with  the
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  if  we  could  show  a
Certain  saving  on  the  per  contra  side  of  the  account. ­
  Have  you  anything  to  say  of  the  depot
^or  liberated  slaves  at  Aden  ?—I  would  take  that
^epot  as  an  instance  ;  the  slaves  were  necessarily
I'cleased  there,  for  they  could  not  be  sent  back,
%d  could  not  be  sent  on  to  Bombay,  and  there
Was  nothing  for  it  but  to  release  them  there  ;  of
Course  in  a  place  like  that  there  is  very  limited
power  of  absorption  for  such  labour  as  those
slaves  could  furnish,  and  such  a  want  was
'Very  quickly  filled  up.  There  remained  then
an  overplus  of  a  particular  kind  of  labour  at
Aden.  Why  ?  because  there  were  no  steamers
in  which  they  could  be  sent  to  such  a  depot  as  it
^as  been  proposed  to  establish  at  Zanzibar,  where
^bere  would  have  been  an  unlimited  power  of
absorption,  and  you  could  not  trust  them  to  go
anywhere  else  ;  they  would  have  been  made  slaves
iniinediately,  if  you  had  sent  them  to  one  of  the
neighbouring  ports  of  the  Red  Sea.
485.  You  have  recommended,  I  think,  that  the
Colony  of  the  liberated  slaves  at  Zanzibar  should
be  under  the  flag  of  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  ?-  -
Yes,  for  this  reason  ;  that  in  the  first  place,  if  it
Was  done  in  good  faith  it  would  greatly  disarm
^be  Sultan  of  Zanzibar’s  objections  to  anything
cf  the  kind,  if  we  proved  to  him,  as  we  have
proved  before  to  his  predecessors,  that  we  did  not
Want  to  seize  his  kingdom,  and  oust  him  ;  we
®bould  then  carry  him  with  us,  instead  of  having
him  against  us.  It  would  get  rid  of  all  the  jealousies ­
  which  would  certainly  be  created  among
other  European  powers  by  our  establishing  a
Colony  of  our  own  there,  because  they  never
Would  believe  that  it  was  done  merely  for  the
purpose  of  putting  a  stop  to  slavery,  and  we
^bould  have  sullenness  and  intrigues,  and  probably ­
  a  good  deal  of  underhanded  attempts  to
Ondo  what  we  were  doing  there  ;  whereas,  if  we
i^crely  had  it  on  the  same  footing  as  our  missionary ­
  establishments,  and  as  the  missionary
establishments  of  the  French  are  on  there,  you
ßct  rid  at  once  of  all  local,  as  well  as  all  European,
jealousies.
486.  It  was  mentioned  to  the  Committee  that
^be  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  was  not  able  to  enforce
^be  decrees  which  he  had  issued  ;  would  he  be
^ble  to  protect  this  colony,  do  you  think,  if  it
^^as  under  his  flag?—He  would  be  backed  by
cor  own  power.  He  would  know  that  the  con-^ni’s
  flag,  and  the  naval  force  at  our  command.
Were  there  to  protect  our  subjects  and  his  autho-^^ty
  ;  the  two  would  be  bound  up  together.  The
^crthern  Arabs  would  set  him  at  defiance,  pos-^^ly,
  of  whom  he  would  certainly  be  very  much
^Aaid  ;  but  they  would  think  twice  before  they
Meddled  with  an  English  establishment  which
^^s  supported,  not  only  by  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibut
  any  insult  to  which  would  certainly  be
Avenged  by  our  own  force  in  those  seas.
487.  Sir  J.  I  gathered  from  you  that
your  impression  was  that  if  the  blockade  on  the
Coast  of  Africa  were  maintained  as  strongly
that  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  was  main-^iiied
  in  former  years,  by  that  means  you  would
^n^cipate  a  speedy  stoppage  of  the  slave  trade  ?
Yes.
488.  Have  you  considered  that  the  successful
^rmination  of  the  slave  trade  on  the  West  Coast
Africa  is  considered  by  many  to  have  been

more  due  to  the  closing  of  the  places  at  which  Sir
slaves  could  be  received,  than  even  to  the  c
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  blockade  cn  the  coast
itself  ;  I  allude  to  the  fact  that  when  the  Brazilian ­
  Government  carried  out  most  loyally  their  ^
treaties,  and  when  the  places  at  which  slaves
could  be  received  were  limited  to  the  coast  of
Cuba,  the  operations  of  the  navy  became  successful ­
  rather  by  a  rigid  blockade  of  the  coast  of
Cuba,  than  by  watching  with  strict  vigour,  and
large  numbers  of  ships,  the  various  ports  from
which  slaves  could  be  shipped  ?—Certainly  ;  I
meant  to  include  in  the  operations  of  the  squadron
the  whole  of  the  Persian  Gulf  also,  and  I  think  I
mentioned  in  one  of  my  answers  that  it  was  quite
necessary  that  those  ports  should  be  watched
carefully,  by  an  agency  on  shore,  in  the  shape  of
an  efficient  consular  agency  maintained  in  correspondence ­
  with  our  political  agent  and  consul
at  Muscat,  and  also  by  an  efficient  squadron  at
sea.
489.  Are  the  places  at  which  the  foreign  slave
trade  from  the  East  Coast  of  Africa  is  at  present
actively  carried  on  limited  to  such  points  as  could
be  conveniently  watched  ;  or  rather,  is  it  not  a
very  great  extent  of  coast,  so  that  if  you  stopned
the  trade,  and  entirely  stopped  it  at  one  place,  it
would  spring  up  at  another,  and  make  it  very
difficult  to  complete  the  arrangement  without
treaties  with  Persia  and  other  places  on  the
P  ersian  Gulf  ?—Y  es,  certainly.  Y  ou  cannot  limit
your  operations  to  Zanzibar  and  Muscat;  you
must  extend  your  operations  to  the  independent
tribes  with  whom  you  have  already  treaties,
which,  if  they  were  properly  enforced,  would  do
all  that  you  required;  and  I  think  the  matter
should  be  pressed  on  the  Persian  Government.
I  see  the  minister  at  Teheran  objected  to  take
any  action  with  respect  to  the  Persian  Government, ­
  on  the  ground  that  we  might  lose  the
footing  that  we  already  have.  I  have  no  doubt
he  knows  the  bearings  of  the  case  much  better
than  I  do  ;  otherwise  I  should  have  been  very
much  disposed  to  doubt  that.  I  believe  it  is  one
of  those  points  in  which  you  can  succeed  by
persistent  and  perpetual  pressing  on  a  court,
without  hectoring  or  bullying;  if  you  do  not
convert  them  by  reason,  they  come  to  regard
it  as  a  concession  to  a  very  importunate  person,
whom  it  is  not  desirable  to  thwart,  or  refuse  a
small  concession  to.  I  think  that  if  pressure  had
been  applied  to  the  Government  of  Persia  in  that
way,  without  presuming  to  dictate  to  them,  that
we  should  have  carried  our  point,  as  we  have
done  elsewhere.
490.  The  operation  that  is  contemplated  (I
speak  navally)  is  a  blockade  of  some  4,000  miles
of  coast  ;  2,000  miles  of  Africa,  and  2,000  miles
of  Asia  ?—Probably  it  might  amount  to  that.
491.  That  would  require  a  squadron  of  30  or
40  ships,  instead  of  from  three  to  seven  ships,
would  it  not?—Yon  would  take  into  account
that  it  is  only  during  certain  seasons,  and  if  you
have  good  information  of  what  is  going  on  at  the
ports  along  the  coast  you  may  very  much  limit
the  number  of  ships  employed.  I  may  mention
that  very  recently,  one  of  the  principal  persons
who  was  intended  to  give  information  to  our
agent  in  the  Persian  Gulf  on  this  subject,  and  on
whose  information  he  relied,  was  very  broadly
accused  of  being  a  very  great  slave  importer
himself;  our  agent  was  unable  for  want  of  means
to  employ  anyone  else,  but  if  he  had  had  a  trustworthy ­
  person  in  the  shape  of  a  consular  agent
E  4  on

B.  Frei  e,
LC.S.I.,
K.C.B.
7  July
1871.
            
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